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THE KEHUHEIC, IS fVBLISHKD EVERT WEDNESDAY, OVER J. D. WINN’S BRICK STORE COTTON AVENUE, MACON, OA. AT $3,00 PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE. RATES OF ADVERTISING, &c. One square, of 100 wurds, nr less, in small type, 75 cenis tor the first insertion, and 50 cents lor each subsequent insertion. AU advertisements containing more than 100 and ess titan 200 words, will be charged as two squares. To yearly advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. Sales of Land, by Administrators, Executors, rtr Guardians, are required by law to be held ou the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon, aud three in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the pro perty is situated. Notice of these must be given in a public gazette, sixty days previous to the dav of sale. Notice to debtors and creditors of an estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell ianu, must be publish ed four months. Sales of Negroes must be made at public auc tion, on the first Tuesday of the mouth, between the legal hours of sale, at the place of public sales, in the county where the letters testamentary, ol adininistraiioii of guardianship, shall have been granted, sixty days notice being previously given in one of the public gazettes of this Slate, and at the door of the Court House where such sales are to he held. Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be pub lished for four months before any order absolute shall be made thereon bv the Court. All business ol this nature wilt receive prompt attention at the office of THE REPUBLIC. BUSINESS CARDS. Fashionable Dress Mak ag Establishment. Plumb Street, next to the Seminary. Orders for Dresses, Riding Habits, Sic. Btc. executed iu the latest and most fashionable style, and at the shortest notice. *> tf_ BROWN A SHOCKLEY, Office ill Dr. Thomson’s building, opposite Floyd House, Macon, Georgia. Law Notice. A. P. POavers & L. X. AVIIITTLE, Have associated themselves in the practice of the Law, and will give prompt attention tosucli bu siness as may be intrusted to their care. —They will attend the following courts: Bibb, Crawford , Monroe, Twiggs, Jones, ITilkin son, Houston, Pulaski, Henry, and Pike. Office over E. B. Weed’s store, second dour from Wm. R. Johnston. Macon, March 12, 18*15. 22 Sin MS BET & WINGFIELD, ATTORNEYS AT L AAV. Office on Mulberry Street, over Kimberly's Hal Store. Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19,1344. 1-ts I’I.OYD 801 SE. BY B. S. NEWCOMB. Macon, Geoigia. Oct. 19,18*14. l-'l WHITINU .v MIX. WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN BOOTS AND SHOES, Near the Washington Hull, Second street. Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19, 1844. 1-11 J. L. JONES & CO. CLOTHING STOKE. H’etl nde Mulberry Sheet , next door below the Big Hat. Macon, Georgia. Ooi. 19, 1844. 1-ts DOCTORS J. X. & 11. K. OKBII, Corner of Mulberry and Third Streets. Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19, 1844. l-ll FREEMAN A ROBERTS. Saddle, Harness, and Whip, MANUFACTORY. Healers in all kinds oj Leather, Saddlery Harness and Carriage Tt immings, On Cottun Avenue and Second street, MACON, GA. SAMUEL J. RAY & CO. DEALERS IN FANCY AND STAPLE DRY GOODS, Ready Made Clothing, Hats, Shoes, Sic. Second street, a few doors Irom the \\ ashington Hotel. * Macon, Georgia. Oct. 18, 1844. 1 —if REDDING & WHITEHEAD, DEALERS IN FANCY AND STAPLE DRY COODS, Groceries, Hard I Carr, Cutiery, Hats, Shoes, Crockery, Sic. Sic. Corner of Cotton Avenue and Cherry streets. Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19,1844. 1-tl JOSEPH N. SEYMOUR, DEALER IN DRY ROODS. GROCERIES, HARD WARE, ifeC. Brick Store, Cherry Street, Ralston s Range, first door below Russell & Kimberley's. Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19,1844. 1-tl " GEORGE M. LOGANi DEALER IN FANCY AND STAPLE DRV GOODS, Hard• Ware, Crockery, Glass- ft are, Sec. Sic. Corner of Second and Cherry streets. Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19, 1844. 1-ts * d7 & W. GIi.VN, DEALERS IN STAPLE DRY GOO DS, Groceries, Hardware, Crockery, Sic. Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19,1344. 1-ts J. M. BOARDMAX, DEALER IN LAW, MEDICAL. MISCELLANEOUS aud School Books; Bank Books and Stationery of all kinds; Printing Paper, Sic. Sic. Sign of the Large Bible, two doors above Shot well's corner, west side of Mulberry Street. Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19,1844. 1-ts B R. WARNER, AUCTION AND COMMISSION MER CHANT. Dealer in every description of Merchandise. r ‘The Public’s Servant,” and subject to receiving consignments at all times, by the consignees pay ing 5 per cent, commissions for services rendered Macon, Georgia. Oct. 19, 1844. 1-ts JOB PRINTING 3BZ3OWTI3D AT IftEIHS ffll?2’2©3 < With Neatness and Dispatch. jLj-'i , 1 LLL'Jt’g" •PcJte, I wants to ax you acolutnnibus.’ ‘Succeed, nigger.’ 4 Well, why is a quilt like a railroad? does you give it up?— Cause there is sleepers under it. Y all! yah! what an ignorant colored individual you is.’ *1 had rather not take a ham with you,' said the loafer to the mad bull—but the bull insisted upon treating him to ttvo, and the loafer got quite high. TIKE REID U f S. M. STRONG, Editor. VOLUME 1. POLITICAL. SPEECH OF lION. A. 11. CHAPPELL, fF GEORGIA, On the Annexation of Texas to the V. States. Delivered in the H. of Reps., January 26, 1845. Mr. Chappell began by saying that, notwithstanding all that had lallen from the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Brinker lioff,) and other gentlemen entertaining kindred sentiments with him, there were, nevertheless, those who must be still per mitted to regard the proposition for annex ing Texas to the United States as pre-emi eminently a great national question, and nothing (Mr. C. thought) could be more utterly vain than the labored attempt' which had been made on tbi3 floor to give j it a different complexion in the eyes of the j American people. That people had pass-1 ed solemnly and deliberately on the ques- j lion. It was no longer an open and unde termined question with them. After a most full, anxious, and unsparing itivesti-i gation of it, in all its aspects and bearings, j the popular voice had been pronounced—; the popular seal had been set in regard to ! it, in a manner not to be forgotten or j erased, and certainly in a manner not to be misunderstood or lightly treated by the i servants and representatives of the peo ple. Futile, indeed, must be the effort to j reverse, or qualify, or disparage thatjudg- j ment—and worse than futile—wrongful iu I the highest degree to the people ami the country —to attempt to thwart or delay its i execution. Yet that attempt is strenuous ly made, and made, too, in quarters from ! which, Mr. Chairman, it seems to me to come with a very bad grace—in quarters' where we had a right to expect at least a | magnanimous, patriotic acquiescence iu! the unequivocally expressed will of the! country —not captious objections, and tne ; excitement of sectional jealousies and pre-1 judices, calculated only' to embarrass and defeat tbe fulfilment of that will. Sir. the gentleman from Ohio has vehe mently denounced this whole measure of Texiati Annexation as nothing but a sel fish, sectional project from beginning to end. Whatever other merit the charge may lack, it certainly possesses that of boldness in no small degree. It brings the gentleman pointedly in conflict with the sense of the country, and particularly with the acknowledged and deeply settled con victions of that great and triumphant po litical party to which the gentleman be longs; a party which, under the irresisti ble pressure of this very matter as a nation al question, found itself compelled, ou the eve of battle and in the face of a powerful and well organized enemy, to make chan ges and perform evolutions wonderful and unprecedented in the annals of political warfare, and which, by' being made and performed, won for that party a great and brilliant victory, equally wonderful and unprecedented. Surely, sir, gentlemen exhibit not a little temerity in stigmatizing as u narrow sectional project, a measure which the people of both the great politi cal parties of the country concurred every where in putting in issue as a cardinal and paramount questions in the Presidential election; a measure for which the people of one of those great parties (that to which the gentleman belongs) were found every where co-operating and combatting with out distinction of local habitation or sec tionaj abode, whilst the people of the oth er great party were found just as univer sally and with just as little sectional dis tinction, co-operating and combatting a gainst it. These facts, Mr. Chairman, are flagrant, fresh, and undeniable; and if they do not amount to a demonstration that, ac cording to the sense of the country and of both its great political parties, the Texian question is entitled to be ranked as one of national and not merely sectional charac ter and import, 1 confess mysell ata loss to conceive what would amount to such a de monstration. Anil what sort of logic, sir, has the gen- j tleman called to his aid against this great; and pervading sentiment of the public ! mind. By what course of argument, by what sweep of induction has he essayed, in the lace of this general and deliberate sense of the country, to set a bold allega tion of his own to tbe country —to set up an allegation that the whole project of ac quiring Texas has nothing but sectional, selfish policy and considerations for its ground work and end. Sir, did the gen tleman arrive at a conclusion so derogato ry, by first taking a large, calm, and com prehensive survey of the subject in all its ramifications? Did he first take care to open his mind to it and embrace it as a great whole, made up, though it be, of nu merous and diversified (yet not inharmo nious) parts? Did he first fix his gaze up on it, sir, in the benign grandeur of the general outline with which it towers up in our national horizon? No, sir. He did no such thing. Such a mode of contem plating it would have been too fatally in compatible with the cherished object of dwarfing it down to the meanness of a miserable sectional lead among ourselves. Sir, had the gentleman seen til to look at this great question in that large, generous, and obvious aspect in which it so natural ly arrests and conciliates the regaru of an expanded American patriotism —in that aspect, sir, in which it has relation to aug menting vastly our country’s dominion, riches, and power—-an augmentation to which we are invited, in this instance, by all the politics as well as all the generous 1 considerations that ought to weigh with us PRO PATRIA ET LEGISTS. MAUON, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 9, 1815. as a nation —an augmentation, too, pro posed to be brought about by means fully consonant with right and justice, and the most scruphlou3 philanthropy—to be brought about by simply throwing open ! our arms arid stretching out our jurisdic tion for the reception ot a consenting and kindred people like unto us, and sympa thising with us to all things, and eager to bring along with them intoour Union to the magnificent dowery of an extensive and fertile territory, lying upon our borders, and incalculably' important to us in refer ence to our existing possessions and inte rests—had the gentleman, I say, sir, seen fit to have indulged in this, so simple and natural, yet so truly national and Ameri can view of the su! ject, assuredly he could never have thought arid felt in regard to it in the manner in which he has expressed himself tothe Committee. Such a view, had he seen fit to have given it entertain ment, would have effectually rebuked and overruled such a strain as that in which the gentleman has chosen to speak, Yes, sir —I venture the opinion that even he would have found it a view powerful enough to have irowned down and driven out from his mind whatever mere sectional objec tion might have been allowed a lodgement there, especially one of such a character as that on which alone he has expatiated, and which alone he has put forward to hor rify himself and the rion-slaveholding por tions of the Union withal. But the gentleman’s omission stop not with his neglect to take such an enlarged and general view of the subject. He has equally shunned to investigate it in the de tails ot its effects. Permit me, sir, to say to him that something in the nature of a detailed examination of the influences of the measure, item by item, on the different sections of the Union, and their respective interests, was peculiarly incumbent on him, trotn the very character of the de nunciations in which he has indulged.— Branding the measure as utterly reprehen sible, on account of its alleged sectional nature, he was bound to have shown us wherein consisted its tendency to build up and benefit some sections or interests of the country at the expense of other sec tions and interests. He was bound par ticularly to have pointed out the various interests which it would subject to proba ble detriment, anil to have gone into some what of a tangible statement and specifi cation of the wrongs and injuries it would bring on those interests. But he has not done or attempted any such thing, although there is no other way in which, according to any legitimate principles of reasoning, he could have gone about the construction of an argument in support of his sectional denunciations. And doubtless he acted wisely iri abstaining from any attempt of this kind. It was well for his own con tentment in the conclusions in which his mind reposes, that he relied on mere gene ral allegation and strong assertion, without venturing to bring forward, in their sup port, any bill of particulars of the section al effects of the measure. His favorite idea, that is a project for Southern aggran dizement, merely, regardless of the iute lests of the North and West, could not have stood such, a test. It would have fallen unhonored by the way-side, pierced by a hundred mortal wounds, had he subjected it to run the gauntlet of a detailed examin ation and review of the influences that would he exerted by the measure on the several sections of the Union and their va rious interests. Sir, it is utterly untenable, and no gen tleman has pretended to maintain that there is any set of interests in this country that would sicken and droop by letting iu the sunshine and showers of Texas upon them. To what quarter will gentlemen turn to look for such a phenomenon? The North furnishes it not. Her agriculture, her commerce, her manufactures, her ship ping and mining interests, her arts and trades of all kinds, hold up their industri ous hand and exult as the field for the de velopment and reward ol American labor, capital,and enterprise widens around them; and it is on Texas, “that delightful pro vince of the sun,” that they now fix their longing gaze. That land, when once in corporated into our Union, they know full well must soon become the finest and most enriching market in the world for all their fabrics and productions. It possesses ev ery natural requisite for this purpuse, vast extent, exhausiless fer.ility, easy 10 nmer cial access, wide dissimilarity of climate, soil, and productions, from those of our Northern Slates. What is further needed, is nothing else than that rapid advance of culture and population, and that perpetual unshackled intercourse of Itee trade which annexation would certainly produce, and alone can insure. The North, sir, with all her prejudices and jealousies in relation to the South, cannot be blind to these facts, and hence neither from the North,or North ern gentlemen on this floor, have we heard anv attempt at a specification of North ern interests that would be made to suf fer by the admission of Texas into the Union. All that I have now said, sir, of the ef fects of the measure in favor of the North may be still more strongly said of its bear ing on the interests of the West—that no ble region of which its inhabitants and re presentatives are so justly proud. The wisdom and providence of nature in the architecture of our globe is displayed no where on its surface in a more striking manner, or on a grander scale, than in the construction of the great intermontane val lev of the Mississippi, and the dependent shores and islands of tho Gulf of Mexic Dependent, sir. I call them, in that sense in which nature designs and desires de pendence between different portions of her works—a dependence at which man should rejoice as a powerful means to his own ease, happiness, and refinement, and to the culture and improvement of that earth which is his heritage. In this sense, sir, nature designed and ordained an inti mate dependence and connection of the most enduring kind, between the great grain-growing, bread-producing, regions of the Upper Mississippi and the Southern country spreading around the Gulf and the rich islands scattered over its bosom.— They constitute natural, and, iu process of time, will become almost indispensable markets for each other; markets admira bly adapted to each other by their corres ponding vastness and the dissimilarity of their respective productions, as well as by their neighborhood and the unequalled ex tent and facilities of water inter-communi cation which they enjoy by means of the Gulf and the numerous bays indenting it, and the thousand rivers pouring into it on all sides, from an extensive interior. Os this great gulf-drained interior, a huge pro portion consists of the upper or bread-pro ducing part of the valley of the Mississip pi; a region so large and fertile as to be ca pable, whenever it shall be fully opened I and cultivated, of feeding, I bad almost 'said, half the world with its agricultural surpluses. Well, sir, let me ask the attention of die committee, and of western gentlemen par ticularly, tothe question, what is to become of (hose surpluses. Already they over stock the markets within their reach, and stagnate, to no small extent, on the fat soil of their growth. What is to become of them, sir, when, within a few brief years, Iniiiana, Illinois, Missouri, lowa, Wiscon sin. and the newly conceived, yet unborn, Nebraska, shall be covered with a popula tion as dense as that of Ohio, and equally bent on laying tho earth under contribution to their hard-handed industry? What, I ask, will the West then do with her im mense agricultural surpluses? Why, sir, they must either rot on her hands, poison ing her very atmosphere, paralyzing her energies, and formidably checking her prosperity and civilization, or they must find a safe and certain market, expanding apace with their own increase , in those sunny dimes towards which the Mississippi flows. — This, sir, is the vital condition on which western prosperity depends. Every year it will become a more anil more urgent and pressing condition, and if it shall fail to be realized, not all the vast extent and exhaustless fertility of western iands—not all ihe earth-subduing industry anil enter prise of the western people—not alt the artificial facilities of commercial transpor tation which they may add to those so abundantly bestowed by nature, can ward off' the doom of tbe West; —that heavy doom which infallibly overtakes and de presses every people who become, from whatever cause, destitute of markets ade quate to the absorption ol their surpluses, and to the rewarding of the exertion of their augmenting capabilities of production.— When tiiat doom comes, sir, then will it be that the West shall see the richest bles sings showered by Heaven turning into curses upon her, and civilization itself will corrode, and her brightest virtues suffer decay, under the influence of causes which will at once make it so easy to draw from the soil a rude subsistence, and so dis heartening to strive for any thing beyond. How, sir, is this state of things to be pre vented, and western prosperity to be pro tected against the baleful consequences of her own gigantic growth and development. I repeat, sir, that there is but one means, and that is to bring about a corresponding ly rapid progress of cultivation and popu lation in the islands of the gulf and its cir cumjacent countries, aud to have, at the same time, a permanent anil secure sjs tem of free, or at least very lightly burden ed, trade with them. In whatever shall lend to promote these results, the people of the great valley of the upper Mississip pi have a deep and momentous sectional interest —an interest of the same kind, though not so intense in degree, as that which forty years ago absolutely compell ed Mr. Jefferson to purchase Louisiana— an interest hardly less vital to Western prosperity than the showers which fertil ize their lands, or the long navigable riv ers which cheaply bear their bulky com modities to distant markets. Texas, par ticularly from her position, is as much a natural and indispensable market to the regions drained by the upper Mississippi as are the States of Mississippi, Louisiana, land Arkansas. And when it is remem bered how greatly her settlement and cul tivation, and, still more, her untrammelled commercial relations with us, are depen dent on her reception into the Union, it is impossible not to feel how prominently and vitally the great sectional interests of the West are involved in the measure. The Western people feel it to be so, and they urgently call for the measure. Even the gentleman from Ohio, as much as he hates the measure on account of that aspect in which it smiles on the South, sees too clearly its highly benignant Western bear ings, to be able to take an absolute and unqualified stand agninst it. Mr. Chairman, I am sensible of having detained tbe Committee rather unneces essarily with the general observations I have now submitted in reference to tbe great and unalloyed and undeniable ad vantage* to be reaped by the North and ing hurling a. character against the (MW will benefit greatly their acetic. _ Union, is undenied and undeniable. Sure ty they do not fall out with it and de nounce it as odiously sectional on that ac count. Whence, then, all their sectional hatred, their fierce opposition to it on sec tional grounds ? Sir, the answer which truth compels to be given to this question is one from which an enlarged and cath olic patriotism turns away with shame and sorrow. The South is to be benefited as well as the North and Wist by the measure, and therefore it is opposed . The frame work of Southern society and institu tions is to be extended and strengthened, the Union is to be spread out and aggran dized on the Southern sale. And these are reasons amply sufficient with some gentlemen to overbalance all the argu ments growing out of the acknowledged advantageousness of the measure to their portion of the country. Yes, sir, the bare curcumstauce of its having a tendency, to fortify and aggrandize the South, is a fatal objection. Hence the sectional tears that arc shed, hence the sectional thunder that is muttered, at the prospect of Texas com ing into the Union. Sir, let me say to gentlemen that they owe it as a solemn duly to the country to ponder well on the consequences, before they determine finally to reject Texas from our embrace for such a reason. The South has been familiarized by long and grievous experience, with the melancholy truth that wrong and oppression to her constitute, in the actual working of this Government, no effectual objection to mea sures which other portions of the Union may deem conducive to their interests.— This, surely is bad enough, this is quite as much as we of the South can be ex pected to bear. It will be a sadder day for this Union than it has ever yet seen when the further conviction shall be made to sink deep into ti e Southern heart, that groat measures indisputably beneficial to all parts of the country, are to be objected to anil rejected simply because one of their effects will be the expanding and strength ening of the South and of the Southern system of society and properly. Sir, have gentlemen duly reflected on the hideous ness of the principle towards the South on which they thus propose acting ? Have they reflected that it is a principle which puts us liierully under the ban of the Union—which treats us as outlaws, j as it were, from the Government, when benefits might lull to our lot from its ac- j lion, whilst we are still to be kept in sub-; jection to its burdens and oppressions ? j Sir, il gentlemen have not yet reflected i tbut such is the precise character of the sectional grounds of objection, to which j opposition to the annexation of Texas is j now almost entirely reduced, it is high ; time they had bethought themselves of| it. However strong may be their consei- j entous or fanatical haired of slavery, or anything else pertaining to the South, let me warn them to beware how they make j that hatred the basis of the action of this ( Government. From the very first mo ment at which any great measure to which j the South is averse shall be carried by the | influence of such a feeling, or at which any J great measure to which the South is wed-; ded shall be lost by its influence, from that moment it is impossible that the peo ple of the South shall any longer refrain from regarding this Government as their most dangerous enemy. Yes, sir, as their most dangerous enemy. For in what does j enmity, the most dangerous and deadly, consist, if not it. acting towards us on a settled principle of hatred to our rights of property, our whole social organization, | and to a domestic institution which is vi tally and intimately inwrought into the ve ry frame-work of our existence as a peo ple. Far distant be tbe day when this Government shall give to the Southern people such evidence that their dearest rights anil destinies ate no longer to be! safely trusted in its hands ! Yet, sir, there are not wanting those on this floor, and elsewhere, who, either thiough ignorance of the tremendous mine on which they are Heading, or through recklessness of the dreadful consequences: of its explosion, seem to be anxiously at work to bring on that day. They would have Texas rejected solely on the ground of slavery. Fullv admitting the importance of the acquisition to the North and West, they are never.h less, eager to forego all the advantages that would redound to those quarters of the Union, in order to gratify their hostility to that institution! which is a vital part of the South, and which is so obnoxious in their view as to enlist them in tv general crusade against Southern grandeur and extension. These are the persons, sir, who have labored from the beginning and who continue to struggle to this hour, to make the question of the admission of Texas into the Union, a sectional, anti-slavery question. Years ago, they began systematically and indus triously to force it upon the country as such a question—sagely calculating that inasmuch as the eon-slavebolding portion of the Union possessed a preponderance of power in Congress, it was only neces sary to make it a sectional, slavery ques tion, to insure forever the defeat of the measure. Sir, did they expect to make and urge inch a question the South without IVg v. but that ot it hhmt all our might and with all that indignant sectional feeling it was so well calculated to excite. '1 he question of the annexation of Texas a mere sectional question between the North and South!—and made and urged as such by the South, lorsooth! Why, sir, have gentlemen forgotten the memorable uttd deeply meditated speech made at Niblo’s Garden, New York, by that Cory phatus ol northern political sentiment and policy, Daniel Webster, on his return home in 1837 from the very Congress which had just acknowledged the inde pendence of Texas ? Have they forgotten the not less famous letter published by the same eminent statesman in the early part of the year? Have they forgotten the ceaseless Jabots and speeches of John Quincy Adams and his co-workers in this Hall and elsewhere, from the first moment that the Texan question began to show it self on the distant edge of our political ho rizon down to this hour, when its waxing power and expansion agitate so strongly our vast national firmament? Huve gen tlemen forgotten all these tilings, and the thousand other things of like character with which the great northern drama of opposition to the annexation of Texas has been filled up anil made to present an in tense sectional, anti-Southern, anii-slaverv aspect and design? Sir, if gentlemen cun have forgotten all these things, commend me to such convenient memories, I say. But if gentlemen do indeed remember all these things, where shall we find a paral lel to that boldness of face with which, ac this day, they turn round upon the South and charge her with having been the first to force this great national question into the jaws of a tierce sectional feeling, from which alone it had any danger to appro lie ml ? Sir, if gentlemen cannot find it in their hearts to allow us the credit of an enlarg ed end lofty American patriotism in this matter, they certainly will not deny us the possession of the ordinary attributes of onrnmon sense and rationality in tho p»r suit of a deeply chcrLborl ofiject. And we should have had to have been utterly devoid of these, if knowing, as we well do, that the South is the weaket section, and must be hopeless of success in anv mere sectional contest with the North, we had, nevertheless, been guilty of the sui citfal folly of putting on mere sectional grounds, to be there inevitably wrecked and lost, a question so unequivocally na tional, and laying so near our hearts as that of the acquisition of Texas. I re peat, sir, that upon the Northern and Western opponents of this measure rests the heavy censure of having made it a sectional question—of having brought for ward their fierce sectional hostility against the slaveholding institutions of the South as an objection to annexation—thus tak ing a most fearful and unpatriotic sectional ground against us. In this manner, sir, have we of the South been put in the de fensive. Yes, sir: we have been driven to the alternative of either shrinking re ; creantly from the support and defence of that system of society and property under which our ancestors and ourselves have lived and prospered, anti under which our children must aud will live and pros : per, (unless, indeed, a Haytien destiny j shall be brought down upon them by the 1 foul and unscrupulous machinations ofour foes on both sides of the Atlantic*,) —we have been driven, I say, sir, to the alter native of either shrinking from the defence | of this system, or of standing up zealous ly for it, and vindicating it as furnishing uojust anil patriotic ground of objection j to the admission of Texas into the Union. Yes, sir; we have found ourselves obliged to vindicate it against a formidable host of assailants who deem it God’s service to make war upon it, anj who avowedly seek to hern it in now as a sort of outlaw, with the scarcely dissembled design of raising against it hereafter the horrid cry of “no quarter,” whenever time and cir cumstances may favor them in going to that dreadful extremity. But, sir, 1 have now reached a point at which 1 must again turn to the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Brinkerhoffi) and that no i iconsiderab ecorpsof honorable mem tiers o.t this floor who agree with him in their views and wishes on this subject. Thev : ate willing to compromise this question with the South. So smitten are they with a sense of the importance of our possess ing Texas, that they stand ready and anx ious, ffir the sake ol securing so great a boon, to sacrifice, on the altar of their country, one lull half of their repugnance to slavery. They urge earnestly upon us as a sine eyua non of the admission of Texas into the Union, that her territory shall be divided into two equal pans; in one of which slavery shall be allowed, whilst in the other it shall be forever inhibited. And the gentleman from Ohio vehemently assure* that if we will but accede to this proposition, Texas shall be ours to-mor row. And he vaunts the justice and mag nanimity of the North in offering such a proposition, whilst he taunts the South with being ungenerous and selfish in re fusing to accept iL Ay, exclaims the