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Georgia weekly telegraph, journal & messenger. (Macon, Ga.) 1880-188?, August 27, 1880, Image 1

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m ■A- / JOURNAL AND MESSENGER CLISBY & JONES, Proprietors. THE FAMILY JOURNAL—NEWS—POLITICS- LITERATURE—AGRICULTURE—DOMESTIC NEWS, Etc.—PRICE $2.00 PER ANNUM. GEORGIA TELEGRAPH BUILDING ESTABLISHED1826- < w! ■ # A MACON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 27, I88O - ■ " - - - * VOLUME XO—LV Wliat the Tcloifraph la Saying. 1 hear a faint, low singing, Like the eound of distant choirs; ’Tis a message gleefully winging Over the telegraph wires. And what are tho glad wires humming, As they stretch in the sunlight away ? “I am coming, coming, coming— I am coming home to-day 1” Ami now I hear a sobbing; Like some soul sitting alone, With a heart that is wearily throbbing, And lips that can only.moan; Oh! what are the sad wires saying As they reach through the darkness of night? “He's dying, dying, dying— Come on the wings of light 1” Oli, what are the wires relating Morning and noon and night? “The market is fluctuating!” “Report of the Senate fight 1 ” “Cashier S— a defaulter! ” “Arrest of a man named Brown! ” “Jones died to-day by the halter! ” “Wheat went suddenly down!” “Dead! ” “Bornf” “Going!” “Coming!” “Deluge 1” and “Drouth” and “Fires!” Singing and sobbing and humming Over the telegraph wires.—Exchange. From the Uind of Flow ers. Green Cave Springs, Fla., August 20tb, 1SS0. Editors Telegraph and Messenger: Thinking that a *v items from the “Sar atoga” of the South, would be of some in terest to your readers, I venture to give you such as I have gleaned from the short stay I have made. Doubtless the well in formed arc posted upon the scenery on the St. Johns river. This is my first visit to this section, and yon will pardon me for making allusions to some points that appear to me of interest. The St. Johns is not excelled as a wa ter course by any river in the United Stales. The distance from Jacksonville to this place is thirty miles, and either side of the river (which is two to four miles wide) is dotted with beautiful little villages and fine orange groves, lemons, banana, grape, fruit, and guava trees. Among them is the grove and residence of the noted Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, at Mandarin. Green Cove is situated on the west hank of the river, which is full four miles wide, and there are no less than four caves extending far into the dense forest, making a splendid view over the status of ten to twenty miles. This town num bers about five hundred inhabitants. The only doctor here told me that they had two deaths in the past six months. They have four general stores, one drug store, one bar and billiard saloon, three churehes; Episcopal, Methodist, and Catholic; four hotels; Clarendon, San Marco, Riverside Cottage, and Orange Cot tage. All are closed this summer. I learn, however, the Riverside House will be open after the first of October " next for the year, and afford ample ac commodation for all who wish to visit this famous and beautiful spring, which has already won a widespread reputation from surprising cures of rheumatism, neu ralgia, nervous prostration and liver and kiduey diseases, for which in its purity anil freshness it has a wonderful adapta bility. This is not surprising as all of its elements are gaseous, and if placed aside for twelve hours in a clean glass vessel, it becomes as free and pure as the purest distilled water, and it is to this fact that it owes its wonderful action on the kid neys. One of the most widely known and celebrated physicians of Jacksonville, himself a helpless invalid, was re stored tobis health, and long years of laborious and lucrative practice, by use of its waters, after having fbund means unavailing in his case of rimeraa- tism. From the large drinking fountain, the water gushes from an opening twenty-five feet deep below its surface, at the rate of three thousand gallons per minute, of a temperature of 7S degrees, and is so perfectly pure and clear that the smallest object can be seen at the bottom; the bathir g pools are each 25 by 75 feet with an average depth of four feet, and fitted up with suitable dressing rooms. The aver age temperature of the weather from No vember to March is at 0 a. m. 60 degrees, and at 12 m. 75 degrees. Sight seeing, and excursions by boat forms one of the maney pleasures of this place. I was favored by an invitation to go on an excursion on the beautiful little steamer, “Mary Draper” up Black Greek,a magnificent stream emptying into the St. Johns near the spring, and de lightful on a clear day. Our party went as far up as Middleburg, once a fine point commercially, but enterprise and railroads have faiily demolished the old town; how ever, we had a sumptuous dinner pre pared by tho ladies of our party, which we enjoyed under an old elm tree in the suburbs of the old town. One of the party, a young lady, for merly from the eastern shore of Mary land but now of Mobile, Ala., was much pleased with the extravagance of this ele gant stream and instead of the dark and gloomy name of Black creek, she dubbed it “Mirror rivjr.” She also described the sunset as we glided down. “In a moment we were deeply absorbed in the marvel before us, and dead to everything else the great cloud-barred disc of the sun stood just above a limitless expanse of tossing white caps, so to speak, a billowyt roop of many opaline glories of changing and dis solving splendors, whilst through rifts, in a black cloud bank above the sun, radi ating lances of diamond dust to the zenith, and the lower world swam in a tinted mist which veiled the forest and turned all the forbidding region into a soft rich and sensuous paradise.” More anon, J. F. G. Concerning the late murder at Cullo- den, a correspondent of the Munroe Adcertiser writes : On the next morning Clayton confessed his guilt. His confession was heard by your correspondent, and was the following in substance: “I went to Dr. LeSuer’s after him; I told him to come on home, a little rascal; I was mad with him because he would’t go home ; I was not mad with Dr. Hillsman; I took him into the field; I got one rock in the street and the other in the field. “When we got to the well I told him to pull off his hat and he pulled it off. I stood back a little ways from the well, lie looked into the well and then turned round M say something to me. I hit him over the left eye with a flat rock. He fell in. I hit him again over the right eye, He turned over on his stomach. I got down into the weil and hit him again on the back of his head. I then put some dirt on him and pulled up some grass and put over him. I went on to the house and washed my hands.” Bab the Cl ansa Well with Sozodont when they become spongy or detached from the necks of the teeth. Let them bleed freely and so recover their toue and health. The Sozodont is the best remedial agent for diseased gums and teeth. Try and learn. COLQUITT'S SELF-VINDICATION. Reply to Mr. Norwood’s Charge*. Atlanta, Ga., August 21, I860.—To the people of Georgia: I reply through this letter to the speech of the Hon. Thos, Norwood, made in the representative chamber of Atlanta criticising my ad ministration. I adopt this medium be' cause it will be impossible on account of official duties for me to accompany him over the entire State and thus meet these charges face to face, as well as the anony mous charges circulated over the country. I requested the privilege of dividing time with him. The city was filled with pos ters that were inviting the people to coma out and hear him “expose Colquittism,” and I had therefore a direct personal in terest in that issue. He declined to allow me a hearing on the ground that the meet ing was one of ratification. A ratifica tion meeting to “expose Colquittism” seemed an incongruity. It would have been my pleasure to have corrected some of the grave misstatements of Mr. Nor wood in reference to myself, as well as to have discussed some matters connected with his own official record in which the people of Georgia have an interest, in view of his present candidacy. MY POSITION AND HIS. Mr. Norwood seems to consider our po sitions as precisely analogous, the only difference being that I represent an unor ganized majority and he an unorganized minority. I beg to call the attention of the people to the fact that my own candi dacy was recommended by the people in primary assemblies in a large majority of the counties of Georgia and by almost two-thirds of the convention, while Mr. Norwood’s candidacy was not recom mended in a primary assembly in a single county of Georgia, but by the eleven citi zens who assembled with him in a room in the Kimball House, in Atlanta. The minority opposed to me participated in the action oi the convention, remained in it to the close and acquiesced as fully as any minority could. They did not even enter a protest. They remained ta king part in the deliberations until its ad journment. Oi the 350 votes in the con vention 224? votes, within 9 votes of a two-thirds majority of tlio convention, and representing, according to actual es timate under the census of 1870, a popu lar aggregate of 750,000 people against 400,000 represented by the 125J minority, constituted ray support. That large ma jority recommended me as the Democrat ic candidate for governor. In the vote upon this recommendation the minority participated by voting against it, and continued taking part in other important deliberations of the body, and thus to the last recognized the authority of the con vention and are bound by its action. MIL NORWOOD’S I'OSITIOX. What is Mr. Norwood’s position as a candidate? After' the adjournment of the convention a meeting of citizens was- called and he was placed in the chair. He stated in explaining the ooject of the meeting that they were a short time ago official delegates of a party convention, but they had ceased to be so and were re solved back into citizens. These citizens, no longer a minority of the convention, for as a minority they ceased to exist with the end of the convention, then ap pointed a committee of nine, with Mr. Norwood himself as chairman, to report action, and then adjourned. The nine gentlemen appointed by Mr. Norwood as chairman, with two others who seem to have joined them during their two or three days’ session, nominat ed Mr. Norwood as their candidate for governor. It is a striking coincidence that nine votes were lacking to give me a nomina tion by a two-thirds majority, and that these nine gentlemen as delegates in tho convention could have secured that party harmony, they so profess to seek, by unit ing with the majority in making a nomi nation. And these nine gentlemen, after thwarting a nomination, have nominated their own chairman as their candidate for governor. The coincidence, I say, of nine delegates defeating a two-tliirds majority nomination, and the same nine delegates, as citizens, presenting a caneidate to the party in opposition to the action of the convention, in which they took pait and had their voice and vote, presents such a picture of premeditated party disorganiza tion as must strike every reasonable man with amazement. And not only this, but the small number necessary to make a two-tliirds majority on the one hand, and on the other inaugurating re volt against the party recommendation, presents an impressive contrast to true Democrats everywhere. If a great ma jority, representing nearly two-thirds of the people and convention, are equaled in authority by a stray committee of nine citizens, then partv oblieation is at end in Georgia. Mr. Norwood gravely argues the remarkable proposition that the mi- nority was as much a majority to nomi nate as the majority was. The absurdity of such a proposition needs no demonstra tion. The gentleman, however, in his ad dress, precisely states his own position, and I accept his own words in designa ting his candidacy. He says that Govern or Colquitt is “a self-appointed candi date,” and then adds, “1 stand in the same position that he does.” I cheerfully and fully accord to him the absolute ac curacy in his statement of his own atti tude, and compliment him upon the franK and unmistakable manner in which he acknowledges that he is “a self-appointed candidate.” A DISORGANIZED IN HIS OWN INTEREST. There is no stronger and more crush ing objection to his claim for votes than the simple and damaging fact that he was the leader of all the disorganizing action of the convention, and is to-day its benefi ciary. He engineered the mischief and and reaps its benefits. He is the author and leader of the successful effort to de feat a two-thirds nomination at all haz ards, and is running for governor on the disruption he made, lie cannot evade the irresistible conclusion from his own course that he was a disorganizer in his own in terest and for the gratification of his own ambition. In his speech he announces that he “came into this convention for the purpose of discharging his duty,” and he adds: “From now until the going down of the sun od the first Wednesday in Oc tober I expect to raise my voice in vindi cation of your rights that were trampled under foot.” This Mr. Norwood’s figura tive and fanciful method of putting his de termined purpose to run for governor upon some sort of nomination, although it might be made by a committee appointed by himself. ME. NORWOOD PREVENTS A NOMINATION, But there was a scene in the convention that may be properly mentioned in this connection. In the closing hour of the convention a delegate from Harris county arose and desired to change the four votes of his county to me, and, as was subse quently ascertained, there were others ready to change. It was at this moment when the minority was disintegrating ani the convention bad the prospect of a nomi nation by a two-thirds majority, that Mr. Norwood arose and opposed any change of votes whatever, and directly sought to prevent, and in all probability did pre vent, a nomination, when it seemed cer tain. The significance of this attempt cannot be misunderstood. It shows clearly and indisputably that he opposed a technical objection to the privilege of delegates voting for Colquitt who were patriotic enough to yield at the last mo- 1 inent to the wishes of the majority, and thus this “self-appointed candidate” for governor stands responsible for the failure of a nomination. Does not this opposi tion to the change of votes at the close of the convention form a striking proof that he was a disorganizer in his own interest? RETAILING SLANDERS. In nothing has the speech of Mr. Nor wood afforded room for severer criticism than in his comments upon my adminis tration. In commencing bis assaults he declares tliat he does not say whether the charges he makes are false or trne. And yet scandals and slanders that he will not state to be true, he retails at length as a justification of his own candidacy and against my fair name and the integrity of my administration. THE NORTHEASTERN BONDS. I propose to take up some of these mat ters and briefly discuss them, giving the facts. There has not been in the wide range of public discussion a measure that has received more unfair criticism than the indorsement of the Northeastern rail road bonds. It was a proper measure, a politic measure, a legal measure and an imperative duty inasmuch as it involved the State’s sacred honor in relation to her own citizens. Mr. Norwood him self distinctly states that he has no charge of wrong to make against me in connec tion with that-act, but that it has caused unkind comment. If the act is wrong it should be condemned. If it is -right it should be sustained. Unkind comment upon it does not make it wrong. It is right or wrong from its facts. Ignorance or malice or self-interest can make unfa vorable comment about tho best and noblest actions; but actions must be judged at last by their merits, and not by personal views of them, as Mr. Norwood seems to argue. What are the facts of this matter? Tlie general assembly of the State granted the Northeastern railroad company, the right to an indorsement of its bonds upon cer tain conditions. Other roads received the same grant. A subsequent legislature re pealed the act, giving to these roads State aid, except where the right had vested. But the same general assembly that re pealed the acts authorizing State aid, made by resolution a special exception in the case of the Northeastern railroad. The officers of the road went forward and incurred debts upon the plighted faith of the State. The decision in the mat ter of indorsement devolved upon me after I came into office. 1 ven ture to say that never, upon any public measure, has an executive delib erated more carefully, and I am frank to say, reviewing my official career, that no act of my administration has been a wiser or a better one. The matter having been brought before the Supreme Court, that tribunal held that the duty of deciding the question rested with the executive. I then sought the opiuionS of the ablest lawyers and public men oi the State, such gentlemen as General Toombs, Governor Brown, General Lawton, Hon. A. O. Ba con, Judge T. J. Simmons, president of the Senate, Hon. Henry McDaniel, Hon. L. N. Trammell and others. While these opinions in which I concurred satisfied me that it was proper to indorse, yet I preferred .in abundant caution to delay acting, so as to remit the matter to the general assembly. But the debts incurred upon the faith of the State were pressed to tlie point where the road must have been sacrificed and great dam age and loss be inflicted upon the citizens of Clarke county, who had invested their money. It was in this emergency, to re deem the State’s faith, to save the loss of aluable property, to protect a noble sec tion of our State from injury, and to en force a legal and undoubted right, that I gave the indorsement. The general as sembly, after a full investigation of the whole matter, declared my motives pure and the act a proper one. The validity and legality of the indorsement has never been questioned by court or legislation. TIIE WESTERN AND ATLANTIC RAILROAD FEE. Mr. Norwood makes allusion to the fee that Messrs. Baugh, Garlington, Alston, Fain, Jackson, Lawton and Basinger earned for the collection of certain money from the United States government on a claim connected with the Western and Atlantic railroad. The whole fee is improperly dubbed the Alston fee, when all of the above gentlemen and others were interested in it. Mr. Norwood, who is a lawyer, should be the last to pro nounce this simple matter a wrong. His very statement of the case shows that in this, as in other things, he has spoken without a full examination ot the matter. What are the facts of this also remarkably misconceived transaction ? In 1S6S, Col onel Baugb, who, at tlie close of the war, was superintendent of the State road, and his partner, General Garlington, were employed by the then governor to prosecute a claim of several hun dred thousand dollars against the United States government for the use of the State road during and after tho close of the war. The contract was that these dama ges should have a retainer of S3,000, and a contingent fee of 12 J per cent, commis sions. The claim was prosecuted. Col onel Fain, Colonel Aljton, and others, were engaged in the prosecution. Dur ing Governor Smith’s administration, Messrs. Jackson, Lawton and Basinger, came into the case as additional counsel, and Governor Smith placed upon the ex ecutive minutes an order recognizing the employment of these gentlemen, and in creasing the compensation to be allowed to a sum not to exceed 25 per cent, of the amount collected, this not to interfere' with the rights ot the -gentlemen already employed. I found this state of things when I came into office—a long standing contract of the highest official authority. The money was collected, the agents do ing the work were allowed their con tracted fee, and the State’s part of the money was paid into the treasury. The only question in the case at ail was whether the agents were entitie&lo the full 25 percent, commission. Whatever amount they were- entitled to was theirs immediately, and could not go into the treasury. They had a legal lien upon it. It was theirs, earned under a legal con tract, and the withholding of one dollar from them would have been a violation of the faith of the State. It is the law, well recognized in this country, that lawyers who 'collect moneys for others are first entitled to their fees. The very act of collection makes their fee their property. All of these gentlemen concurred that the contract was that they should have the full 25 per cent.,and they all shared in the distribution of that percent. They had been working on the case ten years. Several had spent session after session in Washington under heavy expense. They bad, theretore, earned their fee and were entitled to the fruits of their contract. The position of Mr. Norwood, that by law the whole amount should have gone into the treasury, is untenable. There is no such law. The law requires nothing to go into the treasury but the money be longing to the State. No law requires that tho 25 per cent, belonging to the at torneys should be paid into the treasury. On the contrary the law gives attorneys a lien upon the money collected until their fees are paid. Tbe governor received a check payable to his order, with the con sent of the attorneys, which included the 25 per cent, belonging to them and the 75 per cent, belonging to the State. And in the discharge of a plain legal duty he paid to the attorneys the amount which be- _ longed to them and paid into the treasury «the amount which belonged to the State. The case was one of contract, not made by me, for service rendered to the State for a compensation agreed upon. The contract was positive, the service undenia ble. The contract was for 25 per cent, The service was the collection of the money. The money was collected, and had to cany out the contract in good faith. I did this. To do otherwise wonld have been a violation of law, and a stigma on the State. THE CONVICTS. Mr. Norwood has much to say about my administration of the law regulating the convicts. In this, as in almost every other matter to which lie makes refer ence, he shows a lamentable ignorance of both the law and the facts, or else lie wilfully ignores both. His method of treating this subject leaves the impression on the public mind that my administra tion is responsible for the present convict system and its abuses. Whereas the present lease law was passed before I be came governor, passed without any agency whatever on my part, approved by Governor Smith; and every contract under it was entered into between Gover nor Smith and tbe lessees before I came into office. In discussing a report made to the legislature, but which was never adopted by the legislature, Mr. Norwood is rash enough to declare in the plainest words that “the facts narrated in this report refer to his (my) administration.” He makes no exception, but proceeds to particularize some of these “facts,” as he terms them, with which he seeks to justify his assault upon myself and my adminis tration. He leaves the impression on the public mind that during my adminis tration 523 convicts have escaped and are now running at large, and that for every one of these escapes a penalty of $200 is due tlie State, not a dollar of which, he says, has been collected. Such a misrepresentation of the facts is simoly monstrous. Mr. Norwood will scarcely be excused by the public, when the real facts as given in the official re cords are brought to light as I shall bring them. I say the misrepresentation is monstrous; for so far from these 523 es capes having occurred during my admin istration, that number includes every con vict that has escaped prior to that report for the last fourteen years. The official records show that one hundred and twenty-six have escaped during my ad ministration, and one hundred and eighty- seven during Governor Smith’s adminis tration, and the balance of the five hun dred and twenty-three escaped during former administrations. So that Mr. Norwood places himself before tbe coun try in the unfortunate attitude of having, for political effect, crowded the escapes for fourteen years in the space of three and a half (3j) years. To state the case arithmetically, as 3J years aic to fourteen years, so are Mr. Norwood’s statements to the facts of the official records. But his misrepresentations in reference to tbe $200 penalty are still more glaring and gross. Tlie law imposing $200 Bne for every convict that escapes, went into effect by its provisions on tlie first of April, 1879. Prior to April of last year no such penalty was imposed by the law. Since the law km of force, onlv (10) ninett-un have escaped. The penalty due- lias been paid by one company without suit, and in every case is under investiga tion. The discrepancy, therefore, Be tween Mr. Norwood’s .statement and the truth of the case is the difference between 523 and 19. It will not do for Mr. Nor wood to now say that he was reading from the Alston report, for he distinctly asserted that tbe facts narrated in that re port referred to my administration, where as four-fi’hs of these escapes occurred in former administrations, and only 19 out of the 523 wore liable to the penalty of $200. Tlie only comment I make upon such wholesale misrepresentations is that they place his entire speec’.i under the ban of a fair, popular judgment, as hav ing been made under the impulse of un justifiable prejudice, and not with tbe view of bringing the facts before the country. But Mr. Norwood seems to consider it consistent with his candidacy for the high office of governor, to assume the utterly indefensible position that I am responsi ble for all the evils of the convict system, with the inauguration of which I had no agency whatever. He seems to have en tirely forgotten the important fact that another executive and a former legisla ture are wholly responsible for the lease act. When I came into office tbe lease law had already been passed by tbe legisla ture, and approved by Governor Smith. The contracts under it were made by Governor Smith. The system I found loosely managed, because of the cbarac- acter of the system itself, and the defi ciencies of the law. The convicts had been farmed out in small squads over the State, and tbe statutes were sadly imperfect. I gave the matter close at tention, and entered zealously upon the work of correcting abuses. Every step in tbe direction of reform met my hearty ap proval and encouragement. There has been a most gratifying and marked im provement in the health and comfort of this unfortunate class of our fellow men, as is shown by the following official tables. The report upon which Mr. Norwood based his remarks upon myself and my administration was never agreed to by the committee of the legislature and myself. The statements it contained are denied by sub-committees who examined the camps. The report itself was recommiteed to the committee and was never again reported. In answer, however, to Mr. Norwood’s unsupported charge that during my ad ministration an unusual death rate oc curred in the camps, I am content to pro duce the official reports and their undis puted and indisputable records. I take Gov. Smith’s and my administration. The official records show the death rate from 1874 to 1879, inclusive, to be as follows: creased almost one-half during my ad ministration as compared with that of tlie administration which preceded it. A like investigation will show that the escapes have decreased in almost the same ratio. I make public these facts from tbe of ficial records not for the purpose of criti cising any fbrmer administration, but in order to show to every man in Georgia the gross wrong which my opponent seeks to do mine. 1 had nt> power to anrful the lease law, nor to break the, contracts which my predecessor had made and which are binding for twentr (20} years. The peo ple, however, will judge from tho above official fatts wberd responsibility lies and whether Mr. Norwood’s assault upon my character and administration is righteous or ruthless. Where errors So astounding and misrepresentations so- flagrant are made by one who* could have examined the records, and whose character and the office he seeks ought to forbid the idea of malice, it is easy to imagine the reckless and audacious manner in which irrespon sible persons have, calumniated both my admin is tralipn and myself before the peo ple of Georgia. And Mr. Norwood need not be surprised if a just-minded public'rer coil from such methods to injure an oppo nent. SENATOR BROWN AND GOVEBNOB SMITH. Mr. Norwood descends to make an un- wortny attack upon the motive which ac tuated me in tbe appointmeutofGovernor Brown as Senator, and Governor Smith as railroad commissioner. He does not question Urn propriety of either appoint ment. He considers both gentlemen able and proper representatives of tbe people in tbe positions to which they are appointed; but tbe motive which actuated me be pro fesses to read and proceeds to condemn. He can see in my appointmet of tbe fittest men to office nothing higher, nor more commendable than self-seeking. He charges directly that my motive was to ; perpetuate myself in office. A friend or a lair-minded foe might have been able to find in the selection for office of the ablest men, who were not special, personal or political friends, something of a disregard of selfish con siderations for tbe public good. Mr. Nor wood, however, arrogating to himself a power to search hearts and read motives, which hitherto lias been supposed to be long to Deify alone, does not hesitate to declare that my actions were prompted by tbe most sfelfisli considerations. He then i iroceeds to lecture me before the country i or my lack of patriotism and official in tegrity. If 1 were permitted to judge of my own motives, I might flatly deny the truth of Mr. Norwood’s statemeut. I might, with some propriety, ask with Randolph, “who made you a judge ot mo tives and a searcher of hearts.” I might ask in what way he lias acquired the right to become the censor over my ac tions and the power to judge over my mo tives when he cannot condemn my acts. Has lie this right and power because of anything remarkable in bis past career ? What is there in liis record that so exalts and dignifies? Is it bis un paralleled patriotism exhibited in the past ? Did he demonstrate bis self-sacri- SMITH’S ADMINISTBATION. Year. No. of convicts. ■ No. of deaths. Death rate. 1874 899 40 4i per cent. 1875 920 40 51 per cent. 1870 1310 58 4| per cent. COLQUITT’S ADMINISTRATION. No. of No. of Year. convicts. deaths. Death rate. 1877 1448 55 3$ per cent. 1S78 1417 27 1} per cent. 1879 1400 32 2J per cent. These tables include tbe whole number whose names were on tbe books during the year, and not the number on band at any one time. I have taken tbe last three years of Gov ernor Smith’s administration and tbe three completed years of mine, in tbe above statement. These official reports show that the highest death rate was about 5§ per cent, and tills occurred in 1875 during Governor Smith’s administration. Tne lowest death rate was about 1J per cent., and this oc curred in 1873, during my administration. error of confounding the principal with the interest, when he speaks of the amount to be raised on the Nutting bonds. Now, if Mr. Norwood bad given liimself the trouble to have ascertained tbe facts, and had been willing to do me and my administra tion justice, be would have informed bis audience that instead of collecting four and one-balf tenths of one per cent., I am only collecting three and one-half tenth|i of one per cent, to meet all the - camurt expenses of the government, pay the inter est on the whole public debt and to pay $100,000 annually of the principal of tbe Nutting bonds. But "it seems this was a fact that did not suit bis purpose, and be was careful to withhold it from tbe public. Mr. Norwood’s purpose seems to have been to create tbe impression upon the public mind that my administration has been an oppressive one, and that 1 have collected from the people unnecessary taxes. What are the facts ? I compare tbe year 1876, the last year of my prede cessor’s administration, aud 1879, the last completed year of my own. In 1870, as shown by tlie comptroller’s report or that year, the value of tho taxable prop erty of tbd State was $245,853,750. On this a tax of 5-10 of 1 per cent, was lev ied, which raised $ 1,229,20S. In 1879, under my administration, the whole val ue of the taxable property was $225,093,- 419. On this a tax of 35-100 of one per cent, was levied, which raised $7S3,820, making $440,442 less raised in 1879 by general taxation by my administration, than in 1870, under my predecessor’s ad ministration. Tbe public debt in 1876 was Sll,095,878. In 1880 it has been re duced to $9,871,500, the reduction being the large sum of$1,224,397. There has been paid into tbe State treasury money from outside sources to tlie amount of nearly half a million of dollars, thus relieving tbe burdens of tax ation. Of this amount a large sum was collected from the United States govern ment. There has been very much said, about the fees paid, but very little about tlie public benefit in securing such large and unexpected sums for tbe State, easing, tbe financial burdens of tbe people. In conclusion, fellow-citizens, I call your attention to the facts sustained by the public records, and other undoubted evidences, that during my administration the taxes have been lessened, the public debt has been reduced, the evils of tbe convict system have been ameliorated, tbe moral condition of our people has im proved, and crime lias diminished, tbe credit and standing of tbe State abroad has been elevated, and in. every depart ment of the State government over which tbe executive has any control there has been a marked improvement. I ran, very respectfully, your fellow citizen, Alfred H. Colquitt, ficingdevot/jn tobis country in battle lect.&T-xroar xua, j*iL4BIU5fi_U) vote liimself $5,000 of back salary after be had given his receipt to tbe govern ment for payment in full, and did he un selfishly refuse to accept that S5,600 ot backpay? Did be unselfishly give bis time and talents to save the people of Georgia from the payment of tlie fraudu lent Bonds, or did be take a fee to induce the legislature to impose the fraudulent bonds upon tlie people ? Are these the acts of self-abnegation and of patriotism, which have given to Mr. Norwood tbe right to call in question my patriotism, or to sit in judgment upon my motives? I leave it to tbe voters of Georgia to judge between us. THE JONES SETTLEMENT. Mr. Norwood thinks that in allowing one of tbe securities of ex-Treasnrer John Jone3, Mr. John T. Grant, to compromise his liability by a cash payment of $35,009 into the State treasury, I committed a grave violation of official duty. Tlieso suits were instituted iu Gov. Smith’s letters in the Grant Compromise. Atlanta. Ga., April 14, I860.—Gen eral Robert Toombs—Dear Sir: The proposition to compromise the case of the State against John Jones, late State treasurer, aud C. A. Nutting and myself, about which I have conversed with you before, I now makc'iu writing. I now say tl««ll 1 n Ill «Uu CtuVO ^OGjWGO lu OD«llb~ merit- of tbe case so far as I. am concern ed. 1 make this proposition on my own responsibility, having no connection with Mr. Jones’ regular bondsmen, all of whom signed a separate instrument, some know ing that my obligation was only tempora ry to stand until tkeir’s was exeented, and the others not knowing that there was another bond in existence. They are not co-obligors or co-sureties of mine iu any sense of those terms as I am advised so as to be affected by any settlement with me. My counsel advise me that the case can be won in their opinion in the Supreme Court, but I am getting old and tired of litigation and wish to pass the balance of my” days in peace. Legal technicalities may carry the cat© against me, though 1 think you will agree that justice and equity are with me. I make the proposi tion to you iu good faith and hope that it will be accepted by you aud the couu- sel associated with you. When you con sider that the bond I signed was really believed and intended by me to be only time by Hon. N. J. Hammond, then at- ten ,p 0rar y_t 0 last only ten or twelve|days, terney general of tlie biate, and Governor j until tbe regular bond could be exe- Smith employed to assist him General employed R. Toombs, Messrs. McCay & Trij Colonel Willis A. Hawkins and Mr. V T. Newman. All of these distinguished and experienced lawyers representing the cuted by Mr. Jones’ kinsmen and sureties on his bond when treasurer before, and that tbe case is still iu litigation—I believe you will consider my proposition fair, not to say liberal, aud that you and of settlement, for tbe reason assigned by General Toombs, Judge McKay and Col. Hawkins. Wm. T. Newmax. April 21,1SS0. Considering the uncertainty of the final result in . this case, I believe thirty-five thousand dollars a fair offer by Colonel Grant, and join in the recommendation of accepting that sum from him aud releas ing him. N. J. Hammond. State, joined in advising me to accept the ^iir associatcs will ’accent it Calling casnnn Tl,™ annstlmtefi an unusual V > out associates will accept, ii. vailing $35,000. They constituted an unusually stroug array of counsel for the State, and gentlemen whose high character gave ab solute guarantee that they would only advise for the best interest of the State, J unhesitatingly acted upon their unani mous recommendation to release Mr. Grant upon his payment of $35,000. I may state that the fact that Mr. Grant was able to prove that the bond be signed was intended to be only temporary, but uuder tbe technical rules of the law was not allowed to make the proof, constitutes this a case of such doubtful equity that this compromise lias been deemed a fair one by all right-minded men acquainted with the facts. I append the letter of Mr. Grant and the indorsement pi the attorneys for tbe information of the people, as to tbe basi3 of my action. THE STATE FINANCES AND TAXATION. Mr. Norwood makes tbe point that I have violated the law by levying exces sive taxes. Ho says, “there was au act passed in 1873, which required tho raising of $100,000 per annum to pay the interest upon certain bonds called tho NuttiDg bonds,” aud that I levied ouc-tenth ot one per cent, for that purpose. Mr. Norwood, either ignorantly or wilfully, misstates tbe law. There is no such statute. There Is a statute of 1873 which required tbe raising of $100,000 in excess of the amount otherwise authorized to be collected, for tbe payment, not of tlie interest on the Nutting bonds, but for tbe payment annu ally of tbe sum of $100,000 of tbe princi pal of said bonds. Tbe interest on these tonds is part of tbe interest of tlie public debt, and is embraced in tbe general pro vision made for the payment of interest on tbe public debt. Under this statute my predecessor for tbe three years prior to tho commence ment of my administration, embracing every year since tbe bonds were Issued, raised one-tenth of one per cent, iu addi tion to the general !evy to meet the an nual payment of the principal of the Nut ting bonds required by tlie statute. I continued this same assessment during tbe years 1S77 and 1878, but finding that it raised more-money than was necessary for tbe purpose above mentioned, I re duced it aud ordered an assessment of one-balf of oue-tenth of one per cent, for tbe years 1879 aud 18S0. No- portion of the money collected as aforesaid was mis applied but it wont to tbe payment of tbe public expenses and the reduction of tho public debt. And in this connection Mr. Norwood makes another statement which shows bis reckless disregard of facts, or bis reluc tance to conduct such investigations as are necessary to arrive at a knowledge of tbe truth. He says: “But for the Nut ting bonds, four-tenths would have been ample to have raised all the money need- your attention to tbe documents I handed you two days ago, as showing the equities of my position in this whole unfortunate business for me, I am very respectfully yours, John T. Grant. Atlanta, April 14,1SS0.—To His Ex cellency, A. U. Colquitt, Governor of Georgia: I received this evening a letter from Mr. John T. Grant, of this city, who, together with Mr. Nutting, of Macon, are tlie securities of Mr. Jones, late treasurer of the State, and against whom a verdict and judgment for above ninety-six thous and dollars, against them and in favor of the State, was rendered iu June last, and wbich case is now pending before tho Su preme Court ot Georgia. As one of the counsel oi the JStatc, I advise your ex cellency to accept Sir. Grant’s offer of settlement for himself. The whole of tbe facts, tbe whole case being on the record of the Supremo Court which you will doubtless review for yourself, I will not repeat here. I am fully satisfied from that record that Mr. Graut gave tbe bond to serve a temporary purpose, deemed im portant to tbe public service by Governor Smith, and within tlie term prescribed by law. Mr. Jones, tho treasurer andde faulter, gave another and permanent bond, and Mr. Grant honestly thought that tlio new bond was legally a substitute for the temporary bond. Under our statute be could have been relieved from all liability if lie had been aware that proceedings to that end were necessary. Tbe last bond was within tbe time prescribed by law, and no default appears in the evidence to have occurred pending bis liability, aud it seems clear that neither Mr. Jones nor bis securities on tbe permanent bond consid ered tbe last bond as a cumulative secu rity, and did not contract upon that basis. Therefore, honesty and good faith, in my opinion, require that tbe State should not enforce this judgment agaiusttbe securi ties on this first bond. There being no practical tribunal to which the sovereign is rightfully amenable, she should be exemplary in her justice, and therefore, as one of her counsel, 1 recommend that your excellency accept Mr. Grant’s propo sition for a settlement of tbe case. I am respectfully your excellency’s obedient ser vant, B. Toombs. In view of tbe uncertainty as to what may be the decision of tbe Supreme Court on tbe legal question made by surietles on the exclusion by tbe court ou the trial of the evidence offered, as well as matters of equity and justice, suggested by General Toombs, I concur In his opin ion that Mr. Grant’s offer ought to bo accepted. H. K. McCay, .. For McCay & Trippe. These records shojy tBat, the highest death j ■ _ ■ rate during my administration was in the ting bonds, four-tenths would have been In consideration oftbe reasons assigned year 1877, immediately after I came into ample to have raised all the money need- by General Toombs and McCay,_ as well office, and before any great reforms could ! ed by the State, and in fixing this rate as tbe great uncertainty of realizing more be carried into operation; but they also j one-ralf of one mill would have been than the sum oflered in case of a success- show tbe fact most damaging to Mr. Nor- I ample to have raised tbe money to pay ful termination of the issue in favor of the wood’s reputation for fair dealing that! tbe interest- on those bonds. Therefore, State, I concur in recommending the gov the highest death rate during my admin- • instead of fixing the rate at one-half of ernor to accept the offer of Colonel istration is lower than tbe lowest death J one per cent., be should have fixed it at j Grant. W. A. Hawkins. rate of tbe former administration. They four and one-balf tenths per cent.” | 'April 20, 1880. further show that the death rate has de- * Here again Mr. Norwood falls into the I concur iu the above recommendation Letter of Bev. John E. Bespese, Taylor County. We clip the following from the Savan nah Recorder: We call tfie special attention of our readers to tbe communication of this gentleman. He is one of tho ablest and purest men of the State, and a distin guished minister of the Primitive Baptist Church. His friends in every part of Georgia will read his views with great in terest. The clearness, force and patri otism which characterize his presentation of the question will command the approval of all intelligent and independent voters. Butler, Ga., August 18,1SS0, Mr Editor : The political opinions of an obscure citizen as myself are perhaps of but little importance, so that 1 would not obtrude them upon tbe public were it not that I feel it due myself and those friends who attach some little value to them, to give the reasons why 1 cannot vote for Governor Colquitt for the next governor oi Georgia. You know, and my triends kuow, that I was au ardent sup porter of Governor Colquitt prior to the recent gubernatorial convention, and did what little I could to secure a delegation to tbe convention in his behalf. I was a Colquitt man in preference to auy of the other candidates before the party, because believed him to be a persecuted man, one whom tbe politicians sought to destroy without a cause. I did not prefer him because I thought he was a better Democrat, or because I thought be would make a better governor than either ol them, or than many other distinguished Democrats of Georgia would. My prefer ence was purely a personal one ; and whilst I yet esteem him as a friend, I dare not prefer him before the unity of the ; iarty or gt the sacrifice of principle. When [. voted for him at our primary election as my choice of them all for governor, no principle was theu involved, but to vote- tor him now would be, in my view, sacrificing a principle and the unity of the party to a personal preference; just what, as it seems to me, the majority of the late convention did. Therefore I caij- not vote for him, because to do it would be infidelity to tbe trust committed to me as a freeman and a citizen. I bold the convention committed a crime in refusing to make a nomination for governor. I could and would have voted lor Colquitt if at first lie bad been nominated by a majority, but not after the convention had bound itself by a two-thirds rule. I say they committed a crime, because iu mak ing no nomination they left a disputed OT can involve in our form of government is strife, bitter feuds, and party destruction. Ourgovernmentisagoverniuent of parties, upon which is devolved tbe duty of naming our rulers and their successors, and when tlie delegates of the people selected for that purpose and invested with that power, refuse to do it, they are guilty of criminal negligence, for which tlie people should hold them responsible. I charge this guilt upon tbe majority iarty of the convention, because it should ie laid at the door of that party or faction which could, without a sacrifice of prin ciples, have prevented it, and which, to perpetrate it,made asacrifice of principle. The majority voluntarily, and. of their own accord, adopted tbe two-tliirds rule, binding themselves to make a nomination, aud by a two-thirds majority. It was their privilege to do that or not to do it, just as they choose. There was no com pulsion, but after they did it, it was not their privilege to set it aside, but their duty to abide by it. There was then com- lulslon. It is my privilege to go iu debt; t is not my duty; that is to say,, there is no compulsion; I may or may not, as I choose; but if I do go in debt, it then be comes my duty to pay my deBts, and it is not my privilege to refuse to do it. I am bound; and so was the convention by tbe two-thirds rule; and having voluntarily bound themselves, they could not, without a violation of principle, throw off their obligation. There lias been a good deal of talk of high moral principles in connection with this contest, but it seems they were for gotten in tlie heat of passion, that the righteous should not sweat deceitfully; and though they swear to their own hurt, they should not change, but stick to it. There is another thing that in my judg ment savors of a bad spirit in the majori ty. Immediately upon the heel of tbe two-thirds rule they passed by a majority wliat has been called “a gag law,” saying in effect, that no man should be nominat ed save some one of the candidates then before the body, wbich was saying, as tbe sequel proved, that no man in the State save Governor Colquitt should be nomi nated, that no man should be chosen for governor ot Georgia unless ha had an nounced himself as a candidate for that position and had sought it. Is that a principle of the Democratic party, that a man who gets an office must always seek it? Was it ever a principle of the party before? As to the minority, I know not tho spir it that actuated them, but can only judge them by their fruits, and their conduct was right in tlie letter. They made con cessions, yielding their own personal pref erences and giving tbe majority tbe selec tion of any two or three dozen distin guished Democrats for whom they would cast their voles aud harmonize tbe party. Could not they have saved the unity of the party by naming such men as General Lawton, Judge Crawford, Jackson and Stephens, all good and true Democrts? Thus tbe majority bad tlie opportunity and upon them devolved tbe duty of pre serving tbe unity oftbe party by yielding a personal preference without auy sacri fice whatever of principle or manhood. To this they were pound by their own action in passing tbe two-thirds rule, when it was seen to be clearly impossible to unite tbe minority upon Governor Col quitt. But they persisted and sacrificed the unity of the party to their personal preference, and violated the covenant they bad voluntarily made in the two- thirds rule, and have said to the people of Georgia that they prefer Governor Col quitt to the Democratic party. • This action I cannot endorse, nor ought it to be endorsed by the Democratic pain ty of Georgia. Tbe minority 'are not re sponsible for it, because they could not help it, save as a sacrifice of their man hood. They yielded their personal pref erences, aud left the selection of the can didate to tbe majority, excepting Colquitt only, and tbe majority had agreed, iu ef fect, that if they couldn’t nominate him by two-tliirds, to make a nomination by two-thirds of some good Democrat, That is what the convention met for, and wliat they ought to have done. As to Governor Colquitt’s, vindication, he was nobly vindicator so far as the ma jority coula do it by their ballots, and could have afforded to have made bis as pirations a peace offering to tlio party that bad 50 greatly honored, hist ill the past, and in that very convention. That they had • a msgority is nothing, a3 they did not have the majority they agreed to have to make a nomination. If they looked over so little, that little wa3 as great au obstacle as if it were twenty times as big. I grantitpresentedagreafer temptation to do wrong and violate their plighted faith than a less majority would but tlie glory of resisting the temptation would have beeu in the same ratio. Saul lost tlie kingdom of Israel by a very little lack. He was commanded, and assumed to do it, to slay tho Amalekites’ oxen, sheep and all, and to spare nothing, and he came very nigh doing it; he only lacked a very little; he spared a few sheep and oxen, and them not for himscliybutto sacriflco to the Lord. 'When the prophet Samuel went down to inspect his work Saul went out jubilantly to meet him, ex claiming, “I have fulfilled the command ment.” “If so,” grimly said tlie prophet, “what means tbe bleating of these sheep and lowing of these oxen which I hear?” Therefore he lost tbe kingdom, and had as well have done nothing at all he had done, for al he did amounted to nothing for the lack of the little he didn't «k>. Because the lack, or what he didn’t do, showed that he had done all he did do in the wrong spirit. This I honestly be lieve was the way the majority did in the convention, and I cannot follow them. These are my reasons for not being a Colquitt man, though I was one a few days ago. Did Samuel change in reject ing Saul, even though he bad chosen and anointed liim? If I have changed I do not know it; I have found out the facts aud the right and must act upon them. J. R. Respess. OHts Loean on Advertising. I suppose you don’t know what sort of a pen I am writing to you with; I don’t sup pose you care what kind of a pen I am writing to you with, yet the pen I am writing 10 you with is an epitome of all that has ever been printed, spoken or sung regarding the value of advertising to the mercantile community. Observe the following facts: In Parts, recently, I saw a friend who had just come over, using a pen of peculiar construction, designed with special refer ence to those untidy persons who, like my self ink their fingers when they write. Now, my friend is a man whose hands are as lilies, with finger nails like rose buds in tint; noticeable hands, even remarkable considering that he is an elderly man and who occasionally helps with the lighter work on his farm in Nebraska. Catch him. inking his fingers! “Why, where did you get that nice pen?” 1 asked him with a vista of blissful exemption from an uninked middle finger opening upon my joyous, expectant mind. “Iu Omaha,” be an swered. “I used to ink my finger before 1 got it.” He did. He inked kfe fingers! That was enough for me. 1 got the name of the merchant from whom lie bought the jien, the price of it, and, inclosing the money, I sent from Paris to Omaha for that pen. By tbe last steamer it came to me. There liad been a little delay. The stationer at Omaha was out of them, but hesentup toSioux Ciyrjo the m^ is where the laugh comes in, so prepare to pucker. Tbe pens are an English invention, aud tons of them can be bought iu London, if desired. At tlie stationer’s next door I could have got wliat I had sent for to Sioux City. But bow could I have known that? " dealt with the man who advertised. Mr- W. S. Whitaker Withdrawn. Baenesvillb, Ga., August 23,1880. Editors Telegraph and Messenger: Per mit roe through your columns, to with draw from tbe canvass for tbe Democratic nomination for State Senator, in the twenty-second senatorial district. It has become very apparent that the rumors, which have been Ireeiy circulated, to the effect that efforts would be made to send delegations from Bibb and Monroe, de termined to ignore any suggestions that may be made by the county of Pike, and to nominate no candidate, but such as will bind liimself to never vote for Joseph ■. Brown for United States Senator, are too true. If tbe convention should make nomination intended to carry out tbe famous “minority,” to role out oftbe Democratic party of Georgia three of tlio greatest men in it to wit: Brown, Col quitt and Gordon, they cannot recieve my aid, approval nor tame submission. There fore I shall not place myself nor my friends in such a position, that we will be bound by the results of these efforts. It is very clear to my mind that the di vision recently made in the Democratic party of Georgia will finally lead to the establishment of another party, by such old line whigs as have always been dis satisfied with their Democratic connec tions, and can be seduced into tbe move ment. This, I think, would be condu cive to the velfare of tbe Stale and to the purity of Democracy. Therefore, I am disinclined to complain or censure. Wherever these disgruntled wliigs have Been able to secure oue-tbird of a conven tion they have set themselves with but one purpose, that was to defeat tbe most prominent candidate, if an old-line Dem ocrat. This has been done repeatedly in our congressional and other conven tions, under the plea of insuperable ob jections, which means that the subject of their objections, was a prominent Demo crat before their own conversion to the faith. I deem it unwise to submit to the arbi trament of a convention compounded of such distinct and incongiuous elements, the important question, whether or not Joseph E. Brown shall be ruled out of the party, because be opposed making war against the law and constitutional amend ments enfranchising the/ negro, but ad- . vised us to submit to tbe inevitable. I should gladly abide tlie decision of a truly Democratic “majority” on this and all other questions, but am unwilling longer to endure tbe dominion of a Whig “minority” or majority selected by a mass meeting committee, prearranged to pre vent tbe voice of tbe people from being beard. With sincere wishes for tbe. prosperity of those who cling to ancient and true Democracy, aud tender sympathies for those who, being our guest, sought to be come our masters, and failing to do so, see proper to organize for themselves, I am your obedient servant, Wm. S. Whitaker. Hatching Spanish Mackerel.—It has, this summer, been discovered that) Spanish mackerel can be hatched by arti ficial means with greater returns than the hatching of shad or cod. Professor Earle, of tho fish commission, recently experimented to find that the fish were hatched within eighteen hours from the time the milk and spawn • were brought together. It requires five days to hatch shad, at\d (ropi. eight, to twelve days to hatch cod. The number of eggs operated upon at a single hatching was between two and three hundred, thousand, while of shad ouly about 20,000 or 30,000 can be turned out at once. Another fact of importance is that the season for operations with tbe spawn ot' Spanish mack- rel is toward tlio last of June aud first of July, after the shad season is over and before that of cod begins. PyVSjCJANS use Shriner’s Indian Venn- ifuge in their practice and pronounce it a first-class article. A trial wW convince tlie roost skeptical of its intrinsic merit. lw