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OWN THE RAILROADS.
PEOPLE HAVE RIGHTS AS WELL
AS CORPORATIONS.
Brother Hinckley Discusses Home of the
Reasons Why The Government Should
Own the KaVlroadt—Only a ijiuemtlon
of Common Sense.
Macaulay, in an essay written in
1824, makes this observation:
“The blind reverence for things an
dent is indeed so foolish that it might
make a wise man laugh if it were not
also sometimes so mischievous that it
would rather make a good man weep.”
“Vested rights" belong in the cate¬
gory of "things ancient blindly rever¬
enced,” the absurdity and seriousness
of which, In this latter day of the nine¬
teenth century, cannot be better exem¬
plified than in the treatment accorded
to the railroads of this country. Tho
“rights” by which a few men control
with an iron hand every avenue and
outlet of our gigantic, far-reaching
comm Axial system, and out of which
they have accumulated fortunes so vast
as would put to shame even the vivid
oriental imagination that conceived the
Arabian nights, were "vested" in them
by laws enacted by legislators who
were elected as representatives of the
people.
The ridiculousness and the serious¬
ness which have followed the people’s
blind reverence of the rights which
they have conferred upon railroads arc
about equally divided and are worthy
of a few moments’ consideration.
A corporation gets a charter for a
railroad, then, on the ground that its
construction will benefit the public, it
appeals to the various counties, town¬
ships or municipalities through which
It lias located its line on paper for aid.
The assistance Is voted, say, by a given
county to the extent of 1200,000. The
construction of the road begins, hut
In its progress through the county in¬
stanced it runs up against the farm of
some independent (?) tiller of the soil,
who enters an objection to Its passage
through "his” place and declares that
IiIh "vested right" in his farm shall not
bo sacrificed for any railroad that ever
was. But tho railroad gives “bond”
for the settlement of any damage
which the farmer may sustain and goes
through, and when the case comes to
court, the farmer learns for the first
time that his "vested right” in the
farm, although of ns ancient origin as
most vested rights, must glvo wt.y to
tho "weal of the public” as represented
by (he railroad’s "vested right” to go
where It pleases. The $200,000 voted
In aid of the corporation was more
than sufficient to construct every inch
of the road through the level prairie
county voting It, and today the state
auditor’s report shows that the entire
property of the railroad in that coun¬
ty Is assessed for tax purposes at less
than $160,000. This means that tpe
W&ny is not only not taxed on any
property of its own In that county, but
has $50,000 capital furnished by tho
citizens of that county upon which it
pays no tax. But this is not "social¬
ism” or "paternalism;" oh, no. Us
•’business."
The same state In which tho above
Instanced railroad is located (Illinois),
has on Us statute books a law which
provides that if a person be killed by
any railroad In tho state the surviving
relatives shall not he allowed to col¬
lect exceeding $5,000 damages. If tho
person be only crippled, however, lie
can get any damages that he can prove,
and it has happened that cripples have
collected more than double the amount
their relatives could have obtained If
they lind been killed outright.
This state also happens to bo the field
in which the power wielded by rail¬
roads over the personal liberty of the
citizen has received Its most startling
illustration. The imprisonment of
Dobs by "injunction" instead of by a
jury of his peers has dignified the pop¬
ulists’ proposition for government
ownership into the most Important
question before the American people
today. The money question, even in its
entirety, involves no such consequences
as the continuation of this newly risen
but rapidly becoming omnipotent des¬
potism which spurns the personal lib¬
erty of the humble citizen from its path
with the same cold blood that it buys
o legislature or corrupts u court.
How are you going to get the rail¬
roads? asks a doubting Thomas.
The people, under God, are omnipo¬
tent. They must take possession of the
railroads exactly In the way that a
railroad takes possession of the land
It needs. The railroads do not pay
fancy prices for the citizen’s land,
neither should the citizen pay fancy
prices for the railroads. The value of
the railroads Is fixed by their owners
at about $10,000,000,000.
Squeeze the water out of this and the
residue would represent very little
more than the amount of the national
debt at the close of the war. Let the
government print this amount of full
legal tender money, not promises to
pay, and pay it to the railroad owners,
and it will not only own the roads, but
it will have partially solved the money
problem. “But the increased patron¬
age would make the party in power in¬
vincible.”
The only danger that comes from the
dispensing of patronage consists in the
fact scheming that it political is too generally used to pay | j
workers and ward
heelers for campaign services, and in I
the other fact that the patronage itself
consists of a soft snap always consid
ered desirable. How many ward heel
ers or soft-handed boodlcrs would want
to be section hands or brakemen or
firemen or engineers or conductors on a
government railroad? Do you suppose
the people of this country would toler
ate a party for an instant that would
ploying gr p ea hands in the interest of
their party? Hadn't we better display
a little less blind reverence for vested
rights as they are and a little more in¬
telligent consideration of the future?
T. D. HINCKLEY.
Mt. Vernon, Ill.
ALLEN NOT A CANDIDATE.
Writes a I.etter to (iovurnor Holcomb
Stating That He Is Out of the Race.
Special Dispatch to the World-Herald.
Governor Holcomb several days ago
received from Senator W. V. Allen a
letter in which the writer explains the
reason for writing it, and as the letter
is sufficiently explanatory of itself it is
here given. This is the letter:
"Washington, D. C., March 24.—Hon.
Silas A. Holcomb, Lincoln, Neb.—My
Dear Governor: I have just been read¬
ing the very pleasant things said of me
in connection with the populist nomina
tion for the presidency, in your recent
interview published in the press ills
j P acbes - for which P 1(:ase ““Pt my
thanks. The favorable mention of my
name with the high office of president
of the United States by the chief execu¬
tive of my own state, who is himself
able and well qualified by education,
temperament, and experience, to fill the
exalted position, possesses double value
and is truly gratifying.
“I have not been unconscious, for sev¬
eral months, that a strong sentiment
exists In the populist party throughout
the nation favorable to my nomination,
and I will not disguise from you that It
has given me much pleasure to know
that my services in the United States
senate have been Instrumental in
promptlng the use of my name in that
connection. I have also observed quite
an extensive discussion of the matter in
the public press, and I have been the
recipient of hundreds of letters asking
me if I would be a candidate for the
nomination, or accept it if tendered me.
"Fully realizing that ordinarily it is
to he considered indelicate to either oc
cept or decline a nomination that has
not been tendered, still I feel that the
time has come when, In the interest of
the party, I should speak openly and
frankly, as I desire above all things to
promote the interest of the populist
party, and by that means the interest
or my country. Deeply conscious that
it would be a distinguished honor to
lie the standard bearer of a great pollti
cau party founded on the principles of
eternal justice and right, a party that
must, in my opinion, soon succeed to
tlie administration of our national gov¬
ernment, I nevertheless deem it unwise
to permit my name to be used as a can¬
didate.
“I think every true citizen should, at
this time, consult the interests of the
country and not his own personal de
sire. I do not feel that my experience
has been such as to warrant me in being
a candidate for the nomination, or in
accepting it if it should ho tendered me.
There are many older and abler men in
the party than J, am. Jilghly well quali
fiorfto make tho race, and I feel confi¬
dent that I can do the cause greater
good by remaining where I am, fight¬
ing in the ranks for success, than by ac¬
cepting the nomination if it should bo
tendered. The welfare of the party,
and, therefore, the welfare of the coun
try, is to be consulted at all times; prin¬
ciples count for everything, and men for
nothing, in our struggle.
"Permit me also to say in tills connec
tion that there are personal reasons
why I should not be a candidate, among
which is the important fact that I have
a family of children whose education
must be looked after at this time, and
who need my personal supervision more
now than they have ever needed it be
fore, or will ever need it again, and I
must not permit myself to imperil Iheir
interests for my own promotion.
“Profoundly grateful to my fellow
citizens of the state and nation for the
flattering mention of my name In con
nection with the highest office on earth,
I sincerely trust that hereafter atten¬
tion will not be centered on me, but on
some gentleman better qualified to dis¬
charge the duties of the position in the
event of an election, and that wisdom
will characterize the formation of our
platform and the nomination we may
make. I have the honor to be very
truly, your friend,
“WILLIAM V. ALLEN.”
Never Keen rroposeil.
“The people's party declares in fa¬
vor of government ownership of rail¬
roads and telegraph lines. But no¬
where In Us platform does It indicate
a plan to secure this end. Why charge
that we are In favor of purchasing all
the railroads at once at their capitalized
value, including the watered stock, and
issuing bonds for tho amount and tax
ing the people to pay the bonds. No
populist has ever proposed any such
thing. T he railroads could be bought l
and paid earnings for w ithin and twenty savings years without out |
of the net j
taxing the people one cent, or increas- ’
ing the present rate of freight and pas¬
senger tariff. But the people are al¬
ready taxed on every dollar of capital
represented by railroad bonds and
stocks to the extent of ten thousand
million dollars. They are taxed in
freight and passenger rates which they
have to pay the railroad companies.
What the people's party desires is that
the money which now goes to pay divi¬
dends on stocks and interest on bonds
shall go toward purchasing the rail¬
roads and eventually owning and oper
ating them at greatly reduced rates.”
Dromedary Faroel Poft.
The dromedary parcel post service
in the German territories of southwest
ern Africa has given better results than
were expected. The dromedaries are
adapted to the climate, are not effected
by the prevalent cattle diseases, are
not made footsore in stony regions and
do not suffer extreme thirst w hen de
priced of water for a week.
GREAT
■
CRISP AND SMITH ir
DISCUSS THE
CURRENCY QUESTIONS.
■
Tom WittHon Also Taken Hl§ jpen In
Hand to Mak* a Few Kctuarki Which
Are Very Feinted Indeed—His Logical
Conclusions.
People’s Party Paper: The Au¬
gusta Tribune describes Mr. Crisp as
“an old gentleman with a bald head,
adorned by a short-cropped fringe of
hair on the outer edges.’’
Correct.
The same authority photographs
Mr. Smith as “a smooth shaven, well
kept looking gentleman, with a face as
round as the full moon.”
Correct.
The “old gentleman with the bald
head . °P ened , the , dobate . , , wltb a P al ‘
faa and a misstatement
He sald that the decltne in values
commenced immediately after the
demonetization of silver in 1873. This
is not true for two reasons:
1st. Silver was not “demonetized”
till 1894.
2nd. Because the decline in values
commenced several years previous to
1873 afi several middle-aged men in
America ought to know.
The “moon faced gentleman,” how
ever, did not seem to be posted upon
this point, and he let the misstatement
pass unchallenged.
It is a strange thing to us that Free
Silver debaters will base their aiscus
sions upon so false a foundation. Un
less they are willing to commit them
selves to the principle of “Fiat money”
they have no case at ail.
The only sound and unanswerable
portions of Mr. Crisp’s argument are
those which sustain the Populists in
theory of money.
Once you say that the Government’s
mandate can arbitrarily make the ratio
16 to 1, you might as well say it can
make it 20 to 1, or 10 to 1. .Mr. Smith
puts this with great force and Mr. Crisp
did not even try to answer,
If the Commercial value of silver
cuts no figure in deciding coinage ratio,
then it is the Government's say-so
which fixes it. And if the Govern¬
ment’s say-so can fix it, independent of
Commercial value, the “16 to 1” stand
ar d becomes a mere matter of-conven
j e nce. Jt involves no principle at an.
It is true that Mr. Crisp can justly
claim that our past experience proves
that our government can make a suc
cess of the 16 to 1 ratio. It did it prior
to 1873, and could do it again.
Certainly; but the success was due
to the “Fiat money” principle and not
to the commercial value of Lie silver
out of which the dollar was made. This
was shown by the fact that the trade
dollar, which contained mure pure
silver than the standard dolin', was at
a heavy discount, while the standard
silver dollar was atj,g£r. r, ' ! trade
",
dollar was not a full legal tender—-did
not have behind it the fiat of the law.
It jiad to go mainly upon its value as
mere silver. It had little worth ex¬
cept its commodity or commercial
value.
The smaller standard silver dollar,
on the contrary, had behind it the
mandate of the law; it was full legal
tender. It cancelled all debts dollar for
dollar, not because the creditor wanted
it to do so, but because the Government
said it must do so.
Therefore everybody took as a dollar
the smaller amount of silver which was
in the standard dollar, while nobody
would take, as a dollar, the larger
amount of silver which was in the trade
dollar. Nobody would accept it for
more than eighty-five cents,
By act of congress the large trade
dollar had to be melted up and coined
into smaller legal tender dollars before
they would circulate,
Mr. Smith must know all this, yet
he did not dare to use it. Why? Be¬
cause it proves too much for a demo
crat—no matter whether he be gold
bug or free-silverite. It proves that the
populists are right in saying that the
i ega i tender quality is that which lifts
silver and gold and copper and paper
Into the dignity and power of money.
The unanswerable portion of Mr.
Crisp's speech is that in which he
argues the case for “More Money.” On
that point Mr. Smith falls entirely to
meet the argument
But the reply lies right upon the
surface, and the average Populist will
see it at a glance.
Mr. Smith could have replied that
to issue "More Money” does not neces
sarily mean more silver. If commercial
values cut no figure, the argument for
"More Money” would rest as firmly up
on copper as upon silver. Every rea
son -which Mr. Crisp urged for the
issue of “More Money” would apply
j us t as forcibly to the Issuance of irre
fieemable treasury notes as to silver,
If the government's say so creates
dollars, why use silver when paper is
so light, so convenient and so cheap?
It is this weakness in the logic of
free silver Democrats which is so ap
parent to everybody except themselves.
When they claim that the govern¬
ment’s fiat does not fix the value of a
dollar, they should candidly concede
that the market value should do it.
If they admit that it is the govern¬
ment’s fiat which fixes the value of the
dollar, then they should frankly con¬
fess that any other material would an¬
swer the purpose as well as silver.
To assert that any nation can give
to silver a coinage value different
from its commercial value is manifest¬
ly absurd—unless you admit that the
legal tender quality which the gov
eminent imparts to it by law is dif
ferent from the commercial value
which the markets of the world give to
lt by the rule of supply and demand.
And the moment you admit that this
legal tender quality does fix the value
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WORDS OF, CHESRlFOR LABOR.
of the coin, regardless of the world’s
markets then you are talking Popu¬
lism.
We know that you claim that is not
so. You claim that you believe silver
would go back to its 1873 value if the
1873 conditions were restored. True.
But remember that there are two awk¬
ward facts to confront you as long as
you stop short of the Populist position:
1st. The trade dollar is there to prove
that it was not the value of the sil¬
ver which made the standard dollar
circulate at par. It was the power of
the legal tender law!
2d. There are the market quotations
of 1873 to prove that the amount of
silver in the standard silver dollar was
worth three cents more, on the mar¬
kets of the world, than the amount of
golfl in the standard gold dollar. This
proves too much for you; not too much
for us Pops!
Neither of these awkward facts inter¬
fere with the “fiat money” principle,
but they play the mischief with any
free silver argument which stops short
of the Populist position.
Each of the two facts alluded to
conclusively prove that the commercial
ratio is one thing and the legal coinage
ratio quite another; the market value
of 420 grains of non-legal tender silver
(trade dollar) may be only 85 cents,
while the legal value of 416% grains of
legal tender silver (standard dollar)
may be one dollar.
On the contrary, the market value
of 416% grains of silver might rise
above a dollar, whereas it could only,
as a coined dollar be worth a dollar
in the payment of debts.
No mere “free silver Democrat” can
get over these two facts.
Mr. Smith is correct when he says
that the nations of the world have
changed the coinage ratio time and
again to make it conform to the com¬
mercial ratio. As he says, it has been
done also in this country. We think
that the gold bugs are right when they
claim that a debased dollar, under mere
bimetallism, would drive the good dol¬
lar out of circulation. The reason is
obvious: the good dollar would seek its
true level, and would part company
with its inferior.
To witness the dodgings and the
squirmings of the free silver men when
impaled on this point is funny. They
cannot answer it, and they rarely try.
But to the Pops this alleged gold
bug argument, this so-called “Gresham
law” has no terror at all.
We admit that any commodity, obey¬
ing the laws of a mere commodity, will
go where the best price invites it. Of
two commodity dollars, the less val¬
uable will continue to toddle around,
as a dollar, while the more valuable
will go into a better business. For in¬
stance, if the law stamps the words
“one dollar on ten cents’ worth of iron
and also stamps the words “one dollar”
on one hundred cents’ worth of gold,
the gold will not associate on such
terms with the iron. It will leave the
dime’s worth of iron to keep up the
pretense of being “one dollar,” while
the one hundred cents’ worth of gold
will be called to those uses which
make it worth one hundred cents.
This is the Gresham law—destruc¬
tive to your weak-kneed silverite who
wants more money, but who does not
want it based on the fiat of the govern¬
ment.
To us Pops this “Gresham law” goes
for nothing.
We say we don’t care a dime where
gold goes; nor what the gold in the
gold dollar is worth. We don’t care
whether silver stays at home, or visits
around.
What we want is money, And to
us. money means that thing which
the government declares to be a dollar,
and declares to be good in payment
of a dollar's taxes and a dollar's debts.
That’s all we want in this country, and
the law of this land and the enormous
wealth of this people would carry pa¬
per money, at par, as easily as it car¬
ries paper bonds to a premium.
It is the law and the government’s
credit which floats the bond. The same
agencies should float the dollar. Paper
is paper, and a promise is a promise
and there can be no reason why Uncle
Sam's word on a paper dollar is not as
good as his word on a paper bond.
For all purposes of trade in this
country, then, a paper dollar, hacked
by the government, would answer
our purposes as well as silver t
gold.
For foreign trade, we would he*d
to do just as we do now—settle d
balances gold and by silver hills in of their exchange commercjr or je
shape. The United States governmfy
stamp on gold and silver dollars 1
worth nothing to use in foreign tra| t
Gold bars and silver bricks, duly s
saved, would do quite as well. \
fe¬
With governments banks. pan
would be impossible. 1
"YOU MUST NOT AGITATE.”
The Combines and Tyrants for Ages Fast
Have Said This to the People.
Congressman Wheeler, of Alabama,
made some forcible remarks in the
house a few days ago. He has intro
duced a bill providing that so long as
the gold standard is maintained in this
country the salary of all the officials,
including congressmen, be reduced to
three-fourths the salaries now provided
by law.
In speaking on the bill Mr. Wheeler
said:
Now, Mr. Chairman, we must either
reduce salaries or we must enact the
senate substitute into law, and thus
provide for the coinage of silver. The
arguments in favor of the gold standard
were little more than the reiteration of
the same scarecrow doctrines that were
sent here from Wall street to oppose the
silver-coinage law of 1878, and which
have been reiterated every time a silver
coinage hill has been brought before
this body. The arguments were shown
to be fallacious then and the history of
the last eighteen years has proven them
to be utterly without foundation.
A most distinguished member of this
body—probably the ablest lawyer from
the state which he represents on this
floor, and by far the ablest advocate of
the gold standard on this side of the
house, a gentleman for whom we enter¬
tain profound regard, a gentleman
whom I saw in his seat a few moments
ago—after the fallacy of those argu¬
ments had been exploded, after every
principle and theory that he advocated
on this question had been refuted, cried
out: “Stop all this agitation for the
free and unlimited coinage of silver.”
Yes, the distinguished gentleman
cried, “You must not agitate.” That
Mr. Chairman, has been the exclama¬
tion of tyrants in all ages—“you must
not agitate.” (Applause.) When gen¬
tlemen resort to this ultimatum they
admit that their arguments are falla¬
cies. Nero told the people that they
“must not agitate;” Caligula told the
people that they “must not agitate.”
The gold-standard bankers of New
York city, who now own substantially
all the gold in the United States—so
much was shown by the late bids cn
the bonds—were able to purchase bonds
for gold to the amount of $102,448,199.-
55, while the 20,000,000 poeple w'ho live
south of the Ohio and Potomac rivers
were only able to purchase to the
amount of $222,086.
These gentlemen of New York insist
that “this gold must be the only money
of ultimate redemption.” They have
the farmers of the south and west by
the throat, and they say, “You must
not agitate. If you do we will make
it worse for you; we control the money
of the land: we have a power which you
cannot resist;” and the distinguished
gentlemen who advocate the gold
standard policy, cry out, “You must not
agitate.” “Y'ou farmers of the west,
you farmers of the south,” cry the
bankers and monied men, “we hav* Jwu
our methods reduced the value of e
products to one-half; and we have Y
grade# you to mere toilers; we have r
vated ourselves to be money kings
sovereigns; and now we say, ‘You 1
not agitate’ (applause); if you
this question we will make matters
worse for you.”
The speeches of these gentlemen are
merely a repetition of the exploded
theories which the Wall street and
Lombard street bankers and brokers
sent here in 1877 and 1878 to oppose the
silver-coinage law of 1878, and which
were reiterated by the same men when
they struck the final blows upon silver
by the bullion bill of 1890 and purchase
clause repeal ®f 1893.
Every prediction made by these men
has proven to be false, and every pre¬
diction made by the friends of silver
has proven to be correct and true.
They said the silver-coinage act of 1878
would be followed by panic and dis¬
tress. We denied this and insisted that
it would bring prosperity. We were
right and the gold-standard bankers
were wrong.
Pattern for Bargtars.
About the most considerate man the
New York police have run up against
for a long time is a burglar who left his
overcoat containing his photograph in
the house he last robbed. Other burg
lars should imitate his example, thus
rre house he last robbed. Other burg
lars should imitate his example, thus
saving the police no end of trouble.—
Ex.
Let Populists decide what they want
done before going to the national con¬
vention. Don’t leave the whole thing
to be settled in the hurry and con
fusion of a convention.
The Cleveland family seems to be in
disgrace all around. President Cleve
land's brother got the “grand bounce”
-from the church he was serving as
pastor. ■
WAS AFTER CARLISLE.
BUT THE PSLICE- HAD .ORDERS
TO SHUT OFF FREE SPEECH.
We Are In Receipt of the Following
Letter from Col. Roberts, the Man
Who Tried to Make Secretary Carlisle
Talk Plain at Chicago:
I attended the Carlisle, meeting at
Chicago, expecting that he would ex¬
plain why he was so suddenly converted
to the gold standard theory. After he
had concluded his remarks, and, hav¬
ing said nothing upon his former views
of the silver question, I rose in my spat
and asked permission of the chairman
to ask Mr. Carlisle a question. There
was a great deal of confusion in the
Auditorium and the cry of “question,
question,” was the only thihg I could
hear. I then attempted to ask the ques¬
tion, when I was taken out by the police.
The officer was not to blame. He said
to me that I had done no wrong, but
that he had to obey orders. I think it
was an outrage, not only upon me per¬
sonally, but reflects disgracefully upon
those in whose interest the meeting was
professed to have been held. No cause
can find support among the people of
this country that requires a force of a
hundred policemen, more or less, to
choke off honest inquiry. I understand
the ethics of political meetings and par¬
liamentary law quite as well as Mr. Car¬
lisle. I have been on the stump for
the last twenty-five years and have fol¬
lowed Mr. Carlisle upon the money
question up to the time of his sudden
conversion in 1893. Mr. Carlisle has
often been elected to office by the people
of Kentucky, but always as an advocate
of free silver. I had no desire to dis¬
turb his meeting and did nothing rash
or ungentlemanly, and was strictly
within the line of courtesy of both the
audience and the speaker. The calling
of the police was entirely unnecessary
and was done simply to intimidate all
who disagreed with the vacillating rec¬
ord of Carlisle. Had the chairman pos¬
sessed tact or ability and simply an¬
nounced that no questions would be
answered, he might have prevented any¬
thing like a disturbance. But the or¬
der to the police to put me out was an
appeal to a brutal force, which smacks
more of the customs of Russia than of
free America. Such action will event¬
ually provoke a condition of affairs
which will preclude the possibility of
holding public meetings in Chicago. If
the goldites are satisfied with the re-|
suit of Carlisle’s visit, I am glad of it,
but my impression is that a few more
visits w'ouid kill off what little gold
sentiment there is left here in Chicago.
The working men of Chicago are gen¬
erally intelligent and in favor of fair
play, and have but little respect for a
cause that can only find support among
the bankers and police. The average
man who works for a living in this city
has seldom, if ever, been able to visit
the Auditorium, much less hire it for
the use of the New York gold-bugs.
I look upon the attempt of the bank¬
ers of Chicago to bolster up a lost cause
by inviting Carlisle here to attempt to
fool the people in the guise of the
working man’s friend as a gigantic
farce, which has done more for the sil¬
ver cause than the silver men could
have accomplished in a month.
J. C. ROBERTS.
Chicago, Ill.
I
A Wild Man.
A sure-enough wild man was seen in
the Quillayute mountains, near Cape
Flattery, Wash., a few days ago ^nd
was closely and carefully scrutinized
by Lawrence E. Doyle, a member of
the Montana legislature, who is willing
to furnish affidavits with his story. He
says he was traveling through and un¬
explored timber belt when a man of
unusually large size and spendid phys¬
ique, hatless and with a heavy beard
and shock of long hair, his arms and
and shock of long hair, his arms an«,
legs bare and his body partially clothei
in skins, stepped out before him. Mir
Doyle was startled and before he couU
say or do anything the wild man, aftei
-w*w -uuVtt ...! 5 l. 5 \itlC * if
sight and is sure of the reality jf his
experience and of the wild man. Set¬
tlers in that region have for a long
time past claimed to have caught
glimpses of a strange man dressed In
skins, and a general hunt has been
planned for the purpose of capturing
him.
Typhoid and Water.
Among the soldiers under the mili¬
tary government of the city of Paris
there were 824 typhoid cases in 1888.
The following year the number in¬
creased 1,179. At the time the water
of the Vanne were substituted for the
contaminated Seine water, The cases
of the next four years numbered, re¬
spectively, only 299, 276, 293 and 258,
Last year the Vanne itself became con¬
taminated through an accident, the his¬
tory of -which has been traced conclu¬
sively. The result was an increase of
typhoid cases in the Paris garrison to
«6, of which 310 occurred in the three
months of February March and April,
During January and February of the
Year 189o there were only eight cases
ln alL
Tbe fact that typhoid fever comes an<y
goes with impure drinking water could
bardly receive a more striking demon¬
; stration.—Popular Science Monthly.
:
S' Knighthood. ii
Knighthood is conferred by the
aeen by simple verbal declaration, at-
5 nded by a slight form, hut requiring
qu. patent or other written instrument.
ten^jjgtinies^ but seldom, knighthood is
no ’lferred on persons who do not come
Som, the royal presence, such as gov
conf rs 0 f colonies and other persons
into> a( j ijj high situations.
ernor --
abroa
