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UNITED STATED AND MEXICO.
Mr. Calhoun to Mr. King.
Department ok State, )
Washington, Aug. 12, 1814 j
Sir —l have laid your despatch No- 1,
before the President, who instructs me to
make known to you that he has read it
with much pleasure, especially the portion
which relates to your cordial reception by
the King, and his assurance of friendly
feelings towards the United States. The
President in particular highly appreciates
the declaration of the King, that in no e
vent would any step he taken by his Go
vernment in the slightest degree hostile or
which would give to the United States,
just cause of complaint. It was the more
gratifying from the fact that our previous
information was calculated to make the
impression, that the Governmentof France
was prepared to unite with Great Britain
in a joint protest against the annexation of
Texas, and a joint effort to induce her Go
vernment to withdraw the proposition to
annex, on condition that Mexico should
be made to acknowledge her independence
He is happy to infer from your despatch
that the information as far as it relates to
France, is, in all probability, without
foundation. You did not go farther than
you ought in assuring the King that the
object of annexation would be pursued
with unabated vigor, and in giving your
opinion that a decided majority of the A
merican people were in its favor, and that
it would'ce r tainly he annexed at no dis
tant day. I feci confident that your anti
cipation will be fully realized at no distant
period. Every day will tend to weaken
that combination of political causes which
led to this opposition to the measure, and
to strengthen the conviction that it was not
only expedient, but just and necessary.
You were right in making the distinc
tion between the interests of France and
England in reference to Texas—or rather
I would say, the apparent interests of the
two countries. France cannot possibly
have any other than commercial interest
in desiring to see. her preserve tier separ
ate independence, while it is certain Eng
land looks beyond, to political interests,
to which she apparently attaches much im
portance. But, in our opinion, the inter
est of both against the measure is more
apparent than real; and that neither France
England, nor even Mexico herself, has any
in opposition to it when the subject is fair
ly viewed and considered in i's whole ex
tent and all its bearings. Thus viewed
and considered, and assuming that peace
the extension of commerce, and security,
are objects of primary policy with them,
it may as it seems to me, be readily shown
that the policy on the part of these powers
which would acquiesce in a measure so
strongly desirous by both the United States
and Texas, for their mutual welfare and
safely a* the annexation of the latter tothe
former, would be far more 'promotive of
these great objects than that which would
attempt to resist it.
It is impossible to cast a look at the map
of the United States and Texas, and to
note the king artificial, and inconvenient
ine which divided them, atul that to lake
into consideration the extraordinary in
crease of population and growth of the
former, and the source from which the
latter must] derive its inhabitants, institu
tions and laws, without coming to the con
clusion that it is their destiny to b ■ unite
and of course, that annexation is merely a
question of time and mode. Thus regar
ded the quest ion to be decided would seem
to be whether it would not be better to per
mit it to be done now, with the mutual
consent of both parties, and the acquies
cence of these powers, than to attempt to;
resist and defeat it. If the former course
be adopted, the certain fruits would be
the preservation of peace, great extension
ofcommeree by the rapid settlement and
improvements of Texas, and increase and se
curity 7, especially to Mexico. The last in
reference to Mexico, may be doubted, but
1 hold it not less clear than the other two.
It would be a great mistake to suppose
that the Government has any hostile fee
ling towards Mexico or any disposition to
aggrandize itself at her expense—the fact
is the very reverse.
It wishes her well, and desires to see
her settled down in peace and security ;
and is prepared in the event of the annex
ation of Texas if not forced into conflict
with her to propose to settle with her the
question ofboundary, and of all others
growing outof the annexation, on the most
liberal terms. Nature herself has clear
ly marked the boundary between her and
Texas, by natural limits too strong to be
mistaken. There are few countries whose
limits are so distinctly marked; and it
would be our desire, if Texas should be
so united to us, to see them firmly estab
lished, as the most certain means of esta
blishing permanent peace between the two
countries and strengthening and cemen
ting their friendship. Such would be the
certain consequenc of permitting the an
nexation to take place now, with the ac
quiescence of Mexico; but far different
would be the case if it should be attemp
ted to resist and defeat it; whether the at
tempt should be successful for the present
or not. Any attemp of the kind would
now probably lead to a conflict between
ns and Mexico, and involves consequen
ces, in reference to her and the general
peace long to be deplored on all sides and
difficult to be repaired. But should that
not be the case, and the inteiference of a
nother power defeat the annexation for
the present, without the interruption of
peace, it would but postpone the conflict
and render it more fierce and bloody when
ever it might occur. Its defeat would be
attributed to enmity and ambition on the
part of the power by whose interference it
was occasioned, and excite deep jealousy
and resentment on the part of our people,
who would be ready to seize the first fa
vorable opportunity to effect by force what
was prevented from being done peacea
by mutual consent. It is not difficult to
see how greatly such a conflict, come
when it might, would endanger the gcnc-
nil jieace, and how much Mexico might
be the looser by it.
lit the meantime, the condition ofTex
as would be rendered uncertain, her set
tlement and prosperity in consequence re
tarded, and her commerce crippled, while
the general peace would be rendered
much more insecure. It could not but
greatly affect us. If the annexation should
be permitted to take place peaceably now
(as it would without the interference of
other powers,) the energies otour people
would fora long time to come, be direc
ted to the peaceable pursuits of redeem
ing, and bringing within the pale of cul
tivation improvements and civilization,
that large portion of the continent lying
between Mexico on one side, and the Bri
tish possessions on the other, which is now
with little exception, a wilderness with a
sparse population consisting, for the most
part of wandering Indian tribes.
It is our destiny to occupy that vast re
gion; to intersect it with roads and canals;
to fill it with cities, towns, villages, and
farms; to extend over it our religion, cus
toms, constitution and laws ; anil to pre
sent it as a peaceful and splendid addition
to the domains of commerce and civiliza
tion. It is our policy to increase, by grow
ing and spreading out into unoccupied re
gions, assimilating all we incorporate ; in
a word, to increase bv accretion, and not
through conquest, by the addition of mas
ses held together by-the cohesion of force.
No system can be more unsuited to the lat
ter process or better adapted to the for
mer, than our admirable federal system.
If it should not be. resisted in its course, it
will probably fulfil its destiny without dis
turbing our neighbors, or putting in jeo
pardy the general peace; but if it be oppo
sed by foreign interference, anew direc
tion would be given to our energy 7 , much
less favorable to harmony with our neigh
bors. and to the general peace of the world
'(’lie cli arge would be undesirable to us,
and much less in accordance with what I
have assumed to be primary objects of po
licy oii the part of'France, England and
Mexico.
But to descend to particulars; it is cer
tain that while England, like France, de
sires the independence of Texas, with the
view to commercial connexions; it is not
lass so, that one ofthe leading motives for
England desiring it, is the hope that
through her diplomacy and influence, ne
gro slavery may be abolished there and
ultimately by consequence, in the United
States, and throughout the whole conti
nent is an object ardently desired by her
we have decisive proof in the declaration
ol the Earl of Aherneen, delivered to this]
Department, and of which you will find a j
copy among the documents transmitted to]
Congress with the Texas Treaty. That
she desires its abolition in Texas, atui lias
used her influence and diplomacy to effect
it there, the document with the correspon
dence of this department with Mr. Pack
enltatn, also to be found among the docu
ments, furnishes proof not less conclusive.
That one ofthe objects of abolishing it
there, is to facilitate its abolition in the U.
; States, and throughout the continent, is
i manifest from the declaration ofthe aboli
tion pitrty and societies, both iu ibis coun
i try and in England. In fact, tlierc is good
reason to believe that the scheme of abo
j iishing it. in Texas, with the view to its a
jbolition in the United States and over the
continent, originated with the prominent]
members ofthe parly in the United States ,
arid was first broached by them in the (so
called) World’s Convention, held in Lon
don in theyear IS4O, ami through its agen
cy brought tothe notice ofthe British Go
vernment.
Now, 1 hold, not only that France can
have no interest in the consumotion of this
grand scheme which England hopes to
accomplish through Texas, if site can de
feat t lie annexation ; but that her inreresl]
and those of all continental powers of Eu
rope, are directly and deeply opposed to
it.
It is 100 late in the day to contend that]
humanity or philanthropy is the great ob
ject ofthe policy of England in attempting
to abolish African slavery on this conti
nent. 1 do not question but humanity
may have been one of her leading motives
for the abolition of the African slave trade
and that it may have had a considerable
influence in abolishing slavery in her
West India possessions—aided indeed by
the falicious calculation that the labor of
the negro would be at least as profitable,
if not more so in consequence of the meas
ure. She acted on the principle that tro
pical products can he produced cheaper
by free Amrican labor and east india labor
than by slave labor. She knew full well
the value of such products to her com
merce, navigation, navy, manufactures,
revenue, and power. She was not igno
rant that the support of h*r political pre
ponderance depended on her tropical pos
sessions, and had no intention of diminish
ing their productiveness, nor any anticipa
tion that such would be the effect, when
the scheme of abolishing slavery in her
colonial possessions was adopted. On
the contrary," she calculated to combine
philanthropy with profit and power, as is
not unusual with fanaticism. Experience
has convinced her of the fallacy of her cal
culations. She has failed in all her objects.,
7’he labor of her negroes has proved far
less productive, without affording the con
solation of having improved their condi-
tion.
The experiment has turned out to be a
costly one. She expended nearly one
hundred millions of dollars indemnifying
the owners of the emancipated slaves. It
is estimated that the increased price paid
since, by the people of Great Britain, for
sugar and other tropical productions, in
consequence of the measure, is equal to
ball that sum; and that twice that amount
has been expended in the suppression of
the slave trade; making together two hun
dred and fifty millions of dollars as the
cost of the experiment. Instead of reali
zing her hope, the result has been a sail
disappointment. Her tropical products
have fallen off' to a vast amount. Instead
of supplying her own wants and those of
nearly ail Europe with them, as formerly,
she has now in some of the most important
articles, scarcely enough to supply her
own. What is worse, her own colonies
are actually consuming sugar produced by
slave labor, brought direct to England, or
* refineil in bond, and exported and sold in
her colonies as cheap or cheaper, than they
can be produced there; while the slave
trade, instead of diminishing, has been in
! firct carried on to a greater extent than
ever. 180 disastrous has been the result
that her fixed capital vested in tropical
j possessions, estimated at the value of near
i five hundred millions of dollars, is said to
I stand on the brink of ruin.
But this is not the worst. While this
• cosily scheme has had sucli ruinous effects
]on the tropical productions of Great Bri
tain. it has given' a powerful stimulus, fol
: lowed by a corresponding increase of pro
ducts, to those countries which have had
thegood sense to shun her example. There
has been vested it is estimated l>y them;
in production of tropical products since
J 808, in fixed capital, nearly $4,000,000,
000, wholly dependent on slave labor. In
the same period the value of their products
has hern estimated to have risen from a
-802,000,000, annually, to nearly
t‘520,000,000, while the whole ofthe fix
ed capital of Great Britain vested in cul
tivating tropical products, both iu the
East and West Indies, is estimated at a
bout 8830,000,000, and in the value ofthe
product annually at about 8-30,000,000.
To present a still more striking view of
three articles of tropical product, (sugar,
coffee, and cotton) the British possessions
including the West and East Indies, and
Mauritius produced in 1842, nfsugaron-
I ly, 3,993,771 pounds, whilst Cuba, Bra
zil, and the United States, excluding other
countries having tropical possessions, pro
duced 9,600,000 pounds of Coffee, the
Britih possessions produced only 27,303,
003, while Cuba and Brazil produced 201,
! 590,125 pounds and of cotton, the British
possessions including shipments to China
only, 137,443,146 pounds, while the Uni
ted Slates alone produced 790,479,275
pounds.
The above facts and estimates have all
been drawn from a British periodical of
high standing and authority, and arc be
lieved to be entitled to credit.
This vast increase of the capital and
production on the part of those nations
who have continued their former policy
towards the negro race, compared with
that et Great britains’ indicates a corres
ponding relative increase ofthe means of
commerce, navigation, manufactures,
wealth and power. It is no longer a ques
tion of doubt, that the great source of the
wealth, prosperity and power of the most
civilized nations ofthe temperate zone
(especially Europe, where they have
made the greatest advance) depends, in a
great degree, on the exchange ol their
products, with those ofthe tropical regions
>Bo great lias been the advance made in
the arts, both chemical and mechanical,
within the tew last generations, that all
; the old civilized nations can with but a
: small part of their labor and capital, sup
ply then respective wants; which tends to
limit within narrow bounds liic amount of
the commerce between them and forces
them all to seek for markets iu the tropi
cal regions, and the more newly settled
portion of the globe. Those who can best
succeed in commanding those markets,
have the best prospect ol outstripping the
others in the career ot commerce naviga
tion, manutirclures, wealth and power.
In order to regain her superiority she
not only seeks to revive arid increase her
own capacity to produce tropical produc
tions, but to dimmish and destroy the ca
pacity ol those who have so fur outsit ip- {
her in consequence of her error, lu pur
suit of the former, she lias cast her eyes to
her East India possession—to central and
Eastern Africa with the view of establish
ing colonies there, and even to restore,
substantially the slave trade itself under
the specious name of transporting free la
borers from Africa to her West India pos
sessions, in order if possible to compete
successfully with those who have refused
to follow her suicidal policy. But these
all arfbrd but uncertain and distant hopes
of recovering her lost superiority. Her
main reliance is on the otliei alternative—
to cripple or destroy the productions of
her successful rivals. There is but one
way by which it can be done, and that is
by abolishing African slavery throughout
this continent; and that she openly avows
to be the constant object of her policy and
exertions—it matters not how or from
what motive it can be done—whether it
may be by diplomacy, influence or force;
by secret or open means; and whether the
motive be human or selfish, without re-
gard to manner, means, or motive. The
thing itself should it bo accomplished,
would put down.all rivalry, and give her
the undisputed supremacy in supplying
her own wants and those of the rest of the
world ; and thereby more than fully re
trieve what she had lost by her errors. It
would give her the monopoly of tropical
productions, which I shall next proceed to
show.
W hat would be the consequence if this
object of her unceasing solicitude and ex
ertions should be effected by the abolition
ofnegro slavery throughout this continent
some idea may be formed from the im
mense diminution or productions, as has
been shown, which has followed abolition
in her west India possession. But as
great as that has been, it is nothing com
pared to what would be the effect if she
should succeed in abolishing slavery in
the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and
throughout the continent. The experi
ment in her own colonies was made un
der the most favorable circumstances. It
was brought about gradually and peacea
bly, b) the steady and firm operation of
the parent country armed with complete
power to prevent or crush at once all in
surrectionary movements on the part of
the negroes, and able and disjtoscd to
maintain to the full the political and so
cial aset-udancy of the former masters
over their former slaves. It is not at all
w’onderful that the change of the relations
of masters and slaves took place under
such circumstances without violence and
bloodshed, and that order and peace
should have been since preserved. Very
different would be the result of abolition
should it be enacted by her influence and
exertions in the possessions of other coun
tries on the continent—and especially in
the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the
great cultivators of the principal tropical
products of America.
To form a correct conception of what
would be the result with them, we must
look not to Jamaica but to St. Domingo,
tor example.—The change would be bil
lowed by unforgiving bate between them
fiir superiority. One or the other would
have to lie subjugated, extirpated, or ex
pelled and desolation would overspread
their territories as in St. Domingo, from
which it would take centuries to recover.
1 lie end would be, that the superiority in
cultivating the great tropical staples would
be transferred from them tothe British
tropical possessions.
ft is unquestionable, that she regards
tite abolition of slavery in Texas as a most
important step to thegreat object of poli
cy, so much the aim of her solicitude and
exertions and the defeat of the annexation
of lexas to our Union as indispensable to
the abolition ofslavery tbere. She is too
sagacious not to see what a fatal blow it
would give slavery in the United States,
and hmv certainly its abolition with us
would abolish it over the whole continent
and thereby give her u monopoly to the
productions oi the great tropical staples
and the command of the commerce navi
gation and manufactures ofthe world
" it}’ an established naval ascendancy and
political preponderance. To this conti
nent t lie blow would be calamitous be
yond description.
It would destroy in a great measure,
the cultivation and production of the
great tropical staples, amounting annual
ly in value to nearly s3ooo,ooo,ooo,’the
fund which stimulates and upholds al
most every other branch of its industry,
commerce, navigation and manafuctures.
The whole, by their joint influence, are
rapidly spreading population, wealth im
| rovement, and civilization over the whole
continent, and vivifying, bv their over
flow, the industry of Europe; thereby
increasing its population, wealth and ad
vancement in the arts, and in power
for civilization.
Such must be the result, should Great
Britain succeed in accomplishing the con
stant object es her desire and exertions—
the abolition of negro slavery over this
continent ; and towards the affecting of
which she regards the defeat of the an
nexation of 1 exas to our Union so impor
tant. Can it be possible that Govern
ments so enlightened and sagacious as
those of France and the other great con
tinental powers, can be so blinded by the
plea of philanthropy as not to see what
must inevitably follow, be her motive
what it may should she succeed in her
objects ? It is little short of mockerv to
talk of philanthropy, with the examples
before us of the effects of abolishing sla
very in her own colonies in St. Domin
go, and the Northern States of our Union,
where statistical facts, not to he shaken,
prove that the freed negro, after the expe
rience of sixty years, is in a far worse
condition t ban in the other States, where
he has been left in his former condition.
No: the effect of what is called aboli
tion, where the number is few, is not to
raise the inferior race to the condition of
freemen, hut to deprive the uegro of the
guardian care of his owner, subject io all
the depression and oppression belonging
to his inferior condition. But, on the otle
er hand, where the number is great, and
Goars a large proportion to the whole pop
ulation. it would be still worse. It Would
be to substitute for the existing relation a
deadly strife between the two races, to
end in the subjection, expulsion, or extir
pation of one or the other; and such
would be the ease over the greater part
of this continent where slavery exists.—
It would not end there ; but would in all
probability extend, by its example, the
war of races over all South America, in
cluding Mexico, and extending to the In
dian as well as the African race, and
make the whole a scene of blood anil de
vastation.
Dismissing, then, the stale and unfoun
ded and stale plea of philanthropy, can
it be that f ranee and the other great con
tinental powers—seeing what must be
the result of the policy, for the accom
plishment of which England is constant
ly exerting herself, and that the defeat
of the annexation of Texas is so import
ant towards its consummation—are pre
pared to back or countenance her in her
| efforts to effect either ? What possible
i motives can they have to favor her cher
ished policy ? Is it not better for them
that they should he supplied with tropic
al products in exchange for their labor,
from the United States, Brazil, Cuba, and
this continent generally, than to he de
pendent on one great monopolizing pow
er, for their supply ? Is it not better that
they should receive them at the low pri
ces which competition, cheaper means of
production, and nearness of market, will
furnish them by the former, than to give
(lie high prices which monopoly, cear la
bor, and great distance from market will
impose ? Is it not better that their labor
should be changed with anew continent,
rapidly increasing in populatiou and tlie
capacity for consuming, and which would
furnish in the course of a few generations
a market nearer to them , and of almost
unlimited extent, for the products of their
industry and arts, than with old and dis
tant regions whose population has long
since reached its growth ?
The above contains those enlarged
views of policy which it seems to me, an
enlightened European statesman ought to
take, in making up his own opinion on the
subject of the annexation of Texas, and 1
the grounds, as it may be interred, on!
which England vainly opposes it. They
certainly involve considerations ol the
deepest importance, and demanding the
greatest attention. Viewed in connexion
with them, the question of annexation be
comes one of the first magnitude, not on
ly to Texas and the United States, but to
this Continent and Europe. They are
presented that you may use them on all
suitable occasions, where you think they
may be with effect; in your correspond
ence, where it can he done with propriety,
or otherwise. The President relies with
confidence on your sagacity, prudence and
zeal. Your mission is one of the first
magnitude at all times, but especially at
the present time; and be feels assured
nothing will be left undone on your part
to do justice to the country and the gov
ernment in reference to this great quest
ion.
I have said nothing as to our right of
treating with Texas, without consulting
Mexico. You so fully understand the
grounds on which we rest our right, and
j are so familiar with the facts necessary
to add anything in reference to it.
I am, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. C. CALHOUN.
VVm. R. King, Esq., &e.
PRESIDENT TYLER’S MESSAGE.
To the Senate
and House of Representatives:
1 transmit herewith copies of despatch
es received from our Minister at Mexico,
since the commencement of your present
session, which claim, from their impor
tance, and I doubt not will receive, your
calm and deliberate consideration. The
extraordinary and highly offensive lan
guage which the Mexican Government
has thought proper to employ in reply to
the remonstrance ofthe Executive, through
Mr. Shannon, against the renewal of the
war with Texas while the question of an
nexation was pending belore Congress
and the People, and also, the proposed
manner of conducting that war, will not
fail to arrest your attention.
Such remonstrance, urged in no un
friendly spirit to Mexico, was called lor
by considerations of an imperative char
acter, having relation as well to the peace
of this country and honor of this Govern
ment as to the cause of humanity and
civilization. Texas had entered into the
Treaty of Annexation upon the invitations
ol the Executive; and when, for that act,
she was threatened with a renewal of the
war on the part of Mexico, she naturally
looked to this Government to interpose its
efforts to ward off' the threatened blow.
But one course was left tlie Executive,
acting within the limits of its constitu
tional competency, and that was to pro
test ill respectful, but at the same time
strong and decided terms, against it.—
The war thus threatened to be renewed,
was promulgated by edicts and decrees,
which ordered on the part of the Mexican
military, the desolation of whole tracts ol
country, and the destruction, without dis
crimination, of all ages, sexes, and condi
tions of existence.
Over the manner of conducting war,
Mexico possesses no exclusive control.—
fShe has no light to violate at pleasure the
principles which an enlightened civiliza
tion has laid down for the conduct of na
tions at war; and thereby retrograde to a
period ol barbarism which, happily for
the world, has long since passed away. —
All nations are interested in enforcing an
observance of those principles, and the
foiled States, the oldest of the American
Republics, and the nearest of the civilized
powers to the theatre on which these en
ormities were proposed to lie enacted,
could not quietly content themselves to
witness such a state of things. They
had through the Executive, on another
occasion, und as was believed with the
approbation ol the whole country, remon
strated against outrages similar, but even
less inhuman, than those which by her
new edicts and decrees she has threaten
ed to perpetrate, and of which the late
inhuman massacre at Tobasco was but
the precursor.
The bloody and inhuman murder ol
Fannin and his companions, equaled only
in savage barbarity by the usages of the
untutored Indian tribes, proved how little
confidence could be placed on the most
solemn stipulations of her Generals, w bile
the fate ol others who became her cap
tives in war, many of whom, no longer
able to sustain the fatigues and privations
of long journeys, were shot down by the
wayside, while their companions who
survived were subjected to sufferings even
more painful than death—had left an in
delible slain on the page of civilization.
The Executive with the evidence of at:
intention on the part of Mexico to renew
scenes so revolting to humanity, could do
no less than renew remonstrances former
ly urged. For fulfilling duties so imper
ative, Mexico has thought proper, through
her accredited organs, because she has
had represented toiler the inhumanity ol
such proceedings, to indulge in language
unknown to the courtesy of diplomatic
intercourse, and offensive in the highest
degree to this Government and People.
Nor has she offended in this only. She
has not only violated existing conventions
between the two countries, by arbitrary
and unjust decrees against our trade and
intercourse, but withholds instalments of
debt, due to our citizens, which she so
lemnly pledged herself to pay, under cir
cumstances which are fully explained by
the accompanying letter from Mr. Green,
our Secretary of Legation. And when
our Minister has invited the attention of
her Government to wrongs committed by
her local authorities not onty on the pro
perty but on the persons of our fellow
citizens, engaged in prosecuting fair and
honest pursuits, she has added insult to
injury, by not even deigning, for months
together, to return tin answer to his rep
resentations. Still further to manifest W
unfriendly feeling towards the United
Stales, she has issued decrees expelling
from some of her provinces American cit
izens engaged in the peaceful pursuits of
life, and now denies to those of our citi
zens prosecuting the Whale Fishery on
the Northwest coast of the Pacific/ the
privilege which has, through all time
heretofore been accorded to them, of ex
changing goods of a small amount in value
at her ports in California for suuplies in
dispensable to their health and comfort.
Nor will it escape the observation of
Congress, that in conducting a correspon
dence with the minister of the United
States, who cannot, and does not, know
tiny distinction between the geographical
sections of the Union, charges wholly
unfounded are made against particular
States, and an appeal to others for aid
and protection against supposed wrongs,
fn this-same connection, sectional preju
dices are attempted to be excited, and the
hazardous and unpardonable effort is made
to foment divisions among the States of
the Union, thereby to embitter theirpeace.
Mexico lias still to learn, that however
freely we may indulge in discussion among
ourselves, the American People will tol
erate no interference in their domestic af
fairs by any foreign Government; and in
all that concerns the constitutional guar
antees and the nation.al honor, the people
of the United Stales have but one mind
and one heart.
'Hie subject of annexation addresses it
self most fortunately to every portion of
the Union. The Executive would have
been unmindful of its highest obligations,
if it could have adopted a course of poli
cy dictated by sectional interests and lo
cal feelings. On the contrary, it was be
cause the question was neither local nor
sectional, but made its appeal to the in
terests of the whole Union, and of every
Stale in the Union, that the negotiations,
and finally the Treaty of Annexation was
entered into; and it lias afforded me no
oulinary pleasure to perceive that, so far
as demonstrations have been made upon
it by the People, they have proceeded
from all portions of the Union. Mexico
may seek to excite divisions amongst us,
l>v uttering unjust denunciations against
particular Stales, but when she comes to
know that the invitations addressed toour
follow citizens by Spain, and afterwards
by herself, to settle Texas, were accepted
by emigrants from all the States; and
when, in addition to this, site refreshes
her recollect ion with the fact, that the first
effort w hich was made to acquire Texas,
was during the administration of a dis
tinguished citizen from an Eastern State,
which was afterwards renewed under the
auspices of a President from the South
west, she will awake to a knowledge of
the futility of her present purpose of sow
ing dissensions among us, or pioilucing
distraction in our Councils by attacks ei
ther on particular States, or on persons
who are now in the retirement of private
life. Considering the appeal which she
now makes to eminent citizens by name,
can she hope to escape censure for having
ascribed to them as well as to others, a
design, as she pretends now, for the first
time revealed, of having originated nego
tiations to despoil her, by duplicity and
falsehood, of a portion of her territory?
The opinion then, as now, prevailed with
the Executive, that the Annexation of
Texas to the Union was a matter of vast
importance.
In order to acquire that territory before
it had assumed a position among the in
dependent powers of the earth, proposi
tions were made to Mexico for a cession
of it to the United Slates. Mexico saw
in these proceedings, at the time, no cause
of complaint. She is now, when simply
reminded of them, awakened to the know
ledge of the fact, which she, through her
Secretary of State, promulgates to the
whole world as true, that those negotia
tions were founded in deception and false
hood, and superintended by unjust and
iniquitous motives. While Texas was a
dependency of Mexico, the United States
opened negotiations with the latter power
for the cession of her then acknowledged
territory; and now that Texas is indepen
dent of Mexico, and lias maintained a
separate existence for nineyeais—during
which time she has been received into
the family of nations, and is represented
by accreditated ambassadors at many of
the principal Courts of Europe—and when
it has become obvious to the whole world
that she is forever lost to Mexico, the
United Stales is charged with deception
and falsehood in all relating to the past,
and condemnatory accusations are made
against Slates which have had no special
ageni yin the matter, because the Execu
tive of the whole Union lias negotiated
with tree and independent Texas upon a
matter vitally important to the interests of
both countries. And ufter nine years of
unavailing war, Mexico now announces
her intention through her Secretary of lor
eign Affairs, never to consent to the Inde
pendence of Texas, or to abandon the ef
fort to reconquer that Republic. She thus
announces a perpetual claim, which at the
end of a century, will furnish her as plau
sible aground ior discontent against any
nation, which at the end of that time,ma>
enter into a Treaty with Texas, as she
possesses at this moment against the l m
ted States. The lapse of tim can ad
nothing to her title to independence.
A course of conduct such as has been
described, on the part ofMexico, in vioa
(ion of all friendly feeling, and of the cour
tesjs which should characterize
course between the Nations of the Ear i,
might well justify the United States in
resort to any measure to vindicate te ‘
national honor, but, actuated by a smeer
desire to preserve the genera! p a . n
in view of the present condition of Mexic
the Executive, resting upon its integrity*
and not fearing hut that the judgemen o
the world will duly appreciate its motix -*
abstains from recommending to Oongres
a resort to measures of redress, ani cor
tents itself with re-urging' upon that ' .