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VOL. I.
(PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING
BY O. P. SHAW,
AND
Edited by A. G. FAMBROUGH.
■ Terms. —Three dollars per annum, payable within six
Knonths after the receipt, of llie first number, or four dol
ars if not paid within the year. Subscribers living out of
Jie state, will be expected in all cases, to pay in advance.
No subscription received for less than one year, unless
I the money is paid in advance; ami no paper willbedis-
I continued until all arrearages ore paid, cxcept-at the op
I lion of the publisher. Persons requesting a discontinu-
I unce of their Papers, are requested to bear in mind, a set-
I llemcnt of their accounts.
Advertisements will be inserted at the usual rates.
I |CJ** All Letters to tlic Editor or Proprietor, on mat-
I er.’ connected with the establishment, must be post paid
In order to secure attention.
IQ 25 Notice of the sale of Land and Negroes, by Ad-
Hninistrators, Executors, or Guardian*, must be published
Kixtv days previous to the day of sale.
sale of personal Property, in like manner, must be
mblislied forty dais previous to the day of sale.
Notiee to debtors and creditors of an estate must be
published forty days.
Notiee that Application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary for Leave to sell Land or Negroes,must be pub
jshed FOUR MONTHS.
Notice that Application will be made for Letters of Ad-
Tiinistralion, must be published thirty days and for
Letters of Dismission, six months.
["JtljPilie following named gentleman arc u quested
nd authorised to act as our Agents, in their respective
otmlics.
In the county of Baldwin, Thos. F. Grccnc, Esq.
Bibb, The lion. C. B. Strong.
Butts, Li. A. Erwin, Esq.
('dumhia, L. Elcmming, Esq.
('raw/nrd, Hiram Warner, Esq.
Cou'cta, James A. Abraham, Esq.
< ’ ampbtll, Thomas A. Latham, Esq.
Farrell, Thomas McGuire,and John A. Jones, Esqs.
f hatiiu ei, John Boston, & (’o. M. H. McAllister, Esq.
('layh, Col. Joseph Ligon, and U. P. Shaw,
Cass , Thomas ‘V. Bolton and John Dawson, Esqrs.
Ccbb, J. R. Brooks, Esq.
Cherokee, John P.Brooks, Esq.
DcKafb, William T. *loward,and Josiah Choice,Esqrs.
Decatur, James Bell, Esq.
Fayette, N. Blanchard, Esq.
Franklin, Col. James C. Terrell.
Head of Coosa, Geo.. Lavender, Esq.
Floyd, Alexander T. Harper, Esq.
J'orsylh, Thomas J. Golighlly, Esq.
CUmer , Benjamin J Gritilth, Esq.
Ulynn, Col. S. JM. Burnett,
Cwinnett , Dr. T. W. Alexander,
Creenc, Col. Y. P. King, and F. S. Cone, Esq.
Habersham , Maj. T. H. Trippr, and Col. T. J. Rusk,
Hall, W. Harben, and J. \-V, Jones, Lsqrs.
Henry , William Crayton, Esq.
Harris , Gen. Daniel McDougald.
Hancock, Col. N. C. Sayre, •
Heard, Col. Win. 11. Houghton.
1 Jackson, W. E. Jones, Esq.
.1 upper, E. Y. Hill, Esq.
J.aureus, Col. Kclluin.
Liberty, C. Ilines, Es<j.
J.ec, Maj. Thomas.
Mclntosh , CoL D. H. BiuiLsford.
Morgan, W. J. Pearman, Esq.
Madison, William Marone.y.
Monroe, Col. A. 11. Chappell, & Wm. L. Fa mb rough.
Muscogee, W.T. Colquitt &S. W. Flournoy, Esqrs.
.Veu'ton, Messrs. Hopkins & Sanders,
Oglethorpe, John Moore,Esq.
Padding, Joel Ilicks, Esq.
Putnam, James A. Merriwetl .. rhq.
Fikc 9 Dr. J. S.Long, and A. ’•vorjEsn.
Bidaski, I)r. Hibbler.
Richmond, Messrs. Randall & Mason.
Randolph, Gen. H. Jones.
Bcriven, .Taco!) Biyan, Esq.
Twiggs, The Hon. Lott Warren.
Talbot, Drs. Phillip’s Bug",
Troup, Col. J. C. Alford. “
Taliaferro, Bradford Thompson Esq. & Col. Janes,
[ Thomas, and Thomas Bell, Esq.
ndkts, Daniel Chandler, Esq.
liyrrc , Gray A. Chandler, Esq.
Gallon, Col. E. G. Bell, and John T. Morrow, Eso.
Sheriff’’* Sales for -luue in
CASS COUNTV.
I D i* ! - Sec - , Property of To satisfy.
I ! .q* ** Charles Gunn, Alien Courlnev.
■ 17 3 John W. Pat;, Kdwarc! Gariick.
9' l ’’ > J 7 3 Joseph Hoc, T. S. Jlailcy, dec’d.
■ 21, 22 3 Ar. Warren ot. al. P. J. Murray,
■ W/, 21 2 ShacliickDean, P. J. Murray.
■ 2.i.i, 4 3 Caleb Ganison, P. J. M urrav,
■ 273, 4 3 Stephen Gamer, P. J. M urrav.
■ 24a, 5 3 William Jackson, P. J. Murray,
■3 16 3 Christopher Rider, P. J. Murray,
I 22 2 ('avid Abbott, P. J. Murray!
■ -12, 16 3 J. Crutchfield, dec. Joseph Eciiols tCcv
I CHEROKEE COUNTY.
I bo7* ll l PhT rr^ ficott ’ , S‘“ r s<s & Blunt,
■ ■■27 21 o A ll !p rjiumroml, Dennis Mahoney.
I 4 ’,; V 2 ‘ t Amos M’Lendon, Tandy D. King,
■23 l l I 0 m 5° se > William Felton,
1 245’ if I /° 1,1 Fr^ r - Polix (4. Bernes,
lIN - IffnanusScott, John Bnrk, et. alias.
I ij 2 . •’ :!!-• am Jackson, Ex. of Rob’t. Wayne.
FORK ,'TII COUNTY.
I *l9, 2 1 Isaiah Whitloca, Cary W. Jackson,
■ 171, 2 1 \Vm. IVestbrook, It. L- Cato,
f™o2, 14 1 Lewis Smith, Lawlion, & Venable,
2 ', 14 1 Rowland Bearden, John M. Miller.
KS, 14 1 P. Powel, Anthonv Steel,
■>2o. 3 1 Abralmm Leathers,C.Ficldi,iij,R.Brown,
■ 150, 14 1 Anderson Baker, Samuel ivi’Junkin,
■ 131, 2 1 Win. VVilkerscn, Samuel M’Junkin,
■ ,80, 3 1 Joshua Holder, 11. F. Porter,
■ !I6 > 14 1 William Davis, H. Terrell, R. Butler,
FLOYD COUNTY.
H 54, 22 3 Pryor Chrittcndon, James Long,
■ SO, 11 4 Seth Ormes, Turhune &. Cone.
MURRAY COUNTY.
™ 46, 25 3 John N. Kyle, P. .T. Murray
!jl 00, 25 4 John Harris, P. J. Murray,
M 22, 17 3 Kamuel Paxton, P. J. Murray!
■ 23, 26 3 BurreJ Thompson, P. J. Murrav,
■ 30, 9 4 William Davis, P. J. Murray,
If * 3 Henry Huff, I‘. J. Murray,
■ 20, 26 3 John R. Cane, P. J. Murray,
■ i5, 13 3 James Higgins, P. J. Murray.
■ The above is a full synopsis of all the Sheriff’s Sales in
H : Cherokee Circuit, for June next, except in Lumpkin,
I ‘ illGr Paulding counties, which may be seen in this
W per, by reference to the Sheriff’s advertisements.
NOTICE^
AT X persons are hereby notified, that. I have the rrui
table title to the undivided half of lot of land
iber 77, in the third District, and first section, drawn
n Amos Elian!, and have now a suit pending in Vorsyrii
c unty, where the land lies, to; the s unc.
KLLUID3E O. IJAP.RIS.
B Anraria May 7.—5-ts
AURAIiIA, LUMPKIN COUNTY, GEORGIA MAY *B, 1833.
From the Charleston Mercury.
Interesting Letter.
(on the president’s proclamation.)
We have been politely furnished with the
following copy of a letter, from a gentleman in
the Western part of New-York,to his correspon
dent in that State. It will richly repay an atten
tive perusal•
, December 24, 1532.
I I consider the proclamation as advocating an
unlimited government, restrained in no respect
except by the will of the majority in Congress;
and that when a law is passed through the form
ol legislation, it is supreme and absolute, no
! matter how grossly, palpably, and dangerous
ly it violates the Constitution ; and can in no
way be questioned but by rebellion, and then
j under the penalties of treason. Under this des
potic interpretation of our system,the Sovereign
ty °f the Stales, their reserved rights and char
acters as parties to the constitutional compact,
are totally swept away; and the exercise of pow
ers by this consolidated government, not dele
gated to it by the grants of power enumerated
in the Constitution, would not be unconstitu
tional if the States are not parties to the consti
tutional compact. If die people of the 24 States
formed the Constitution in their aggregate ca
pacity, any exercise of nndelegated powers, in
respect to taxation is clearly not unconstitution
al, but can be,at most only nnjtisl or oppressive,
and this is the basis or the whole theory and
scope of the Proclamation; [ will illustrate. The
Constitution diiects that “direct taxes shall lie
(ipp ndioned among the several Slates according
to their respective numbers ;” and that “all du
ties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform
thorugiiout the U. S.” The clear and unques
tioned object of these provisions, was to de- j
lend each member of this confederacy,the States, j
against the imposition of unequal burdens,either j
m llip form of direct or indirect taxation. Yet!
it the States ue admitted to be annihilated,as not :
being members of the confederacy, or parties to
the Constitution, all limitations of power, foun
ded on Iho idea of their existence as members of
the confederacy and parties to the compact, are
also annihilated; and laws imposing burdens,
no matter how unequal in their operations, no
mailer if all the “pecuniary hardens of govern
ment” are thrown on the people of one section
of the Union, and other secti jns entirely “exon
erated fronfa 11 share in them,“so fnai one should
he tributary to the other, would be only unjust
I and oppressive, as the law opeiates on individu
als, or classes, in the collective capacity, and
not on the people of distinct, independent and
sovereign communities, as the Constitution was
formerly supposed to establish. To my view if
this interpretation of the Constitution be redu
ced to practice, we shall c.joi / the despotism of j
consolidation in every, and the worst, degree, ap- j
prehendedfromthe character and tendency of the I
measures 0f1798. Ourroscue is in the appii- dion
instantly,of the conservative principle ofslnic in
terposition,as inculcated by the X irginia and Ken- j
lucky resolutions. I hold those Resolutions to be
my horn-book as to the nature and character of (
our confederacy ; and rather than abandon these
sound principles of constitutional liberty, 1 will
take the field against any and every tyrant who j
may attempt to consolidate the Stater, and war
lo the total extermination of the Mooncrats or
the Republicans. After this declaration of my!
purpose, 1 ow r e it to myself and • > children to
[ state the principles for which I risk life. They
‘are these; I will “maintain and defend the Coo
! stitntion of the United States and of this State,
! against every aggression either foreign or do
! mestic, and I will support the government ofthe
U. States, in all measures warranted by the for
mer”—l feel a warm attachment to the Union
of the Slales, to maintain which, each State
should, in times of danger, pledge all its powers;
and for this end it is their duty to wafeh over
and oppose every infraction of those principles
which constitute the only base of that Union, be
cause a faithful observance of them can alone
secure its existence and the public happiness,”
—I believe “the po"/ors oi tlic federal govern
ment, as resulting from the compact [of c u.'° n l
to which these States are parties, as limited by
the plain sense and intention ofthe instrument
constituting that compact, as no further valid
than they are authorised by the grants enumera
ted in the compact; and in care of a deliberate,
palpable and dangerous exercise of powers,
[such as the Tariff of protection,&c.] not gran
led by the said compact, the States who are par
ties thereto, have the right, and are in duty
bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of
the evil,and for maintaining ‘.vilhm theirrespective
limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties apper
taining to them. That the Constitution being
formed by the States in their Sovereign capaci
ty; it adds to the stability and dignity, as well as
to the authority of th Constitution, that it rests
on this legitimate and si id fm; •InHon.” 7'h-
States, then being parties to the constituted: ai
compact, and in their sovereign rapacity, it. fol
lows of necessity, that there can be no tribunal
above their authority, to decide in the last re
sort, whether the compact made by them be vio
lated :” and as “the government created by this
comoael was not made the exclusive judge of
the extent of the powers delegated to itself,
since that would have made its discretion and no
the Constitution, the measure of its powers : but
♦hat as in all other cases of compact among
parties having no common judge,each party hast
an eoual right to judge for itself, as well as of
infractions as of the mode and measure of re
,lress” that “Nullification by the States in
tin ir sovereign capacity, of all unconstitutional
acts done under color ofthe Constitution, is the
1 1 eoin es, tk e si eral 1 of a Gul! e n Wr Id.
rightful lemedy, and is consonant with the Con
stitution and conducive to its preservation,” and
after this a call of the convention of all the
States to settle the diffkuliy. This is my creed,
| and wnich 1 will live and die by, if the President
| attempts, by a hired soldiery, to force his monar
j ehical principles into operation in their stead.
I hold the Proclamation from the paragraph
j beginning with the words “this right to secede,”
! and ending “ must oppose it at all hazards,”
to be opposed in spirit and principle to the “ le
gitimate and sacred foundation of the constitu
tion. In a word, General Jackson’s views of
the nature and character of our confederated
government arc the same as were advanced and
maintained by the federal party in 1798, in op
: position to tho Virginia resolutions. The peo
! pie Ihcn arrested the progress of consolidation
| and misrule, and would do so now if they had
[ the true object of the contest before them. Rut
j artful appeals are no marie to their known at
tachment to the Union,to alarm them for its ex
istence, and by thus changing the issue and the
principles ofthe controversy, and adding Jack- j
sonisnt to the Juggernaut of consolidation, in
suitable terms, monarchy, we are in real dan
ger of having our free institutions offered up as
victims, together with the morality and repub
licanism oi’ the people. Were it not “carrying ‘
coals to New C’astle” I would, by a fuller re- j
view of this Proclamation, show you its danger
ous hostility to the true principles of our Union,
and the total destruction which it wages against
republican docirircs and enlightened freedom.
In a word, I consider our liberties laid low by
it. The pain ol this reflection is overwhelm- 1
ing.
I will .turn from this painful contemplation of
the proclamation and its destroying tendency,
1 t) its effects at the South- I have seen only
! Ritchie’s first eulogy, on this paternal docu
ment. He hesitates at the close of his com—
mcndation,by a slight difference from it in a few
minor points ol doctrine, such as the nature and
character of the government; and faintly utters
his dissent much in the tone and meaning in which
he said he would never support Van Buren lor
Vice President, and specifics the pari to which
this slight difference applies to be that relating
to secession. I’lic minor points of doctrine
to which Ritchie alludes, embraces the w hole
scope of the federal doctrines opposed to the
Virginia Resolutions of 1793 and in 1828. In
the latter it is de -tinctly asserted that the Con
stitution ofthe United States being a federative
compact between sovereign States, in constru
ing which, no common arbiter is known, each
State- has the right to construe the compact for
itseil, that the Tariff laws passed Jen- the protec
tion oj manufactures, i arc unauthorized by the
plain construction, true intent and meaning oj
the Constitution, “ and that Virginia would be
guided in her resistance by a determined pur
pose to preserve the purity of our republican in
stitutions.” We shall now’ see the strength of
this determined purpose to defend the purity and
integrity of republican institutions as defined by
Virginia * eisolf. The proclamation tells this
proud author of our soundest principle sos liber
ty, that there is no such anomaly in our system
as “free, independent and sovereign States,”
as parties, in their State capacity, to the Con
stitutional compact —that there is no compact
itself; nor sovereignty except that pertaining to
one great consolidated nation—that the States!
are not members of a confederacy, but only
parts of one great single nation; and, as parts, j
have no sovereignty, so they have no rights as!
respects their relations to tliis great nation, save
their natural right to fight and be destroyed by
a standing army, when the oppression of this
single nation becomes unbearable. In a word,
to fix tile seal ofconsolidation upon us, the pro
clamation avows that (he Constitution was crea
ted by all the people of this great nation collec
tively. Virginia will manfully spurn this Fed
eral doctrine, leading directly to the abiding ob
ject of that party, tbo establishment of monar
chy on the ruins of a confederacy of sovereign
States. Can there be any two things more an
tagonist than the doctrines of this Proclamation
so lauded by Ricthic, and the Virginia rcsolu
ffeas? Yei wc shall see that miserable tory
siav-C of power, and his selfish followers, sliriiny
into the support of the former, while he dare not
openly denounce mO latter. The latter unques
tionably contain the true character of our sys
tem of government, and apart from their analo
gy to tho nature of liberty, I am confirmed in
this opinion by contemporaneous history. In
Mr. Jefferson’s works there is a letter front him
to Mr. Madison, dated in 1799, in which a most
anxious desire is expressed that the latter would
publish his debates of tho Convention which
lormcd the Constitution. In reference to the
unconstitutional measure oi the then admin
istration, he says, “ could the debates be rea
dy to appear critically, their effect would be de
cisive to bring about a revolution of public sen
timent:” and confirm to the nation and world
that the doctrines ol the then pending resolu
tion* of Virginia, were the true emanation anti;
spirit of constitutional liberty, in which the con
stitution was formed. In the same correspon
dence with Mr. Madison and others, Mr. Jes-;
forson constantly alludes to the principles of the
party as the oniy sound republican principles,
and for that reason as constantly and bitter
ly assailed by the monoerats. With suchcorrob- ;
orations, can I hesitate to which interpretation
of our system to give my faith and support.
Again, many States besides Virginia, Ken
tucky, or South Carolina, or Georgia, have
avowed adhesion to the conservative principle;
of State interposition,—Witness Pennsylvania
in the case of Ohnstend, and that of tho I nitod !
States Bank in 1811. In this last case, her
Legislature avowed her principle of interposi
tion to be the same as that of Virginia in 1799,
and expressly stated “ that to the compact, cre
ated lor special purposes, each acceded in her
character as a State, and is a party—the United
States forming, as to it the other party. The
act of the Union thus entered into, being to all
intents and purposes, a treaty betweeen Sover
eign States, The General Government by this
treaty was not constituted the exclusive or final
judge ofthe powers it was to exercise—for if it
were so to judge, then “its judgement and not
the constitution would be the measure of its au
thority.” Then follows Ohio in 1820, against
the bank of the U. States, affirming the same
positions as those assumed by Virginia and
Kentucky in 1793. In 1827, South Car
olina affirmed the same doctrine against a
Tariff’ of protection. In 1828 Virginia and
Georgia reiterated the doctrine of Nullifi
cation. Alabama, North Carolina and Mis
sissippi,folio wed in expression ofthe same prin
ciples. Then came Massachusetts in 1830,
declaring the late treaty with Great Britain, re-
I Jive to the north eastern boundary, null and
raid] Maine did the same. Then,though nei
ther last nor least; the empire State, New York,
in 1824 determined, in relation to the and mand
of tonnage duties and entrance fees from canal
boats, “ lo resist the Federal Government at eve
ry extremity .” Had we then any Presidential
Proclamations, alarming the people for the late
ofthe. Union, and aiming through the known at
tachment ol the people in the other States to
that union, lo create a civil war in order to pm
down the Radicals with the bayonet of the stand
ing Army? Was there any eagerness then to
take advantage ofthe confusion of such excite
ment and bloodshed, to establish doctrines of
government that must instantly “ transfotm the
republican system of the U. S., into an ab
solute, or at bes 4 a mixed monarchy?” No—
the man then at the head of the administration,re ;
cognized the sound principles of confederacy
on which our union is founded, as declared in
the Virginia resolutions, and leaving to the
State as a party to the compact, to decide for
herself whether the compact had been pursued
or violated by the requisition ol'tonnage duties,
lie deemed it prudent “to keep aloof from the
questionable ground.” But if the difficulty could
have neither been avoided or compromised, a
Convention of all the States would have been j
recommended, to ascribe the doubtful power as j
they should think best—instead of sending forth
a proclamation breathing the horrors of civil I
war with all the violence of personal hatred, and
no more devoted desire of patriotism than that
of appointing his successor. The settled de
sign of subverting the liberties of the country,
ought not perhaps, to be imputed to the Presi
dent in this attempt to array freemen against j
freemen in battle strife; yet, such will, inevita
bly,he thercsultofthisnmlignproc.lamation. For
the present, I trill quit the proclamation against
whose despotic spirit 1 find myself running at j
every turn.
Reverting to the proceedings of the meeting ;
which lias been held in obedience to the orders j
of tho Globe, I see that some of the speakers j
arc under the delusion, that if the northern peo- j
pie hold out prompt encouragement of assistance j
to the Union party of your State, they alone will ;
!>c able to grapple with and defeat the nullifiers. i
This is also the vilful error of the President.
All these leaders seem not to know that the j
Union party agree with the nullifiers, nut only i
as to the unconstitutionally ofthe tariff, its in- i
justice and oppression, but also in the principle, j
that the constitution is a compact between free,!
independent “and sovereign States, formed as I
Slates, and not by the people of the 24 States j
in thcr aggregate capaei y ; and that Ilia govern- J
meat so formed is a government of limited pow- :
era; that by this constitution, no common tribu
nal has been established to determine cases of j
disputed powers between the States and Gene
ral Government, and that the General Govern
ment is not the final interpreter of its own pow
ers—that no State is bound to submit to an un
constitutional law, and therefore lias the right
and is in duty bound to protect her citizens!
against any such For confirmation see Mr. j
Chevcs’ “Occasional Reviews.” “Wc admit,”
says Mr. Chevcs,“the authority of all sovereign j
States lo judge, in all cases in which they arc j
parties, for themselves, anil to restrain, within j
their >. wn limits l , all external authority. We as- ;
sort that the Stales ol the Unfen arc sovereign,
and, therefore, have a right to nullity the laws
of Congress within their own limits ; but we oe
ny tbatthey can do this constitutionally. I here
is a sovereign interposition, which was the pro
position of Virginia in 1798, and which we think
we have proved to be the only sure and expe
dient control of sovereign power. The true
and only question, then, in the Southern States,
is between this interposition and constitutional
nullification. There is no Southern part winch
does not admit the sovereign power ol interpo
sition.” All Southern writers are cither for Nul
lification oi this sovereign interposition, which
Col. Drayton and Mr. Ritchie denominate Se
cession. Why do the Union party prefer Seces
sion to Nullification? Because they consider
Nullification too feeble and inefficient, and
would fail of obtaining for the Southern States
a full redress of their grievances, under the un
constitutional laws of the Federal Government.
And yet we have good and intelligent citizens,
raising a hue and cry against Nullification ns
treason and disunion, when his friends are ae- ,
notinced for proposing it as a peaceful measure ;
to the Union pat to, who advocate Secessi oi or;
i Disunion openly, as the only certain measure of •
! freeing themselves from lire oppression and usur
pations of the General Government. W by, too
are we so zealously engaged at the North in ap
plauding the Union party who advocate .Seces
sion, or separation of all the Southern States:, to
any ther measure of redress, and asking that
party to put down the JS ullifiers in the pursuit of
the peaceful remedy by the bayonet f Is it Lc
| cause Gen. .Jackson hates her Calhoun, the i
-of Nullification, and to las hate is added
the opposition of the Unionists, or, to name them
by their principles, the disunionists. Does he.
love the disiinionisls because the}’ hate Mr. Cal
houn, and because he may turn that hate of Mr.
Calhoun into love for Mr. Van Borer, whom the
President intends, by the patronage lie wield.--,
to appoint his successor V. by, too, is it that
the Jackson party in this State, applauded the
principles of Mr. liayne’s speech on Foot’s re
solutions us the true principles ol'ibe i . publican
party, drawn direct from the Jeffersonian school,
and are note found scrambling, with tiie then
advocates of Mr. M ebster’s duly federal speech
drawn from the consolidation oi 1833, to be
foremost in putting forth the federal doctrine s
ol that speech a.- the go::nine principles of our
Government ? Is it because Gen. Jackson’s
endorsement of that ultra federal speech, con
demned by his pariy in li2o, as monarchical in
its tendency, makes it republican in principle in
1832 ‘ Common sense and common honesty
indignantly answer, n>! V. by then this cordial
embrace between the old and steadfast federal
ists, and Gen. Jackson and Ins followers? The
principles of the Proclamation answer. It is
equally plain why this eagerness of the Jackson
party to encourage the Union party of the South,
the only Southern party which proposes separa
tion. The Union party are the friends of Gen.
Jackson, and will aid him to appoint Mr. A . 15.
his successor. This is the gift ol the plot which
is now being executed before the American
people. Volunins would be necessary to devcl
ope this nefarious plot; for which it would re
quire that the history of the intrigues and of the
course of governmental patronage for the last
three years, be faithfully written in order to give
our citizens a full insight into that part which
Gen. Jackson ht>s been made to play in this
plot. Nullification, including General Jack
son’s different parts in relation to it, as practis
ed by Georgia and when recommended, by S.
Carolina, is one chapter. Can proof be strong
er that General Jackson and his advisers, act
on a system of sell interest to which the affairs
of State must be sacrificed.
In conclusion, 1 regret to sec so many good
| citizens hurried away by excessive zeal for the
Union, who, like Caleb Quotum,arc scrambling
to find a place at the review,on the shoulders if
their fellow freemen; but who, in less than a
year, will look back with horror and dismay at
the sanction they are now giving, to doctrines
which cannot fail of destroying our system of
confederated Republics. They will then im
pute, and justly, all the evils, the blood and
slavery,to which we are doomed through a civil
war, to this ill timed, vindictive, and torij Proc
lamation, Whilst the doctrines it maintains
were advanced by V\ ebstor, their true character
wis seen, rightly estimated and promptly resist
ed, by a vast majority of the people,—but now
they arc supported by the whole government,
they arc no longei -federal or dangerous, as hat ’-
utg to consolidation, lor who will stand up .North
of the Potomac, even for the liberties of the
country, against “power, its patronage and
smiles ?
Witness the humiliating desertion, by- Penn*
svlvania, of ;he principles she has repeatedly
proclaimed through her Legi.-.lature and i ourts
against the exercise of undclegaled powers by
the federal agent. Each other Middle and
Northern State,will follow in the formal surren
der of their State freedom and sovereignty to
this Proclamation.
P. S.—l have just read the proceedings of
the Boston Meeting, and recognize as well the
federal actors of 1738, as the principles ot gov
ernment attempted to be established by the
some party at that day, viz: to give the govern
ment, from the inomen 1 it went into operation,
such a ion as would impart uncontrollable
strength • ■ its permanent branches, and cr.'end
lhatper . ‘‘nancy, so as to paraiize the popular
branch. These principles were founded in an at
tachment to a strong and splendid government,
and wer’ ■: ddly conducting us to consolidation,
and wen’ . 1 have ended in it, but for the great
civil revolution achieved by the republican par
te of 18 >, on the basis ofthc Yirginiaand Ken
turkey ■:>. solutions. Time anil measures which
have combined the avarice and ambition of the
coantrv. have now drawn in till branches of (lie
Government to support these consolidating prin
ciples; and their old advocates joyfully come
tor .’, ird, pledging life and fortune to give thorn
periTinn- : >t footing. It is a propitious moment
for their final eff rt. Finding their principles
the rev of republican, again recognized
by the federal administration, with a majority of
Congress ready to asseit ihe supremacy of
theiracts, no mati rhow grossly and danger
ously such acts violate the .Constitution, they
could not fail to cheer and assist the President
to coerce, !>'•• hired soldiers, a Sovereign State,
for resistance under her reserved rights, to un
constitutional laws. To give a colour of justifi
cation for this outrage on constitutional liberty,
the federalists now, as in 1795, set up the cry
that the Union is in danger, from resistance by
u State to unconstitutional laws; denominating
such resistance, treason and disunion ; and then
urging the President to enforce usurpation by
! unconstitutional means. 1 iiey declare, “ now
! is the time to lix on a sedtd foundation our do. -
SO. 8.
