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Fr.tni I Ik’ Inir ‘ijjewer. a Letter from mil clay. TO THE EDITORS. Ashland, Sept. 23, 1844. Gentlemen —Since my nomination at Baltimore, in May last, by the Whig Con vention, as a candidate for the office of; President of the United States, I have re ceived many letters propounding- to me questions on public affairs,and others may have been addressed to me which I never received. To most of those which have reached me I have replied ; but to some 1 have not, because either the subjects of which they treated were such as that, in respect of them, my opinions, I thought, had been sufficiently promulgated, or that they did not possess, in my judgment, suf ficient importance to require an answer from me. I desire now to say to the pub-. lie, through you, that, considering the near approach of the Presidential election, 1 shall henceforward respectfully decline to transmit for publication any letters from me in answer to inquiries upon public matters. After my nomination, I doubted the pro priety, as 1 still do, of answering any let ters upon new questions of public policy. One who may be a candidate for the Chief Magistracy of the Nation, if elected, ought to enter upon the discharge of the high duties connected with that office with his mind open and uncommitted upon all new questions which may arise in the course, of its administration, and ready to avail himself of all the lights which he may de rive from his Cabinet, from Congress, and above all, from the public opinion. If,"in advance, he should commit him self to individuals who may think proper to address him, he may deprive the public: and himself of the benefit of those great guides' Entertaining this view, it was rnv intention, after my nomination, to de cline answering for publication all ques tions that might he propounded to me. But, on further reflection, it appeareil toi me that if I imposed this silence upon myself, I might, contrary to the uniform tenor of my life, seem to he unwilling frankly and fearlessly to submit my opi nions to the public judgment, I therefore so f‘r deviated from my first purpose as to respond to letters addressed to me, making inquiries in regard to suljects: which had been much agitated. Os the answers which 1 have so transmitted,, some were intended exclusively for the satisfaction of my correspondents, without any expectation on my part of their be ing deemed worthy of publication. In re gard to those which have been presented to the public, misconceptions and erro neous constructions have been given to some of them which I think they did not authorize, or which, at all events, were] contrary to tny intentions. In announcing tny determination to per mit no other letters to be drawn from me on public affairs, l think it right to avail myself of the occasion tocorrect the erro neous interpretations of one or two of those which 1 had previously written. In April last I addressed to you, from Ra leigh, a letter in respect to the proposed treaty annexing Texas to u.e IT.l T . States, and I have since addressed two letters to Alabama on the same subject. Most un warrented allegations have been made that those letters are inconsistent with each other, and, to make it out, particular phrases or expressions have been torn from their context, and a meaning attributed to me which I never entertained. I wish now distinctly to say that there is not a feeling, a sentiment, or an opinion expressed in my Raleigh left r to which J do not adhere. 1 am decidedly opposed to the immediate annexation of Texas to the United States. 1 think it would be dishonorable, might involve them in war, would be dangerous to the integrity and harmony of the Union, arid, if all these OBJECTIONS WERE REMOVED, COULD NOT BE EFFECTED, ACCORDING TO ANY INFOR MATION I POSSESS, UPON JUST AND AD.MIS -6A81.E CONDITIONS. It was noi my intention, in either of the two letters which I addressed to Alabama, to express any contrary opinion. Repre sentations had been made to me that I was considered as inflexibly opposed to the annexation of Texas under any circum stances; and that my opposition was so extreme that I would not waive it, even if there were a general consent to the mea-, sure by all the States of the Union. I re plied, in my first letter to Alabama, that personally I had no objection to annexa tion. I thought that my meaning was suf ficiently obvious, that 1 had no personal, private, or individual motives ibr oppo sing, as I have none for espousing the measure, my judgment being altogether influenced by general and political consi derations, which have ever been the guide of my public conduct. In my second letter to Alabama, assum ing that the annexation of Texas might be accomplished without national dishonor, without war, with the general consent of the States of the Union, and upon lair and reasonble terms. I stated that I should he glad to see it. I did not suppose that it was possible I could be misunderstood. I imagined every body would compre hend me as intending that, whatever might he my particular views and opinions, 1 should be happy to see what the whole nation might concur in desiring under the conditions stated. Nothing was further from my purpose than to intimate any change of opinion as long as any consi derable and respecable portion of the Confederacy should continue to stand out in opposition to the annexation of Texas. In all thtce of my letters upon the sub ject of Texas, I stated that annexation was inadmissable except upon fair and reason able terms, if every other objection were removed. In a speech which [ address ed to the Senate of the United Slates more] than three years ago, I nvowed lay oppo sition, for the reasons there stated', to the assumption, by the General Government, ot the delrtsot die several States. It was hardly, the n foie, to Ik; presumed that I could be in favor of assuming the unas certained debt of a loteign Slate, with, which we have no fraternal lies, and whose had faith or violation of its engagements can bring no reproach upon us. Having thus, gentlemen, made the apologv which 1 intended, for my omis sion to answer any letters of enquiry up on public affairs which I may have re ceived; announced my pnrpose to decline henceforward transmitting answers for publication to any such letters that I may hereafter receive; and vindicated some of those which 1 have forwarded against the erroneous constructions to which they have been exposed, 1 have accomplished the purpose of this note, and remain, re spectfully, your obedient servant, H. CLAY. Messrs. Gales & Seaton. From the Telegraph. The Editor of the Messenger seems to misunderstand me.—He says in the last Messenger: “ If there is such an identity between the Whigs and Abolitionists as represented, why do the Abolitionists raise an independent ticket?” I never said there was an identity. This is whal [ sail! : “That a large majority of the Abo litionists are from the Whig ranks, no ho nest man of them would pretend to deny. But that there are many Abolitionists from the Democratic ranks and many good friends among the Whigs is just as cer tain.” If this he so, what dots it prove?! Not that they as a matter of course vote with the Whig parly, but that such is the feeling in the Wl.ig ranks towards slave ry ami slave-holders that converts from that parly are more easily made than from tlie Democrats But does not my fiiend of the Messenger, by his own fads, conclu sively prove the truth of my opinion? Hear him ! “In Maine, the Whig vote has been diminished in proportion to the increase of the Abolition vote!” If there is any truth in mathematics and this state ment and inference of the Messenger he correct, the whole increase of the Abolition party in Maine has been from the Whig ranks. As to Vermont, if the Messenger thinks that there are but six thousand abolition voters, he is wofully mistaken—in that State where they have better means of knowing, it is believed there are more than twelve thousand, many of whom would not vote at all for the candidates before them, but who will come out in the Presidential election, and many more vo ted for Slade, because he is in heart with them—such was my information, and I was there before and during the elections. That they will vote for Mr. Clay in the fall, Ido not pretend to say. But this 1 can with confidence affirm, that no sane man in all that country believes Fur a mo ment that they or any one of them will vote for Mr. Polk, or any other man who is in favor of the Annexation of Texas. Now as to the hostility of the Whig par ity of the North to the institutions of the; South, I predicated my charge upon the majority of the party —saying at the same time that there are many Democrats there i also that cannot be trusted, and equally iour foes. lam not one who would wan-, ! (only excite a prejudice against any man or class of men, but would as far as in me j lay, oppose and extirpate unjust or barely j sectional prejudices. But when called upon to speak upon so vital a question as] the one which has excited this controver sy, I feel it tny duty to speak what I be-1 lieve to be the truth, without any regard j to parties here among us. Ido not deem! the question a party humbug nor bugbear, j Every man who has read history and stu-j died human nature, knows that a sensei of justice, never for any considerable! length of time governs great communities, ] but that might makes righ'. Without go-1 ingbaek into the history of past ages, we! may take England as an example now, j not only from evidences which have reach ed us on this side the Atlantic, hut from |actual personal observations. I have no! I hesitancy in saying the people of England | are as virtuous, just and intelligent a pco -1 pie iudividual/y as have lived in this or any j other age, and yet as a nation, they have ! proved themselves little better than rob bers and pirates, from the time of the great freebooter Admiral Drake, down to j the piracy of Capt. Drew, who burnt the! (Caroline; and this virtuous people boast| jof their aggressions and plunderings throughout the world, as evidence of their | .greatness! Such is human nature! Itj is idle to expect that great communities! will be just, when their cupidity or pas sions impel them to a different course— then it is that constitutions, compacts and treaties are treated as waste paper. Now my charge against the majority of the Whigs of the North is hostility to slave-holders and the peculiar institutions of the South, and the Editor of the Mes senger charges that this opinion is formed from local and personal wrongs to myself, and gives some local instances to show that there are as many abolitionists from the Democratic ranks as the Whigs—the Editor is mistaken if he supposes that I formed any opinion upon such grounds alone ; it is true, that there is no certainty as to who is right in their estimate of the number of abolitionists from each party without an actual count the one who travels among and mixes will) the com mon people, would have the best means of knowing. But I did not form my' opi nion alone upon such observation. I will give some of the evidence—the facts that cannot err on which I predicate my charge. It will be remembered, that tlie State of Vermont, in 1840, gave a Whig majority of over 20,000 —while we Whigs of the I South were exulting over this Banner Suite of Vermont, she was passing a law, and did pass it that very year, 1840, declaring it a penitentiary offence for any of us jgood Southern friends to seize, bike or ! carry away out of Vermont, .any fugitive slave, and the same punishment to any one who should aid, assist, or abet in so tloing—similar laws were passed by Mas* sachusett s Connecticut and Pennsylvania. In 1339, otic Prigg was indicted for 1/nv . iug forcibly seized and carried away a fe male slave negro, from the Stale of Penn sylvania into Maryland to her mistress— he was convicted in the Circuit Court, un (der the statute making it penitentiary im prisonment for not less than seven, nor more than twenty-one years at hard labor —the case was carried to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania,and the judgment below confirmed ; from this last decision, a writ of error was taken to the Supreme Federal Court at Washington ; that Court, at its January session, 1842, reversed the decision in Pennsylvania—declared the !statute of that State unconstitutional and void, and in a lengthy discussion laid {down and sustained the following impor -1 tant propositions: Ist. That the right to seize and retake! fugitive slaves, and the duly to deliver 1 them up, in whatever State in the Union they may be found, is under the Constitu tion recognized as an absolute positive right and duty pervading the whole Union with an equal and supreme force, uncon-j troled and uncontrolahle by Stale sove reighnty or State legislation. 2d. That the owner has the same right to seize and retake his fugitive slave in whatever State he may be found, that he wt- uld have in a slave-holding State, where he can do so without a breach of the peace, and that this is a right under the Consti tution without any legislative enactment. Cxi. That the act of Congress of 1793, authorising the owner, his agent or attor ney, to arrest the fugitive slave, and take him either before a Federal Judge or a State Magistrate, and requiring such Judge or Magistrate to give such owner, his agent or attorney, u certificate of right to such fugitive, whereby he or they' shall he authorized and protected in conveying away such fugitive, is both constitutional •jrTitTN; ecessa ry. Now after such an important decision to the rights of the South, from so high a tri bunal, would it not he expected that all parties and all sections would be satisfied, and would acquiesce in it, more especially the good friends of the South! But was this the case? So far ftom it, the Whig Banner State Vermont, as if to manifest their contempt of the Federal Cotlrt and the laws of Congress, with that decision in their eye at the time, in October of the same year, 1342, that this decision was made, (thus virtually annulling their for mer statute) passed another, declaring that if any citizen of the State, other than fed eral officers should aid, assist or abet in any manner, a slave owner to regain his l.igitive slave, or it any magistrate or offi cer of Vermont should act under or aid in carrying into effect the law of Congress of 1793, he or they should be subject to indictment, and on conviction, sentenced to hard labor in the penitentiary for ten years! Connectcut passed a similar law, and the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, as I was informed by a member of the bar, have decided that if a Southerner brings his servant there, such servant is as free as any citizen of the Slate, and if the owner carries him away against his will, he is guilty of kidnapping Such facts as these, solemnly enrolled, are “ bodiless hands," which no Southerner, who is not |blind, can mistake! Superadded to all this, is the fact that no Southerner can con trol a refractory slave while travelling through those States, and if he attempts it, he has to flee for his life like a felon, for controling his own property. Who ! would believe that all thiscould be brought |about by the abolitionists alone? If the majority are our friends, could not, rtav, I would not they protect us? Who ever heard of a citizen of the North, or from ]any where else, travelling in the South, where a majority of the community were Itis friends, having to flee like a felon, for no crime nor offence other than that he claimed the right to carry away such pro perty as he brought with him ? Yet, with all these facts before them, the Southern people are to be made to believe that “those whodosuch things are hv no means hostile to us!” Oh no! they are the best brethren in the world—so long as they use and fleece us. Is there no danger from such a spirit increasing as it is with such fearful rapidity—a rapidity so alarming, that Mr. Choate did not go beyond the truth when he said, “ This new, aggressive, i intolerant public opinion, has advanced five j hundred years in the last twenty !” j Oh! hut says one, the Constitution pro | tects us !—rather say my friend, it ought to protect us. That sacred instrument is la poor paper barrier when opposed to the | rolling billows—moreover, look at the cen sus and say how long it will he before they can change that instrument to suit their ; purposes ? The Abolitionisms have ahea dy answered that question, and say bold | ly the time is at hand, and that when they get the control of the Government, they will have a Court that will decide no more jPrigg cases? But, says another, when ever they begin their aggressions, we will be as ready as you to resist. Ido not doubt it. 1 believe in the patriotism of all parties in the South. But I say, they have already began their aggressions,our outposts have already been assailed, and doubtless, w hen our territory is invaded, we shall he united, but it will be alter it is! too late—ic will be like the union of the Prussians after the imperial Eagles have crossed the frontiers. Are there not seve ral “ adjourned questions ” between the Southern States on the one hand, and En- gland and the Federalists on the other, of vital importance to the South. England has officially complained of our excluding from our ports her black sailors, and the Federalists have protested upon the same ground, that their black citizens are not al lowed equal privileges in all the States. England has long since had out her feelers In eni— Cute, ind tins Federalists would rejoice to see her in possession of it—both arc open and bold in their denunciation of slavery. The Federalists claim the right j to abolish it in the District of Columbia and the* Territories. England w ith bet j treaties with this country, of 1783 and: 1181-5, acknowlege the right of the South-' !ern people to hold their slaves as property ]by agreeing to pay for such as came to her [Missession during the war. That im portant principle is now lost to us. The British Government, when Mr. Webster asked them to pay for the cargo of slaves •of the Creole, which their officers in the Bahamas had stolen—answered that they did not recognize slavery and would not pay, and Mr. Webster, greatly pained no doubt at the wrong done his Southern friends, signed the treaty, without requir |ing compensation. Again, the Federalists claim the right,| under the Constitution, of regulating and 'controling by act of Congress, the com merce of slaves in the States. Again, they claim the right under the Constitution, of sending into the Southern country, through the mail, any documents j they please, no matter how pernicious to our peace may be their contents. Also the right of Abolitionists to travel through the South and distribute their papers. All these are ad journed questions, which will bo taken up and enforced against us so soon as they have the power to enforce our submission. Every discerning man must see that when that time comes, there will he “ the beginning of the end”—that this fair delightful land will become an (African desert, aid such of our children, as may escape the horrors of St. Domingo,. i become houseless wanderers upon the earth. Every Whig friend asks how will you prevent all this? I answer, that is a fearful question worthy of the solemn and serious consideration of wiser heads than mine. But in the first place, I would lay it down as a principle which all history [troves to be correct —that rto people ever preserved their rights or liberty, by trying to conciliate their enemies ; and secondly, that the way to avoid danger, is to meet it. For myself, 1 deem it tny duty to suit port whatever party at the North is the most the friends of South, and the most decidedly hostile to the Federalists and to ( England. Jn short, I would support the' friends of the South every where, and keep no terms with our foes, and I would strengthen the South by acquiring Texas, not for the purpose of aggressing upon or controling the North, but that we may he able in the hour of need, to defend our selves against aggression, and that we may deal blows that may he felt into En gland’s negro colonies in the Gulf of Mex ico. S. T. BAILEY. THE REPUBLIC. “ Government derives its just powers not from the authority of K liters, but from the consent of the governed.’’ MACON, OCTOBER 19, 1844. ( Election on the first .Monday in JYovember, by gene ral Ticket.) FOR PRESIDENT, JAMES K. POLK, of Tennessee. VICE PRESIDENT. GEORGE M. DALLAS, of Pennsylvania. DEMOCRATIC ELECTORS. CHARLES .J. MCDONALD, <>T Cobh, ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee, ROBERT M. CHARLTON, of Chatham, BARZILLAI GRAVES, of Randolph, GEORGE VV. TOWNS, of Talbot, W. F. SA.MFORD, of Meriwether, CHARLES MURPHY, of Cass, \V. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham, H. V. JOHNSON, of Baldwin, ELI H. BAX I'ER, of Hancock. The battle by the Federal against the Republican party, commenced before we could reach the field, it is therefore too late fir us to throw up entrenchments, draw lines of circumvallulion, or hold a parlv. We rush into the contest as a volunteer, .seize a standard, lustrous with the rays of the Young Republieks, certain that by the 'side of the Old Eagle of the Hermitage, and Cass, and Butler, and Johnson, and |Newnan, and Tennille, the illustrious war- Jriors of 12. 1-3, and 14, our, blows cannot fall too thick, or too heavy—and cannot lie dealt but in behalf of our firesides, our country, and our constitution. Our principles may he found in the re volutionary doctrines of’76.—ln the poli tical discussions of 1800, —in the tenets of the war party 0i’1312, —and in the Repub lican creed of the Democratic party of 1841. Through all those contests (as in the I present) the war was waged against En gland, and her nitural ally Federalism. In all of these, we were victorious! We are now in the midst of the last great strug gle, and though the battle may hang for a moment in suspense, inspired by the same cause and encouraged by the same pro vidence, we feel assured of a glorious vic tory ! A victory that shall restore peace to a disquieted land, preserve the great arid salutary compromises of the Constitution, plant five additional stars upon our natio nal banner, and confirm in enduring and indissoluble bonds the union of the States. j»We send our Paper to many ac quaintances and personal friends, who differ with us in political princif les. Noth ing tends so much to liberalize and enligh ten man as the contact of mind with mind. Truth can only be elicited by discussion— and we will not hesitate one moment to open our columns to a calm and dignified discussion of the great political questions that now agitate the land, to those who occupy antagonist positions. Upon other grounds too we invite patronage. Every Printing establishment opened iu our City, brings with it both population and monied investments. No respect*- ( blc weekly paper ran be issued with a les> expenditure than two thousand dol lars per annum: We hope our friends at a distance will not only become subscribers themselves, but make an effort to increase the number of the “Republic’s” patrons. We have been an humble, but a faith ful laborer in the field ot Democracy, and do not intend to relax our efforts, one jot or little. The scene of our earnest and indefati gable employment is only transferred from the stump to the press,and we will do all in our power to render that instrumental in pronr.lgating.circulatingand impressing upon the public mind the great ands tlu , tarv principles of the Republican Creed, to which we are all devoted. With ourbretbren of the pre=s, we shall (ever be ready to interchange those cour jteseys and civilities which ought to char acterize the profession even in the fever heats of political excitement. To our more immediate friends anti neighbors, we pledge our bumble abilities to make our paper a useful and efficient vehicle of com mercial intelligence. While we believe there is taste and genius enough in this City, ant! the adjacent country, to enrich our columns with literary contributions ol such character, as to make them agreeable to readers of both sexes. ISON. A. 11. CnAPPULL. This gentleman’s position before the] people of Georgia, reminds us most forci bly of the proscription of Edmund Burke] when he refused to applaud the sanguina ry atrocities of the French Revolution. He recognizer! the right of the people to alter, reform or abolish governments, when] (they failed to subserve the purposes of! their establishment —but be saw with a prophetic kert that the altars running with the blood of the French people, and her temples filled with such priests as Dan-, ! ton, Marat and Robespierre, were not fit 1 emblems ol Mercy or Justice or Popular Liberty. —He therefore deprecated tlx* ,wi!d atrocities of such licentious and in j human devotees, while he wept tin; loss of a constitutional and regulated Govern ment. Mr. Chappell detected the conspiracy formed by the Northern and Southern di visions ol’ the Federal party, to surrender the Government into the hands of a few rapacious capitalists, thp monied Lords of the land, and Seward, Granger, Adams and Slade, the Marats of this Republic, who would not hesitate one moment to excite a servile war, deluge every house hold with blood, and offer every slave holder upon the smoMng altars of the Moloch of Abolition! ilaving observed the preperations made for the sacrifice of the interests of a great people, like n watchful sentinel anti a true patriot, the inmost fibres of whose heart vibrates with devotion to his country, he aroused she people, and proclaimed tlie Republic en-j dangered. And for this, a mad and in fatuated party would turn and rent! him. They offered him office to appease his in dignant and outraged patriotism, and to preserve a unity of patty ! Anti for re jecting it, they call him traitor! The same fell spirit that dragged a Syd ney to the scaffold, woultl have gibbetted a Jackson for saving a city from fire and outrage, anti consigned the Aristides of the South toobloquy and disgrace! Mr. Chappell saw the party with whom he was formerly connected, giving the (sanction of their name to principles which have in them till the germs of Consolida tion. And with Burke he recognized the truth that “the maxim of resisting the be ginning of evil is as sound in the concerns of nations as in the morality of individual minds.” It is somewhat questionable whether mischief is not more effectually done in the incipient state than when the evil comes full-fortned ; it is less ptreeived, and it thus destroys with impunity. “ The locust before it gets its wings destroys the crop with a still more rapacious tooth, than when its armies are loading the] wind.” He is charged by his firmer political friends with upostacy ! because he did not follow the phrensy and ingratitude of the hour; that while the most awful events in the history of human change were trans acting before him, he did not shut his eais and eyes to their moral; becaase he did not follow the throng into the valley and there join the fabricators of the new idolatry, the priesthood of the Golden Calf of Fed eralism, and skate the polluted feast, while the thunders of divine vengeance were! rolling on the hill above! In the ranks of an ungrateful party he fought for nearly the half of that portion] of life allotted to man—certainly for that | portion of his course in which the desires, the vigour and the applicability of all the best parts of human nature have their fullest play. He went to them a volun teer—he fought side by side with the fore most —he shared the “ winter of their dis content” as willingly as the summer of their prosperity. He took the buffets of ill fortune, and they were many, with as| cheerful a countenance and as unshaken; a fidelity, as any man. But when he saw a new banner raised among them, blazoned with mottoes of evil, and refused to fel low, who were the deserters ? They or hi in ? Let the thunders of forty thousand voices, roaring the dirge of Federalism, from the wave-lashed shores of the Atlantic to the mountain fastnesses of Georgia, those im pregnable bulwarks of Freedom, give the response. Our State is redeemed, and Absalom H. Chappell stands sustained and cheered in his position, by the ver dict of the people! And though by an iniquitous legislation he has been defeated in his own district by the inconsiderable majority of one hundred and forty votes, he may proudly exclaim with the old Ro man, “ Marcella* exile! mere true honor feels, Than Cc»r with n Unman Senate at his heel*,” i Just One Hundred and Forty and tsoth-\ mg ,he. !!! U< 0, 7 T. B i11..;,. We publtsn Ins letter upon the position ot parties at the North in regard to the Abolition question ; and we feel no delica cy (on account of the private relations that exist between ns and that gentleman) i n saying, that while it is most conclusive in fixing upon the federal Whigs of the North a deep, implacable, and abiding hatred to the South and its institutions, it vindicates the purity and heartfelt sincerity of the Republican Democracy, in their inflexible and self-sacrificing defence of Southern ' rights. He visits Vermont, and there his proper tv is seized, and his personal liberty en* dangered. By the aid of the iron-nerved Democracy be regains bis property and bis personal freedom, anrl returns to Geor gia! His friends and the public are anxious to learn through him the true history of this practical exhibition of Abolition, and the part that each political parly perform ed in the drama. He responds to a cour teous note of inquiry from a respr-cable source, in a calm, dignified statement ; so which, lie merely states facts without comment or political virulence. He only j confirms by itis evidence that which was before believed, bnt not practically exem plified, to wit s that the Fedcjal Whigsof the North are not only hostile to the South but that nine-tenths of them are rabid* Abolitionists, He hardly anticipated that the sympathy between the two wings of the Federal party was so strong, that be dare not </«- nounce tire otte, without insulting the other. His exposure was too untimely ! And be cause fa* would not postpone nor withhold his revelation from the public eve, what has been the result? We call the atten tion of the South to the question and to the rep!}'. The persecution commenced «• gainst him by Vermont Abolitionists, is con tinued by Southern Whigs !!! In his name, in the name of the Demo cracy of the South, we tender our hearts and hands to those unflinching Republi cans of Vermonf and New Hampshire, 1 who, deeply hnhaed with the glorious and* hallowed recollections that still hover around the sacred charter of our liberties, stepped forward to its defence, and the preservation of Southern rights. Perse cuted there, he lias been proscribed here! But he stands in the midst of the Demo crat y of Georgia, satisfied that having done his duty to firs country, he has won the approbation of a band of patriots, wht* while they justify his course, will stand hv him to the death, in the maintenance of our blood bought and inalienable rights. GEORGIA, IS GEORGIA STILL. The Georgia of Baldwin, Jackson, Bibb, Craw ford, Fohsttu and Troup, is Georgia still, Republican she core, and the kvte Democrafrtr idomphy must be regarded by every one in a mo ral us well as in a political point of view |as perfect and complete. It must at the name time cheer every lover of his court-' try, and every friend ®f our gforiomr free institutions with the reflection,4hdt : erft>F however cunningly disguised canrtoi'long maintain the unequal combat with ifuffj nnd intelligence. In the eaw/ass through which we have just passed, oar- opponent* have attempted to hide in every way pos sible, the true issues before the country from the people, and to deceive them as much as they could, cm the great questions of Annexation and the Tariff. The for mer has been denounced as a villanoas scheme of speculation and robbery, ante! the latter, eulogised as a measure of relief and deliverance, w hich would bting a rtf turn of the golden age, withall its blessings But the effort to deceive the people on these great questions, has proved unavail ing. They have pronouuced sen tence of condemnation against the dot trels of the whigs of Georgia, and the State is herself again. She has returned once more to her old Republican moorings, ev ery where in Georgia, lhe evidence is giv en that she is sound to the core. It flash es in her morning and evening sunbeams. It is breathed by her winds, and shouted in her storms, that she will never become a Federal state. OCOKGVA IN A BLAZE OF GLORY. We congratulate our friends in this State we congratulate the Democtatic party throughout the union upon the result ofthe late election. Georgia lias nobly vindica ted her attachments to Republican prin ciples, and the interests ofthe South, she . has risen like a young giant, and disenga ged herself from the party that would have her dangling at the tail of Federalists and Abolitionists, to secure the election of Henry Clay.-She has spurned frateniza tion with 11)03“, and has aligned herself with the friends of the South, and the great Democratic party of the county. Below we gi.\e the returns of the late elections frem which it will lie seen that there is a Democratic gain of 12000 since the elec tion of IS4O, and a gain of G-500 since the election of last year, all h ail, and all hail again to Georgia. We present our heartfelt thanks to our Commercial friends, for the generous pa* tronage they have extended to us. will show our gratitude for such favors by using every effort to establish a useful com mercial sheet, and in concentrating Ihe attention of the people of Georgia, upon our City, as the most convenient of access, the most preferable for the disposal of Marketable commodities, and at least t qual if not superior to any of our inland marts for the purchase of Goods. Macon is a Central and Commanding location, and destined at some future day to a much higher destiny, both in pop'* ®" lion and commercial importance than s io even now enjoys. tiii: nADiaoni convention. The organs of the parly contended i > 't there were Thirty Thousand Whigip r *' sfn ion that occasion. “Where, andoo, where did they come from, and oh» w here ° they dwell.”