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About The Henry County weekly. (McDonough, GA.) 18??-1934 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 16, 1921)
HARDING SEES ERA OF PEACE Hope Rests in Disarmament Con ference, President Asserts in Message to Congress. HELP IN WORLD RESTORATION United States Will Assist in Restoring Stable Order and Normal Relation ship—Enactment of Tariff and Foreign Debt Refunding Bills Urged. Washington.—President Harding in formed congress In Ills first annual message that “a most gratifying world accomplishment” by the arms confer ence “is not Improbable.” The President’s message, delivered In person, is in part as follows: Mr. Kpeaker and Members of the Con gress: It is a very xratlfylnx privilege to appear before the congress with the republic at peace with all the nations of the world. More, It is equally gratifying to report that our country is not only free from every impending menace of war, but ttiere are growing assurances of the per manency of the peace which we so deeply cherish. For approximately ten years we have dwelt amid menaces of wars, or as par ticipants in war's actualities, and the In evitable aftermath, with its disordered conditions, has added to the difficulties of government which adequately cannot he appraised except by those who are in Im mediate contact and know the responsl- | bi'ities. Our task would be less difficult If we had only ourselves to consider, but so much of the world was involved, tlie disordered conditions are so well nigh uni versal, even among nations not engaged In actual warfare, that no permanent re adjustment can lie effected without con sideration of our inescapable relationship to world affairs in finance and trade. In deed, we should be unworthy of our best traditions if we were unmindful of social, moral and political conditions which are not 'f direct concern to us, hut which do appeal to the human sympathies und In terest of a people blessed with our na tional good fortune. Need for Restoration of World. It Is not my purpose to bring to you a program of world restoration. In the main, such a program must be worked out by the nations more directly con cerned. They must themselves turn to the heroic remedies for the menacing con ditions under which they are struggling; then we can help, and we mean to help. | We shall do so unselfishly, because i there Is compensation In consciousness j of assisting, selfishly because the com- ■ meree and international exchanges In trade, which marked our high tide of for tunate advancement, are possible only when the nations of all continents are re stored to stable order and normal re lationships. In the main, the contribution of this republic to restored normalcy in th® world must come through the initiative of tlie executive branch of the govern ment, but the best of intentions and most carefully considered purposes would fail utterly If the sanction and ttie co-opera tion of tiie congress were not heartily accorded. I am very sure we shall have no con flict of opinion about constitutional duties or authority. During tho anxieties of war, when necessities seemed compelling, there were excessive grants of authority and an extraordinary concentration of powers in the Chief Executive. The re peal of wartime legislation and the auto matic expirations which attend the peace proclamations have put an end to those emergency excesses, but 1 have the wish to go further than that. I want to join you in restoring, in the most cordial way. the spirit of co-ordination and co-opera tion and that mutuality of confidence and respect which is necessary in representa tive popular government. Harmony Imperative Need. Incroachment upon the functions of cong-. ess or attempted dictation of its policy are not to be thought of. much less attempted, but there is an insistent call for harmony of purpose and accord of r 'tion to speed the solution of the diffi cult problems confronting both the legis lative and executive brandies of the gov ernment. It would be ungracious to withhold acknowledgment of the really large volume and excellent quality of work accomplished by the extraordinary ses sion of congress which so recently adjourned. I am not unmindful of tlie very difficult tasks with which you were called to deal, and no one can lgn ore the Insistent conditions which, . during recent years, have called for the continued and almost exclusive attention of your membership to pub lic work. It would suggest insincer ity if I expressed complete accord with every expression recorded In your roll calls, but we are all agreed i about the difficulties and the inevit- : able divergence of opinion in seeking j be content with the billion dollar re- I adjustment of the burdens of taxa- i tion. Later on. when other problems are solved. I shall make some rec ommendations about renewed consid eration of our tax progress, but for j the immediate time before us we must be content with tlie billion dolar re duction in the draft upon the people, and diminished Irritations, banished uncertainty and Improved methods of collection. lly • your sustainment of the rigid economies already inaugur ated. hoped-for extension of these economies and added efficiencies In administration. I believe further reductions /nay be enacted and hin dering burdens abolished. In these urgent economies we shall be Immensely assisted by the budget system for which you made provision In the ex traordinary session. The first budget is before you. Its preparation is a signal achievement, nnd the perfection of the system, a thing impossible In the few months available for its initial trial, will mark Its enactment as the beginning of the greatest reformation in governmental practices since the beginning of the re public. As to Foreign Loans. There is pending a grant of authority to the administrative branch of the gov ernment for the funding and settlement of our vast foreign loans, growing out of our grant of war credits With the hands of tlie executive bran h field im potent to deal with these debts, we are hindering urgent readjustments among Our debtors amt accomplishing nothing for ourselves. 1 think it is fair fo" the con gress to assume that the executive branch of the government would adopt no major policy In dealing with these mat ters which would conflict with the purpose * of congress in authorizing the loans. < er tainly not without asking congressional approval, but there are minor problems ’ incident to prudent loan transactions and j the safeguarding of our interests which cannot even be attempted without this authorization. It will be helpful to our selves and It will improve conditions among our debtors if funding and the set tlement of defaulted interest may be ne gotiated. Merchant Marine. The previous congress, deeply concerned In behalf of our merchant marine, In 11/20 enacted tlie existing shipping laws, designed for the upbuilding of the Amer ican merchant marine. Among other thim/S provided to enentirave 0"r “hip ping on the world’s seas, The executive was directed to give notice of tlie termi nation of all existing commercial treaties in order to admit of reduced duties on Imports carried In American bottoms. During the life of the act no executive lias compiled with this order of the con gress. when the present administration came Into responsibility, it began an early inquiry Into the fallux-e to execute the. expressed purpose of the Jones a,ct. Only one conclusion has been possible. Frank ly, members of bouse and senate, eager as 1 am to Join you In the making of an American merchant murine commensurate with our commerce, the denouncement of our commercial treaties would involve us in a chaos of trade relationships and add indescribably to the confusion of the al ready disordered commercial world. Our power to do so is not disputed, but power and ships, without comity of re latlonslijp, will not give us tlie expanded trade which is inseparably linked with a grest merchant marine. Moreover, the applied reduction of duty, for which the treaty denouncements were necessary, en couraged only the carrying of dutiable imports to our shores, while tlie tonnage which unfurls our flag nri tlie seas Is both free and dutiable, and the cargoes which make a nation eminent in trade are out going rather tlmn incoming. It is not my thought to lay the problem in detail before you today. It is desired only to say to you that the executive branch of the government, uninfluenced by the protest of any nation, for none has been made, is well convinced that your proposal, highly Intended and heart ily supported here, is so fraught with dif ficulties and so marked by tendencies to discourage trade expansion that I invite your tolerance of non-compliance for a very few weeks until a plan may be pre sented which contemplates no greater draft upon the public treasury and which, though yet too crude to offer it today, gives such promise of expanding our mer chant marine that it will argue its own approval. It is enough to say today that we are eo possessed of ships, and the American intention to establish a mer chant marine is so unalterable, that a plan of reimbursement, at no other cost than is contemplated in the existing act, will appeal to the pride and encourage tlie hope of all the American people. Need of Tariff Legislation. There Is before you the completion of tlie enactment of what has been termed a "permanent” tariff luw, the word "per manent" being used to distinguish it from the emergency act which is the law to day. 1 cannot too strongly urge an early completion of this necessary legislation. It Is needed to stabilize our industry at home; it is essential to make more definite our trade relations abroad. More, it is vital to the preservation of many of our own industries which contribute so nota bly to the very life blood of our nation. There la now, and there always will be, a storm of conflicting opinion about any tariff revision. We can not go far wrong when we base our tariffs on the policy of preserving the productive activities which enhance employment and add to our na tional prosperity. Must Be Exchange of Trade. Again comes tlie reminder that we must not be unmindful of world condi tions, that peoples are struggling for in dustrial rehabilitation and that we can not dwell In industrial and commercial ex clusion and at tlie same time do the just thing in aiding world reconstruction and readjustment. We do not seek a selfish aloofness, and we could not profit by It, were it possible. We recognize the ne cessity of buying wherever w-e sell, and the permanency of trade lies in Its accept able exchanges. We cannot sell to others who do not produce, nor can we buy un less we produce at home. Every contemplation magnifies the diffi culty of tariff legislation, but the neces sity of the revision is magnified with it. Doubtless we are justified in seeking a more llexible policy than we have pro vided heretofore. 1 hope a way will be found to make for flexibility und elas ticity, so that rates may be adjusted to meet unusual and changing conditions which cannot be accurately anticipated. 1 know of no manner in which to effect this flexibility other than the extension of the powers of the tariff commission, so that it can adapt itself to a scientific and wholly Just administration of tlie law. Early Determination Needed. I am sure about pubic opinion favoring the early determination of our tariff policy. There have been reassuring signs of a business revival from the deep slump which all the world has been ex periencing. Our unemployment, which gave us grave concern only a few weeks ago, has grown encouragingly less, and now assurances and renewed confidence will attend tlie congressional declaration that American industry will be held se cure. Something more than tariff protection Is required by American agriculture. To the farmer has come tlie earlier and the heavier burdens of readjustment. There is actual depression In opr agricultural in dustry, while agricultural prosperity is absolutely essential to the general pros perity of the country. The base of the pyramid of civilization, which rests upon the soil, is shrinking through tiie drift of population from farm to city. For a generation we have been expressing more or less concern about tins tendency. Economists have warned and statesmen have deplored. We thought for a time that modern conveniences and tlie more intimate contact would halt the movement, but it lias gone steadily on Perhaps only grim necessity will correct it, but we ought to find a less drastic remedy. Need for Freight Readjustment. Tlie existing scheme of adjusting freight rates has been favoring the basing points, until industries are at tracted to some centers and repelled from others. A great volume of un economic and wasteful transportation has attended, and the cost increased accordingly. Tlie grain-milling and meat-packing industries offer ample illustration, and the attending concen tration is readily apparent. The men aces in concentration are not limited to the retarding influences on agricul ture. Manifestly the conditions and terms of railway transportation ought not to be permitted to Increase this un desirable tendpney. We have a just pride in our great cities, but we shall find a greater pride in the nation which has a larger distribution of its population lntb the country; where comparatively self-sufficient' smaller communities may plant agricultural and manufacturing interests in har monious helpfulness and enhanced good fortune. Such a movement con templates no destruction of things wrought, of investments made or wealth involved. It only looks to a general policy of transportation of dis tributed industry, and of highway construction to encourage the spread i of our population and restore the \ proper balance between etty and coun try. The problem may well have your earnest attention. It has been perhaps the proudest claim of our American civilization . that in dealing with human relation- j ships it has constantly moved toward 1 HENRY COUNTY WEEKLY, McDONOUGH, GEORGIA. such Justice In distributing the prod uct of human energy that It has Im proved continuously the economic status of the mass of people. Ours has been a highly productive social organization. On the way up from the elemental stages of society we have? eliminated slavery and eerfdotn and are far on the way to the elimination of poverty. Through the eradication of Illiteracy and the diffusion of education, man kind has leached a stage where we may fairly say that in the United States equality of opporunity has been attained, though all are not prepared to embrace it. There Is, Indeed, a too great divergence between tlie economic conditions of the most and least fav ored classes in the community. But even that divergence lias not come to the point where we bracket the very poor and the very rich together es the least fortunate classes. Our ef forts may well be directed to improv ing the status of both. While this set of problems Is com monly comprehended under the gen eral phrase “Capital and Labor, it is really vastly broader. It iR a question of social and economic organ ization. Labor has become a large contributor, through its savings, to the stock of capital, while the peo ple who own the largest individual aggregates of capital are themselves often hard and earnest laborers. Very often It Is extremely difficult to draw the line of differentiation between the two groups; to determine whether a particular individual is entitled to be set down as laborer or as capitalist. In a very large proportion of cases he is both, and when he is both, he is the most useful citizen. Rights of Labor and Capital. The right of labor to organize is Just as fundamental and necessary as is the right /if capital to organize. The right of labor to negotiate, to deal with and solve its particular problems in an organized way, through Its chosen agents, is Just as essential as Is the right of capital to organize, to maintain corporations, to limit the liabilities of stockholders. Indeed, we have come to recognize that tlie lim ited liability of the citizens as a mem ber of a labor organization closely parallels the limitation of liability of the citizen as a stockholder In a corpomtlon for profit. Along this line of reasoning we shall make the great est progress toward solution of our problem of capital and labor. Just ns It is not desirable that a corporation shall be allowed to im pose undue exactions upon the pub lic, so it is not desirable that a labor organization shall be permitted to ex act unfair terms of employment or subject the publlo to actual distresses in order to enforce its terms. Finally, just as we are earnestly seeking for procedures whereby to adjust and set tle political difficulties between na tions without resort to war," so we may well look about for means to set tle the differences between organized capital and organized labor without resort to tlie forms of warfare which we recognize under the name of strikes, lockouts, boycotts, and the like. As we have great bodies of law carefully regulating the organizations and operations of industrial and financial corporations, so we might well have plans of conference, of com mon council, of mediation, arbitra tion and Judicial determination In con troversies between labor and capital. To accomplish this would involve the necessity to develop a thoroughgoing code of practice in dealing with such affairs. With right privileges, Im munities and modes of organization thus carefully defined, it should be possible to set up judicial or quasi judicial tribunals for the considera tion nnd determination of all disputes which menace the public welfare. Holds Strike Out of Place. In an industrial society such as ours the strike, the lockout and the boy cott are as much out of place and as disastrous in their results as is war or armed revolution in the domain of pol itics. The same disposition to reason ableness. to conciliation, to recogni tion of the other side’s point of view, the same provision of fair and recog nized tribunals and processes ought tri make It possible to solve the one set of questions as easily as the other, I believe the solution is possible. After each war, until the last, the government has been able to give homes to its returned soldiers, and a large part of our settlement nnd de velopment has attended this generous provision of land for the nation's de fenders. There is yet unreserved approximate ly 200,000.000 acres in the public do main. 20,000.000 acres of whlcls are known to be susceptible of reclama tion and made fit for homes by pro vision for irrigation. Point to Swamp Lands. Contemplating the Inevitable nnd de sirable Increase of populaton, there Is another phase of reclamation full worthy of consideration. There are 79.000.000 acres of swamp and cut-over lands which may be reclaimed and made as valuable as any farm lands we possess. These acres are largely located in southern states, and the greater proportion ts ow'ned by the states or by private citi zens. Congress has a report of the sur vey of this field for reclamation, and the feasibility is established. I gladly recom mend federal aid, by way of advances where state and private participation is assured. Homemaking Is one of greater benefits which government can best own. Meas ures are pending embodying this sound policy to which we may well adhere. It is easily possible to make available per manent homes which will provide, in turn, for prosperous American families without injurious competition with estab lished activities or impositon on wealth already acquired. There are a full score of topics con cerning which It would be becoming to address you, and on which I hope to make a report at a later time. I have alluded to the things requiring your earlier attention. However, tf cannot end this limited address with out a suggested amendment to the or ganic law. Opposes Nontaxable Bonds. Many of us belong to that school of thought which is hesitant about alter ing the fundamental law. I think our tax problems, the tendency of wealth to seek nontaxable investment, and the menacing increases of public debt federal, state and municipal, all justi fy a proposal to change the Constitu tion so as to end the issue of nontax able bonds. No action can change the status of the many billions outstand ing but we can guard against future encouragement of capital’s paralvsis while a halt In the growth of public indebtedness would be beneficial throughout our whole land. Such a change In the Constitution must be very thoroughly considered before sub mission. I suggest the consideration be cause the drift of wealth into nontaxable securities is hindering the flow of large ' apital to our Industry, manufacturing agricultural and carrying, until we are discouraging the very activities which make our wealth. Agreeable to your expressed desire and ■ n complete accord with the purposes of the executive branches of the govern ment. there is in Washington, as you happily know, an international confer ence, most earnestly at work on plans fo • the limitation of armaments and a naval holiday and the just settlement of prob leins which might develop Into causes of nternatlonal disagreement. It is easy to believe a world hope D centered on this capital city. A mosi gratifying world accomplishment is nol improbable. THE STORY OF OUR STATES By JONATHAN BRACE (© by McClure Newspaper Syndicate.) WYOMING #| i’ IS to Wyoming I that falls the hon or of being the first to grant equal politi cal rights to women. In fact when con gress, in 1868, cre ated the Territory of Wyoming from parts of Dakota, Utah and Idaho, a constitution was adopted which gave women the right to vote. This was considered very revolution ary at the time, hut in Wyoming the women have continued to have suf frage from that time and were thus the pioneers in this movement, which has now culminated in the acceptance of the nineteenth amendment to our Constitution. There were rumors of early Spanish explorations in Wyoming but they seem unfounded by fact. Probably the first white men to visit this part of the country were Sieur de la Yeren deze, and his sons who passed through this region In 1743 in search of loca tions for trading posts. In 1804 the Yellowstone was first visited by hunt ers, although the fame of Its scenic beauty was not given much credence until 1870 nnd it was set aside as a federal reserve In 1872. Tlie first permanent fort in Wyo ming was erected in 1834 where the Laramie river flows into the Platte. Later when the stream of immigrants passed through this region on their way to the California gold fields a string of forts was erected along the Oregon Trail to protect the travelers from attacks by the hostile Sioux In dians. Through Wyoming went not only the Oregon Trail, which was opened up by Lieutenant Fremont and his guide, Kit (’arson, in 1842, but also the Salt Lake trail. Along these routes many travelers crossed Wyo ming, but few stopped and settled there as the country was the most arid of all our states. The discovery of gold in 1867 led to the founding of South Pass City and in the same year Cheyenne was laid out by tlie Union Pacific Railroad company. Wyoming became the forty-fonrtli stale of the Union in 1890 and is eighth in size with an area of 97,914 square miles. Its population gives it an allotment of three presidential voters. As to its name, this comes from that of Wyoming valley in Penn sylvania, which is derived from an Indian word meaning “large plains” or “broad valley.” UTAH • T IIE A** while * excursion into Utah dates hack to party succeeded in pene trating to the Colo rado river. There is no authentic rec ord of further explorations until over 200 years had elapsed. In 1776 two Franciscan friars, in their attempt to find the shortest way to tlie Pacific, went from Santa Fe to Utah Lake. The Great Sail Lake, however, was not dis covered until 1824, when James Bridges, a trapper, In wandering through this region came upon this huge, inland, salt sea. But the real history of Utah begins with the rise of Mormon power there Discouraged by the agitation in Illinois: und Missouri, the Mormons decided to emigrate to tlie great West. In large caravans they traveled across the plains and In 1547 came to Salt Lake City where they settled. Here they flourished, increasing their numbers and by 1852 they reached a total in this vicinity of over 15,000. Meanwhile. In 3848, by the terms of tlie treaty of peace with Mexico, a huge western tract, of which Utah was a part, was ceded to the United States. As no definite government was arranged for, the control of affairs locally was for a number of years entirely in the hands of the officers of the Mormon church. They, accordingly, made up a constitution and organized under the name of the State of Deseret. This Is a word taken from the Book of Mormon, nnd signifies, “Industry.” Ap plication was made for admission to the Union, but this was refused and the federal government instead organ ized the Territory of Utah in 1850. The first governor was Brigham Young, the successor of Joseph Smith and pres! dent of the Mormon church. The attempt to do away with polyg amy met with little success until in 1890 the Mormon church finally agreed not to countenance It. Meanwhile, rrowing antagonism between the Mor nons and non-Mormons verged ncarlj <n civil war. Finally a general am esty was declared nnd after many re nests Utah was accepted as the for y fifth state of the Union in 1896 Three Trial Bottles of Perfume for Your Own Test HOW TO USB | THE PERFUME I Before Christmas try this fascin ating method of determining the real value of different perfumes. Let us send you three miniature vials of perfume with instructions for duplicating the famous inter national perfume test. You can then choose for yourself the special perfume which will sur round you with that individual atmosphere of fragrance that so delightfully portrays your per sonality. This famous test was conducted by two prominentNewYorkmen, assisted by a jury of 103 women — famous actresses —college girls— society women all fastidious about their perfume. It not only demonstrated beyond a question of a doubt how the individual can safely select her personal per fume, but it developed some sur prising facts about the real pref erence of these fastidious women. Every girl should read this inter esting story; it is told in a little folder packed in each test equip ment package. Three trial size vials of wonder ful fragrance—a package of per fumer’s test slips—full instructions for use and the story of the fam ous test —all packed to reach you safely—for a two cent stamp and your address. Send today to Per fume Test Bldg., Colgate SlCo., P. O. Box 645, City Hall Station* New York City. There’s hearts delight in COLGATE Measurements. A two-foot rule was given to a la borer in a Clyde boatyard to measure an iron plate. The laborer, not being well up in the use of the rule, after spending considerable time returned. “Now, Mick,” asked the plater, “what size is the plate?” “Well,” replied Mick, with a grin of satisfaction, “it's the length of your rule and two thumbs over, with this piece of brick and the breadth of my hand and my arm from here to there, bar a finger.”—Everybody’s Magazine. Alwaus Plenty JSI of Stretch "IP rubber to rot liw ExcEuXyflM SuspenderS f'dimii Guaranteed OneVea-- Price 75< Askycor dealer for Nil-Way or ExceUo®^ Guaranteed Sasp€nders.6arters si4 Hose Supporters Accept no substitutes—Look for riaine on buckies. Mu-Way oirec’n Suspender Ca,Mfr6..Adrian.Mich. 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