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t*r. T _ Postage free to oil Editions* Bails, Telegraph and Hettinger, -gtOXsOperyr , .> •• 5.00 6not K ■ « « %)M 8 wo*. Bailg Telegraph and Herrsnger and Southern Farmer’. Ho. My -OHO per yr. Weekly Telegraph and Heisenger 2.00 ^ TFeek’y Telegraph and Messenger and Southern Farmer: Monthly SJlOpergr Remit by P• O. Order or Registered Letter, to. R ®ritgrapij anil 3tarengtr FRIDAY 'OCTOBER 1, 1880. Pathetic Scene.—Oh, Blaine, what is the news fioro Maine ? Oh, Ingersoll. it is not as had as it might have been. We might have lost it by 10,000; but the bar 5 ! intervened. FluanmNED.—Lord Roscoe pretends to be terribly frightened at the solid South but this as all assumed. He is more afraid of a Cononchet shot gun than all the Con* federate brigadiers in the South. Due Notice.—It will be remembered that all local laws and bills must be ad vertised thirty days before the assembling of the Legislature. This body meets on the Sd day of November, being the first Wednesday. Therefore, parties interest ed iB these mattere will see the necessity of prompt action in the premises, as but little time remains to insert such adver tisements. Let it be attended to at once. Foub bushels of apples to every man, woman and child in the country this year. Of course, this is an estimate only. The men, women and children haven’t got the apples. At least, that is our condition in Macon, and our grocer tells us we can’t have them either till we plank down twenty dollars. This is an impossibility for an editor. We must be content to look at them, while we remember that Mother Earth raised them for us, and by all the laws of na ture they are ours, although another man eats them. How the South is Made Solid.— The recent speech of Senator Conkling, says the Herald, debars the Republicans hereafter from complaining of the solid South. As the leader and controlling spirit of his party the New York Senator deliberately and with contempt cast away all Southern alliance, and whatever hope patriotic men have had of political divis ions in the Southern States he carefully chattered. If the South were not solid it is evident to everybody that such a speech from such a source must make it so, not only for this election, but so long as the Republicans may continue in power. Rowell’s Dibectoby. — The new American .Newspaper Directory of Geo, P. Rowell & Company, is one of the most elaborate and complete works of the kind ever issued. It has created a great revo lution in the manner in which advertis ing is given out to newspapers by busi ness men. It is this method which makes the work particularly valuable. It gives the advertiser a complete understanding of the character and capability of the people where each paper circulates. It is clear ahead of any other similar publi- laat Week’* Cotton Figures. Condition or Cbop. > The New York Chronicle reports the receipts at all the ports for the week end ing last Friday night, 24th instant, at 136,- 413 bales, against 127,120 the correspond ing week of last year. Total since 1st instant, 321,443 bales against 248,630 for the corresponding time of last year,show ing a gain of 72,807 bales. The intenor port business of the week aggregated as follows: Receipts 60,711 bales, against 15,781 for the same week last year. Shipments 37,796, against 48,603. Stocks 61,009 against 40,774 at same date last year. The Chronicle’s visible supply table showed, last Friday, 1,332,533 bales of cotton in sight, against 941,024atthesame date last year—1,061,095 the year before at the same date, and 1,335,200 in 1877 at the same date. These figures show an in crease on the supply of 1879 of 380,986 bales, an increase on the supply of 1878 of 262,617 bales, and a decrease on the supply of 1877 of 20,077 bales. Cotton, last Friday, in the Liverpool market was worth 71-16 for middling upland; at same date in 1879, Gf; in 1878 at same date, 6}; and in 1877 at same date, 6|. The Chronicle's weather telegrams of last Friday, report the general outlook more favorable—a statement not borne out by details. In Texas, at Galveston there had been four days of rain, and was still raining on Friday. Streams were overflowed, and fields saturated. No pick ing had been done for a fortnight.- Cot ton was rotting and sprouting in the boll. If the rains should cease there would be more cotton than last year; but if they continue the situation is precarious. In all the lower half of Texas caterpillars had stripped the plant of leaves, and if the wet weather continues, they will de vour the whole crop. The rains west of the Colorado river have been tremen dous. The rainfall during the week at Galveston was 2.53. At Indianolo, the rainfall of the week was 1.20.- Showery on four days, and cloudy the balance. Ticking has been hindered, and great damage done by rotting and sprouting bolls. At Corsicana, a cloudy week— rainfall 0.50. Too wet for picking, and some complaint of damage. At Dallas, thesame. Picking making poor prog ress. Complaints of worms, caterpillars, rot aud sprouting. Accounts decidedly unfavorable. At Brenham, rain on three days—one inch. Cloudy weather. No picking except on sandy land. Com plaints of rot and sprouting. At Wacc, rain on three days, amounting to 1.35, and rest ofthe week cloudy. Westward and northward rains have been tremen dous. Streams all out of the banks. Picking has been interfered with, and bolls are rotting and sprouting. In Louisiana, at New Orleans, theie was rain on two days. At Shreveport it was dryer and roads improving. Rain 0.88. At Vicksburg, in Mississippi, rain on three days. At Columbus, Mississip pi, rain on two days amounting to 0.5S. About half the cotton open and much damage feared from rotting and sprouting, if damp weather continues. In Arkan sas, at Little Rock, cloudy and showery weather for two weeks. In Tennessee, at Memphis, little rain, but atmosphere ex tremely humid, which prevents picking and conduces to much rot In bottom The Toil of Sisyphus. | number voting theregular ticket for Han- THE SENATORIAL QUESTION. ir-.yddl-p.iMt.—. "I «'*" ■■ “—• labor strikes might eventuate last InJ ! ton~I*U«r to tbePeople labor strikes mi gut evemuaie al i .... ^ • ton—Letter t the discovery of some equital.e mode 0 f P™b*ble before he day of elert.ona^rive. pM adjustment of the nroportion of mill earn- he (Mahone) will find his white following ;.,L labor—a self-ad- I has dwindled to such insignificant propor- conceal its weakness, or to make an open coalition with the Republicans.” We have an abiding faith, however, in the patriotism of the people of the Old Do minion, and confidently expect her eleven votes to be cast for our noble national standard-bearers in the electoral college, ingsi which should go to labor| . Hat he. will bo forced either to with- justing schedule so clearly equitable as to command the support of all parties drawhU ticket ent.rely from the field to and obviate all danger and loss from lockouts and strikes, then we could go blundering on in the dark, hopefully waiting the break of day. But, alas, we have little faith in or hope of such a glo rious outcome, and so this interminable fight must go on—always ending in the disadvantage of labor. Why? Because every such struggle Im poverishes labor and makes it more de fenseless by increasing its discredit as a wealth-producing investment. Men build mills, factories and workshops to make money, and to induce such investments there must be some reliable and certain estimate of expense. Thfe strikes strike at this,'stop the business and stop the in vestments, and the strikers lose five dol Jars for every one gained by the strike. The whole study of mechanism is Unceas ingly directed to the single point of dis pensing with human labor to the fullest possible extent as the most uncertain aud incontrollable element of trade, so that factories become Increasingly automatical every year and labor proportionately less in demand. We reckon that enormous industry, the British cotton mills, could -now be bought out en masse at fifty to seventy cents on the dollar originally invested—a fact, (if it be a fact), not due altogether to strikers, hut hastened by them. The general con ditions are unfavorable, and the effort to meet those conditions out of forced con cessions by labor produces the strikes, and the strikes help to make the whole investment a financial scare-crow—a never ending fight with labor to wring out, if possible, a balance to credit. The world has now had some eight or ten years of muddle with strikes, aud we regret to see them setting in again on both sides ofthe ocean. When they get bad they mean to the rich some other in vestment, and to the poor light food, poor clothing and often crime and vagrancy. They ignore all sound economy—all sound principles of trade, and all safe and beneficial rules of social progress and ad vancement. cation In the country. It contains more I lands. At Nashville, rain on only one than a thousand pages, and filled with day. In Alabama, at Mobile, rain w oniy — ----- At Montgomery weather dry and picking fine. At Selma the same. Florida, at Madison, reports no bottom crop. In Georgia, generally diy weather is report ed, and good progress in picking. At Savannah only, there was rain on two days, reaching 0.96. Jute Culture in the South. Louisiana is said to be awakening to the importance of jute culture, which will furnish the Southern States with their own cotton bagging of tiie best kind. In June of the present year, the State Com missioner of Agriculture distributed about 1,500 packages of jute seed to the fanners of Louisiana. These sieds have been generally planted, and reports from every section of the State indicate that the plant flourishes in every parish, growing in the alluvial soil to a height of fifteen feet, and in the pine flats and hills to ten and twelve feet. It is remarkably free from the attack of insects injurious to other crops ofthe South, and the cost of produc tion is small, as it is sown broadcast and needs no cultivation- Specimens of the fibre prepared from plants of this season’s growth, caii beseen at the New Orleans Cotton Exchange. The New Orleans .Democrat thinks “there can be no doubt but that the cultivation of jute in the South will afford an easy solution of the question of over-production of cotton, en hance its price, and add millions to the wealth of the South.” - —— puonc need. It is fair, and the informa tion is definite and accurate. We com mend the work. Removal.—The Qnitman Reporter has been removed to Way cross, on the Savannah, Florida and Western railroad. Major Tilman still remains at the helm, which is sufficient to guarantee a good paper, and that it will lose nothing by its removal. Waycross is a new town, thrifty and enterprising, and will come up to the support of its newspaperpromptiy. When the Waycross and Jacksonville railroad is finished, which will be about the first of January, 1881, the town will assume an additional importance as the point of diver gence (for all the Florida travel. That whole section is improving and developing rapidly, and the tReporter has a wide field for operation. The Messrs. Allen are tb<* publishers, and they are worthy and ener getic youngmen. Garfseld Ineligible.—The fact that Mr. Garfield fs ineligible to the office of President of the'United States has caused some fluttering in Republican circles. This fact so long overlooked was recently brought to public notice during a speech of Hon. Eraatus Brooks, of New York Mr. Brooks read the law as it stands in the statute book, .which provides that any person who should take illegal compensa tions while acting-as Senator or member of Congress should forever be disqualified to hold any other office of profit or honor under the government of the United States. Mr. Brooks claimed that if this statnte was enforced against Garfield, he would be compelled to retire. But as there is little hope of his election, the Republicans have all decided to let mat ters stand as they are during the remain der ofthe canvass. Asto Indiana. The case ef Indiana seems to be con sidered so desperate by the Republican leaders as to’cfll for extraordinary reme dies. Grant, on the 25th September, (last Saturday) telegraphs an order as commander-in-chief to the “Veteran Sol diers and Sailors ofthe United States,” to meet in convention at Indianapolis on Thursday, the 7th day of October, five days before the Indiana State election. How does Grant propose to use the “Vet eran Soldiers and Sailois ofthe United States,” to cany the State of Indiana for Porter and Garfield? What grand scheme is afoot ? Johnny Davenport, of New York, the great Federal election supervisor and bull dozer, with more cunning and fraud in his little carcass than was ever before crowded within a bnmaa skin, has been suddenly transferred to Indiana, where he has been working for days at some Un developed rascality. The pretense, we suppose, is that the three or four thou sand negro Radical voters shipped to Indiana, ace is danger of being offset ' by some Democratic white importations. Meau while, a strong and successful ef fort has been made among the wealthy manufacturers In Philadelphia U> replen ish tWf campaign fund hi Indiana. A large sum of money was raised, an Hancock axp Garfield.- -Bob Jin- gsraoli states the situation thus: The game aow stands six and six and Han. each has the deaL A Popular Canvass For United States Senator is not, to out mind, agreeable to the constitution or the theory of our government, which provides for two Houses of Congress—one elected by and representing the people, the other elected by the General Assem bly and representing the sovereignty of the State. That this was a cherished idea of the founders of the government maybe inferred from the fact that they gave Del aware as strong a representation in the Senate is they gave the State of New York, or any other State; for the reason that she was as much a sovereign State as any ef them, and for no other reason. This provision of the constitution is gall, wormwood and folly to the so-called Republicans, because they recognize no clement of rightful power in government but the “will'of the people,” and this should take effect eo instantl, everything to the contrary notwithstanding. This is their idea so long as the people vote the Republican ticket. When they don’t, they want a “strong government"—that is to say, a military boss to compel the people to vote right, for they say the suf frage is a nuisance and worse, unless it is cast for the Republican ticket. And this brings us to say that the Southern people, who pretend to some correct ideas about this goverament^bould not allow anybody to be canvassing among the people, to be elected United States Senator. It is, in our opinion, an unbecoming practice, and sanctions the heresy we have noticed. We have, therefore, no sympathy in the present canvass for the United States Senate, and print Governor Brown’s letter at the request of himself and friends. We have no doubt, however, it will be read with Interest. Southern Claims. The tender-hearted and suspicious Re publican brethren are not satisfied with a constitutional bar to Southern war claims. They never felt any respect for the consti tution, and hence they would rather take the word even of a Democrat than any clause in that instrument. Gen. Hancock has' promised that no Southern war claims shall be paid. Bat this is promising too much. They don’t m«an so much as that. A Southern war claim, in Republican Lauds, is at once invested with the sacred odor of loyalty. Gen. Hancock should have simply promised that no claims in Southern hands should be paid, and this would have relieved their distress and en couraged them in their speculations oat of the rebels. The Republicans desire guar, an tees that no rebel hand shall touch tbs public money. They want all of iU We might bargain for Lons* and rational gov ernment by agreeing that all the public money shall go to the Republicans. Ohio and Indiana. Independent Speculations. The Philadelphia Times, seeking to meet that intense curiosity about the forthcoming result in Ohio and Indiana, in less than a fortnight from ‘to-day, de votes a column to the Buckeye State and gives her returns of elections for the last twenty-five years. The Times says: “The Democrats do not calculate that they have the best chance to win the State, but they believe that their success is possible, and that a reduction of the Republican majority to 5,000 or below that figure, would be fatal to Garfield in New York, New Jersey and Connecticut. The Republicans do not expect the large majority of nearly 16,000 they gave lor Governor last year, but they rationally go back to the test vote of 1870, aud claim that they can gain on the 5,000 majority the Hayes State ticket had in October of that year, and they well appreciate the fact that the State is not entirely safe for the party without extraordinary efiort. • • Ou a fair test of party strength and a full vote, Ohio has a clear.Republican majoritv of 10,000, and that majority for the State ticket would be a decided Re- WML.H'StPGM.i.Ub advantage to Garfield outside of Ohio. Unless Indiana shall fall into the Repub lican column, Ohio is reasonably safe for the Republicans, but all who are prudent will not bet their money on it, and espe cially on extravagant majorities.” Ohio polled 664,465 votes last October in her gubernatorial election and she gave Hayes 7,507 majority in 1876. She will poll near 700,000 votes on the 12th proximo. As to Indiana the same authority says: “The estimates made by the two parties in Indiana, after what they claim to have been careful canvasses, vary about 12,- 000 on a vote of nearly 500,000. The Repub 1 ican poll makes the State Republi can in October by about 4,009; the De mocratic poll makes it Democratic by about 7,400, and an Independent poll ol the State by the Cincinnati Enquirer gives a Democratic plurality of 14,900. All these estimates, however carefully made, prove nothing more than that the Stale is fairly in doubt, with the chances in favor of the Democrats because of pres ent possession and the prestige of past vic tories/] • The iiepublicans, assuming that Ohio is at least safe for October, are now bend ing every energy to carry Indiana, and, for this purpose, are using the most extra ordinary means. The colonizing move ment which commenced in 1879, with train loads of “eolored Republicans” from Virginia and North Carolina, at that time estimated at about 3,300, is still daily sup plemented by streams of so-called “colored immigrants” from Kentucky; so that from this source alone tbo Republicans estimate that they have extinguished the Demo cratic majority and given themselves a preponderance of4,000. It will be seen, therefore, that cool and impartial minds look for an extremely close struggle in Indiana. What may be wrought out by the instrumentality of Grant’s convention of Union veterans and the mission of Johnny Davenport is yet to l>e seen. The Old Dominion AH Bight Our readers will remember that the re cent attempt to unite the Debtpayers and Readjusters of Virginia upon one electo ral ticket for Hancock and English foiled, because the Debtpayers, who embrace -a very large majority of the whites of the State, were unwilling to submit the ques tion to a primary election, unless none but known Democrats were permitted to vote. Mr. Mahone is fully aware that the bulk of the RepudlationisU or Realty us- ters are the ignorant ol both races who do not comprehend the disgraceand op probrium which will attach to the com monwealth by Ignoring her just obliga tions. A very large number of the Sena tor’s followers and pliant tools, indeed, pay no taxes at all, and have nothing to lose by the Issues involved. But he saw at once if the voting in the primaries was confined to Democrats only, that his weakness in the State would forthwith be made apparent. The truth is, General Mahone ban In dependent, and, ae usual, the Radicals, true to their policy, which- is to weaken their oppooenie by nursing divisions in their ranks, have rallied solidly around . The.prepared election, therefore,, would show bis real Democratic strength, and benee.be declined the teat. The What the Hew World is Doing for ' the Old. Astonishing if Tbue. The Philadelphia Public Ledger is re sponsible for the following paragraph: We are landing Indian corn in Europe at a cent a pound, or a half penny ster ling. We are actually shipping com to Hambutg aud Italy to still, it is so cheap; at least twenty cargoes have been sent lately to Hamburg and Bremen distiller ies. The standard weight of a bushel of com is fifty-six pounds. This, at one cent per bushel, is fifty-six cents, which the article commands at the dock in Liver pool after crossing the Atlantic. In Ma con, situated in a rich farming country and only 200 miles removed from Tennes see, the granary of the South, it is seldom that com can be purchased for less than seventy cents per bushel. This shows the vast difference between Northern and Southern freights. The com of Illinois, which sellsat the crib or in the field at from fifteen to twenty cents per bushel, is trans ported by rail aud water 800 miles to ^few York and then, according to the Ledger, transshipped to European ports at a total cost of fifty-six cents only. Verily the starv ing multitudes of the East begin to real ize what a benefactor was Christopher Columbus, the discoverer of America, to the world. The humble citizen of Genoa is entitled to a far grander monument thau any .ever erected to the sovere‘gn3 of Egypt or the great captains whose ex ploits fill so large a space in the annals of history. The Model Civil Service Reformer. “We have listened in vain,” says the B§i/ciBlld&I'sotirces agairtsf The rewards which President Hayes bestowed upoD the returning board omcera who cheated the Democrats out of their Presidential votes in Louisiana and Florida.” Yes, and never a voice will be raised by the Radi cals either against the astounding frauds tliemselvesgor the man for whose benefit thoy were perpetrated, and who became pariiceps criminis, by accepting the high office thus wickedly obtained, and paying the vile creatures who had lied him into the Presdiential chair. But the people are possessed of all the facts, and this time they will elect Hancock by a majority which even an eight to seven high com mission, and all the quasi prestige of the Supreme Court of the United States, dare not gainsay. Senator CenkHog’i Logic, Says that shrewd Republican authority, the Boston Herald, “has a way of knock ing itself in the head that would make his ‘great efforts’ cany the antidote to their own falsity and absurdity, if the av erage reader but took the pains to go be lowftbe surface. In his letter to a West ern editor, which may be ealled the brief of his New York ease and points, he says that, ‘as surely as the light end of the balance kicks the. beam, the small light North end of the Democratic party must obey the motions of the great, heavy South end. In Congress, cabinet, caucus aud convention this is the rale as inflexi ble as the law of gravitation.’ “Senator Conkling had already demon strated, at least to bis own satisfaction, that, in trade and commerce, wealth, as represented by taxes, and all that goes to make a community poweiful, the South stands as only a very vulgar fraction com pared with the big round numbers of the North; and yet be sent his Satanic shrieks over the universe, to paraphrase Walt Whitman, warning the great, rich, pop ulous North to beware of the machina- nations of this pigmy whom he had ex hibited. “The same thing is tiue of the relative political strength of the Democratic party in the two sections. The Democratic vote at the last presidential election, in the States that attempted to secede, was, in round numbers, 1,000,000, to 3,250,000 Democratic votes iu the States that did notseeede. And yet Senator Conkling calls the 1,000,000 tbo ‘great, heavy South end,’ which will make the ‘small, light North end’ kick the beam. “General Butler playfully said, four yean ago, that the Northern Democrats were the tall end of the party, and that *tbe dog would wag the tail;’but he was wise enough to 6teer clear of the statis tics. knowing, as a physiologist, that the brain directs’the movements of the caudal appendage, and, judging ofthe intellectu al supremacy of the Southern leaders by the prowess of the ‘rebel brigadiers’ whom he didn’t put down in Congress, he gave vent to his overflowing humor in this figure of speech, which now turns up to torment him, since be bas hitched him self ou to the ‘tail.’ But the perform ances ofthe Southern Democrats at home do not indicate a quality and quantity of political wisdom and sagaeity sufficient to make the danger imminent that the 24 per cent will rule the 76 per cent.” Yes, Mr. Herald, it is a fact that “the performances of the Southern Democrats at home do not indicate a quality and quantity of wisdom,” sufficient to make themselves formidable to anybody except themselves and their friends. , Dr. Hugh Gleen, the foremost of Cal ifornia fanners, who this year bas 45,000 If Col. Yancey was so troubled about l refection ofthe olive branch, however, by that 87,600, why didn’t be write a prated the head-centre of tbs - Read;: tale re baa ... , — to Malcom Johnson. He could have re- filled with disgust the upright Pernio crate 1 ^J 000 •“*“ ... . - > each bolding 140 pounds, and is afraid of that party, and we are advised that a these will not contain all his crop, strong reaction la going on among them, Dr. Glenn is a Virginian, and was a sol- which will result in thousands of their dier In the war with Mexico. )laved bis anxiety without any bluater. But no; that wouldn’t help to beat Col- qui^t. Atlanta, Sept. 28,1SS0. To the People of Georgia: I notice by the newspapers that General A. B. Law- ton, of Savannah, is engaged iu an active cauvass of the State as a candidate against me for election to the United States Senate when our Legislature con venes. . ; It was natural to expect that a candi date for United States Senator, address ing the people in the different counties and sections of the State m his own be half, would map out some line of policy intended to be pursued by him if heshould be elected. If General Lawton has pur sued this course, I have failed to see any account of it in the newspapers. Where does he stand on the currency question ? Is he in favor of gold and silver as legal tender to the bondholders and to the ■ leople; or is he in favor of gold only 'as a egal tender ? Or is he in favor of a pa- >er currency; atid with what guarantees ? low will he vote on a modification of the tariff? What is his position on the im provement of the rivers and harbors of our State? .Will he, if elected, to go to the United States Senate, make a few Bour bon speeches in reference to the position and doctrines of the South in the past, or Will lie assume a progressive position and labor in a practical way to secure for the State of Georgia, while her people bear their proportion of the burdens of gov ernment, a just distribution among them of its benefits ? Will he seek to build up the waste places, to open new channels of communication by the removal of ob structions where they now exist iu our vast forests, so as to encourage the transportation of our timber, our turpen tine and other productions to the markets of the world ? Will he labor to improve the inland channels of naviga tion within our borders? Will he aid In the passage of a bill to pension the sol diers of the Mexican and Indian wars? And can he exercise that sort of tact, com mon sense and talent necessary to make his efforts a success in behalf of our peo ple? Will he aid in the great cause of popular education? Does he believe, since the colored people are made citizens with all the rights of citizenship, that it is the duty of white people to aid in makinr; them the best citizens in our power? Does be believe as slavery was abolished by the action of the whole Union, that it is the duty ofthe whole Union to aid in the education of the colored people of the South? And will he do all in his power if elected to the Sen ate to have the proceeds of the public lands set apart as a permanent fund for the education of the people, to he dis tributed among the States in proportion to the illiteracy of the people of the differ ent States? Will he aidtq the full ex tent of his power and in such manner as to make his efforts of practical utility, in passing through Congress such legislation as is necessary to promote the great cause of popular education ? On all of these questions my position has been communicated to the public. But in reference to them and to others that might he of importance to the people of our State, the General has been, if cor rectly reported, studiously silent. He lias committed himself to no line of policy. He has given our people no promise of re lief as the result of his labors if he should be sent to represent our State in the high est branch of our national councils. But what is the platform laid down by General Lawton upon which he has made his cauvass oi the State as a candidate for Senator? All I have seen is that Al fred H. Colquitt is a weak man, incompe tent to the discharge of the duties of Gov ernor of this State; aud that I am a man of ability, but lacking in character, and au arch traitor. I do not know whether General Lawton’s speeches have been cor rectly reported, but the reports have gone to the world aud I have seen no correc tion of them from him. I must therefore take it for granted that he approves of the report given to the oublic. In his speech at Macon,if correctly reported,he mentions me as that arch traitor; and in his speech at Angusla^in referring, to. me, lie is re des.! life, ability is necessary; but charac ter is one huudrcd times above, and must alwavs be considered in the bestowal of an office.” In other words, he admits my -ability and assails my character. That is a question that it may be considered in delicate for me to discuss with Gen eral Lawton. But as the assault is made in this shape, by a man as piring to the high office of United States Senator, I may be pardoned for saying, that, if meeting every obligation, and the prompt compliance with every p-omise, dealing justly and fairly with every hilman being and the prompt payment of every in debtedness when due; exercising charity to the needy and the prompt relief of the suffering when in my power; discharging faithfully every public trust committed to me, and the exercise of vigilance for the promotion of tba public good; possessing the nerve and independence to tell the people who had honored me the truth when the truth was unpopular; and the moral courage to labor for their good when my motives were misunderstood and my conduct misrepresented; practic ing a morality which defies successful at tack; and the iaithful discharge of every duty, public ami private to the best of my ability, constitute character, then, and .[ say it in no boastful spirit, I shrink not from a comparison with my opponent who makes himself my assailant; nor with any one else who assumes the role of my ca lumniator. And I say to General Law- ton, defame not an opponent who stanCs in the way of your ambition by dealing in generalities; make charges and specifica tions which you are prepared to sustain; or have the manliness to retract and make reparation as far as you may for the wrong you have attempted to perpetrate. In the language of my opponent, who, like the Pharisee of old, would seem to thank his God that he is not like other men, I am not only a man of ability and of “talent,” “wonderful talent,” but I am an “arch traitor.’ 1 Traitor to what? When did I betray a cause, a friend, or a trust of any kind ? When aid I mislead a friend or practice deception upon any one? Here, again, my accuser is careful to make no specifications. True, he refers to 1868, in general terms, as is usual with those of ray assailants who, unable to see the end from the beginning, and destitute ofthe moral firmness required to step into the breach and strive to correct erroneous popular sentiment, chose to float with the current and, while pandering to the angry passions of the misguided multitude, ■ought to increase the applause of their deluded associates by denouncing as trait ors those who bad the sagacity to discern and the honesty to tell them the truth. But how did 1 betray the people of Georgia in 1867-8? I told them that the war party in a great revolution like that we had just passed through, when the war was successful, would control the government for a long term of years. Has it been true? Was I right ? I told our people that the party of the majority had the power to enforce the reconstruction acts and the thirteenth and fourteenth constitutional amendments; and that however hard the terms dictated t>7 our conquerors might be, we would be compelled to accept them; that there was no escape from it. Was I right? Hare we accepted the reconstruction acts and the thirteenth and fourteenth constitutional amendments ? Do we not even vie with the Republicans now in onr loyalty to these measures and in onr promises not to interfere with them ? Was I a traitor when I told the people the truth aud pre dicted that which has come to pass ?, In 1867 I told the people of Georgia that if we refused to accept the terms then dictated and to adopt the fourteenth con stitutional amendment, still further terms would be dictated, and we would be com pelled to accept them. .Was I right? We rejected the fourteenth amendment, aud Congress then dictated the fifteenth amendment, and we were obliged to adopt both before we were admitted back to representation in Congress. We did adopt them both. Who, then, was right, ~ or my opponent who acted on the other side? He, and those with whom be then acted, cried peace without compliance, and there was no peace. They misled the people with the delusive hope that we could disregard the constitutional amend ments and return to the union without their adoption. Results have shown that they were false prophets. -Was t a traitor to Georgia, or to the. South, because I fore saw the results and warned our people of the consequences? I leave the intelligent voters of Georgia to decide. But I did not act with the Democratic party in 1868. No, I did not. I never, in any instance, failed to vote and act i with the Democratic party when it stood on the platform it occupied prior to the, war; and I have never, iu any instance, failed to vote and act with the Democratic party when it stood on the platform it now occu pies. In 1868 it stood on neither plat form. At that time its platform was revo lutionary and meant resistance, to the re construction ac(s. It nominated General Blair for vice-president because he had written and published a letter declaring the reconstruction acts unconstitutional, uull and void; and had taken the position that the President ought so to declare them and refuse to execute them. I con sidered this, under the'circumstances, an insane platform, and as I'foresaw very clearly that the reconstruction acts must undoubtedly be enforced, and that 1 any attempt to resist them would end in revo lution and another civil war in which we would be obliged to fail, I took a position in favor of accepting the reconstruction acts aud adopting the constitutional amendments, aud I supported the candi dates who stood on that platform. Upon this issue I supported Governor Bullock in. opposition to General Gordon, who ran as the candidate opposed to the recon struction measures. But it is charged that I accepted office under Bullock’s administration. That is true; I accepted the position of chief I jus tice of the Supreme Court of my State un der that administration and Hon. Hiram Warner accepted the position of associate justice. We sat side by side on that bench, both held commissions from Bul lock until I retired from the bench and left Judge Warner there holding Bullock’s commission while Bullock was yet Gov ernor. My opponent lauds Judge War ner as one who bas served the State for four-score years, has no taint upon his er mine and no blot upon his escutcheon. If Warner could accept and hold office un der Bullock’s administration without the slightest stain, why should I be branded as a traitor for having accepted a position by his side ami held it under the same ad ministration? But my accusers say I voted for Grant in 1868. That is true. At the time I voted for General Grant he had never in his life caSt any hut a Democratic vote, He was a military chieftain, and the very fact that he had received the sword of General Lee at the surrender gave him, in the estimation of the people of the United States, a right to the presidency. Opposi tion to Lira, as I then predicted, aud as results have shown, was obliged to be fruitless. The Republican party, as the war party, were the conquerors. We were the conquered. And, if the whole people of the South, and, indeed, of the whole Union, had acted as I did and taken up Grant and voted for him without making an issue witii him, and had at once accepted the reconstruction acts, and adopted the constitutional amendments, the Southern States would have been re admitted to representation in Congress- without delay, aDd we should have gouc through none of the period of carpet-bag rule, which has been so trying to our people. Having surrendered our arms, we were no longer able to make an effective resistance, and, by a prompt acquiescence in the terms dictated by the conqueror, we would have at once resumed our position in the Union with representation in Con gress. At the end of four years, it is not im probable that Gen. Grant, a life-long Dem ocrat, would have accepted his second nomination from the Democratic party, and not from the Republican. But if he had not, there was ample time during that period for the alignment of parties upon the great practical national issues which divide the people in times of peace. If this course had been adopted, the “bloody shirt” would no longer have waved, and there is noioom for reasonable doubt that the Democracy would, years ago, have gone into power and taken control of the destinies of the government. the then so-called Democratic party, which stood neither upon the old Demo cratic platform nor upon the present Democratic platform, refused to vote for him, and made tiie issue squarely agaiust the reconstruction measures and the con stitutionality of the amendments. Find ing that they had made a great mistake, in 1672—just four years too late—they re traced their steps and adopted a plat form, acquiescing in the reconstruction acts and the constitutional amendments to the fullest extent; and they nominated as their candidate, not Gen. Grant, a life long Democrat, nor any other Democrat, but Horace Greeley, a life-long enemy oi' the Democracy, who had done more to build up the abolition party in the North —to create abolition sentiment, and to bring about the division which ended in tiie disruption of the Union and the abo lition of slavery, than any man upon the American continent. Yes, they nomina ted Horace Greeley, who never cast a Democratic vote in his life, and they placed him upon a platform; accepting tiie reconstruction acts and the constitu tional amendments; and ray opponent, I presume, voted for him. If he did not the Democratic party voted for him, am voted for him upon a platform identical in principle with the one I stood on in 1868. If then I was a traitor to the cause of the South when I voted for Grant, a life-long Democrat, in ISOS, were not the whole South traitors when they voted for Greeley upon the reconstruction platform iu 1872 ? Did I betray the Democracy and abandon the principles of the party? No. The so-called Democracy of 1S6S abandoned the platform of principles up on which it bad previously stood, aud went off upon au issue which was not maintainable, and upon which success was an impossibility. In 1S72, seeing the awkward dilemma in which they were placed, and the hopelessness of their cause on their platform,they abandoned it, aud came and planted themselves upon the reconstruction platform which I had occupied iu 1S68 and nominated Greeley as their standard-bearer. I did not aban don the position I had previously taken, because the Democracy came to me. But I bade them welcome, and, objectionable as was their candidate, I supported him because he was the Democratic nominee upon the reconstruction platform which I had occupied four years before. Was this treason to Georgia?—to the South?—or to my party? But let us draw the contrast a little further. In 1868 the substance of tiie Democratic platform, including General Blair’s letter as a part of it, was that the reconstruction acts and proposed constitu tional amendments were unconstitutional, null and void. Iu 1872 tiie Democratic platform accepts the reconstruction acts, and the party pledges itself not to disturb them. Iu 1876, when Tildeu was nomi nated, the Democratic convention of the Union resolved that they were devoted to the constitution with the amendments. And in 1860, Gen. Hancock, as the stand ard-bearer of the Democracy, in his letter of acceptance, says: “The thirteenth, four teenth and fifieeuth amendments to the constitution of the United States, embod ying the results ofthe war for’the Union, are inviolable. If called to the president, * shall deem it my duty to resist with all my power, any attempt to impair or evade the full force and effect ofthe constitution which, in eiery article, section and amend ment, is the supreme law ofthe laird.” My opponent was in the convention that nominated Hancock and voted for him and to-day advocates bis election upou this very letter of acceptance. Who, then, has proven traitor?. I, who accepted what Gen. Hancock says embodies the results oftue war, in 1868, and who stand there to-day ? or my opponent who tlieir went with the party which stood upon a plat form deuying these results of the war, and pronouncing them “unconstitutional, null and void,” but who has now abandoned that platform and come over to the one I occupied in 1868 ? Who has proven un true to his platform of 1868 ? I or my opponent ? Have I gone to his platform of 186S, or has he come to mine ? cause it is popular, cause them to err. have often been But the great mass of the neoDie are hon- eians. Tint t d by artful politi- But the great mass of the people are hon est, and while they may sometimes be misled, yet when you give them time they will come to correct conclusions, and they will honor those who have been faithful to them and told them the troth iu the lnur of adversity, while they will turn a deaf ear to the ravings of those who mis led-and deceived them with false promises and delusive hopes in the time of their greatest trial General Lawton seems to think the on ly way. to build himself up is to attempt to pull down hia opponent. Detraction, therefore, becomes one of the principal weapons of his war fare. He refers to my speeches the Senate, and while he admits what he is pleased to term mv * ability and my “wonderful talent,” he finds nothing in the speeches to commend. He says he wa3 in Washington at the time and heard the speeches, and it is only necessary to stick a pin in my balloon ‘for it will col lapse forever. I confess my surprise at this statement of my opponent. My speech on the Savannah harbor bill was commenced on the first day of June and completed on the second. My spbech upon the pension bill was delivered on the 12lh of June. The Gen eral is reported as saying he heard; the speeches. He must have remained nearly tivo-weeks in Washington to have heard them all; or he must have been there and heard the first, and then retired and re turned in time to hear the second. It; was my misfortune not to see General Lawton iu the gallery when the speeches were de livered; nor did I see him in the capital while I was there; and if he was even in Washington City during the time of my stay, I did not have the pleasure to meethim. trust, however, in the future he may fre quently have the honor to be in the" Sen ate galieiy to hear me speak. When not a candidate I think he would have a. bet-, ter opinion of my speeches. As already stated, the pension speech was delivered on the 12th of June. On the 14th of June he sent me a dispatch from Atlanta urging my support of a measure in which I understand a relative of his in Baltimore was greatly interested; and asking me to enlist Senators Hill, Bayard, Jones, Hampton, Ransom, and other friends in the Senate, in favor of his measure. If the General was there two days before, and heard my speech in the Senate, it is a little remarkable he did not then visit me, and lay before me the wishes of his relative and or the friends whom he represented? And if I had as little position in the Senate as he would now make you believe, why did he ask me to enlist such Senators as those above named in behalf of his favorite measure ? Referring to the appropriation for Sa vannah he'says, “the bill bad passed. be fore Brown took liis seat.” This is not true; the bill passed after I took my seat, for I voted upon its passage. Again he says of my pension speech: “The Northern papers laugh, and say Brown, killed the bill.” What Northern papers laughed at it and said I killed it ? Here again he deals in generalities, and does not deign to give facts or to be spe cific. It has been the observation of wri ters on the law of evidence that he who comes into court to misrepresent is apt to he very general in his statements. If any Northern paper has said that I killed the pension bill, it spoke as my opponent seems to speak, in utter ignorauce of the facts or with a purpose to misrepresent. The bill was taken up at the instance of Senator Williams, af Kentucky, who; had it in charge and was discussed durin: one afternoon and went over. The next morning the business of the morning hour took precedence, and oh ac count of the near approach of the adjourn ment of the Senate, the hill wasriot again taken up for discussion.. There are a number of other Senators who expect to be heard on it when it is reached iu its or. der on the calendar. It stands there to day, as some thousands of other hills stand, many of which have been partially discussed but are yet undisposed of, to be passed upon in its order at the session commencing in December next. No vote has been taken upon the hill. Only part of the Senators who desire to speak have been heard. It thus stands over as un finished business. eral Lawton’s misrepresentations, quib bling and special pleading upon this point. Many of the intelligent voters of Georgia have bad an opportunity to read my speeches; and I leave them to judge as to their ability, and whether they were prac tical and such as the people of Georgia desired their representative to make. Did I place the harbor of Savannah properly before the conntiy ? Did Igive the Senate information on that subject? Leading Senators gave me credit in their speeches by saying I did. Did I, in the pension speech, place the cause of the South fairly and honorably before the Union? Did! vindicate her honor and maintain her manhood and her dignity? I leave the independent voters ofthe State to decide this for themselves. As General Lawton lias not thought proper in his whole campaign to indicate to the people what platform of principles lie would support if he were in the Sen ate, or what would be his course of con duct there, we are left somewhat at a loss to determine upon what he bases his claims to Senatorial honors. I admit the General is a gentleman of fair ability. But what are the distinguished services to the State upon which he bases his claim to preferment? He bas never been tried with the exercise of either the executive or judicial functions of his Slate, and I believe he has never had any experience as a member of either branch of the Con gress of the United States. He may be a profound statesman, having executive, legislative and judicial capacity, but the country are ignorant of the fact, possibly because they have not had an opportunity to witness au exhibltiou of his powers in either of these departments. Gen. Lawton has served with credit to himself, as a member of the General As sembly of our State, aud he has been member of the Constitutional Convention of the State. In each of those positions I believe he took a respectable stand among his compeers. And I most do him the justice, to say that he occupies a very good position as a corporation lawyer. He has long repre sented that mammoth corporation, the Central Railroad aud Banking Company of Geoigia. In the contests of that com pany with citizens in court, and with the populace of Georgia before the railroad commission, and probably elsewhere, Gen. Lawton has been the chief legal ad viser of the company,. and has no doubt rendered it valuable and efficient services. The company has had reason to highly appreciate his services when its interests and those of the people of this State have been antagonistic. How much the people have been served in tbe.contest is another question. If the General should repre sent the corporate interests ofthe country in the Senate with as much fidelity and skill as he has represented the great cor poration already mentioned in this State, it is quite certain that the great nibnopo lies of the country would have no reason to be discontented, and they would doubt less highly appreciate his valuable ser vices. If it should be said that I am connected with a railroad company as president, and therefore have corporate interests to serv e, I reply that there has been no clamor at any time from the people along the line, of the road I represent of injustice and oppression. I believe the whole people from one end • of the road to the other are satisfied tliat its affairs have been conducted upon a just and liberal basis. A different report has come up of the corporation represented by General Lawton as counsel, whether justly or not I cannot say; I must leave that to those who are better acquainted with the facts. But this I can say, that neither General Lawton nor any one else can point to any act of mine, during the long period of my administration of tiie government of the State, or in any other capacity, where I have taken sides with and fostered coipo- rate monopoly at the expense of the rights and interests of the mass of the people. The records will show that my course on that subject iu flavor of the rights of the people has been uniform and 1J„. T , ■*l»Ul uuiiu- r mian! 1 d0 ? ot fear Mr attacks. I place mv cause in the hands of the great mass of the honest laboring pie of Georgia. I have never !et££ ed them, but have always stood by il'f m a . n< * ^ n ded their rights and; their interests, and they know it. They have always supported and sustained me fmm!t rWh T Iniing I sprang Of them, and I do 10 1™* 1 ‘hem. Indeed I have ample assurances from them that my ® t ^ IUkte meeu thei *' approval tbe y d<sire my election by the legislature which is soon to be chosen. I am probably due my fellow-citizen, an apology for this extended notice ofthe course and conduct of my opponent. But I think no fair-minded man who lias read his speeches and noted his unjust aud un generous attacks, and his wholesale and unfounded denunciation, can say that I have acted-hastily or done him injustices I am, fellow-citizens, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, . i' Joseph E. Bbown. Pan-Presbyterian Council. Artful politicians may mislead the peo- j consistent. And whether in or out of the pie for a tune, and by pandering to their Senate of the United States, I shall eon- prejudices aud giving them bad advice be- tinue steadfastly to act upon that line. I Philadelphia, Sept. 27.—The fourth day’s meeting of tiie Pan-Presbyterian Council, began in Horticultural Hall this morning. Rev. Dr. Brown, of Fredericks burg, presiding. The busincss'-committee reported k-resolution which declared it in advisable for the Alliance to appoint* dele gates to represent it at the Methodist Council in London next year, as request ed, since the constitution ofthe Alliance does not provide for a* reciprocation of such correspondence. The resolution gave rise to an extended and spirited discussion, at the conclusion of which the whole subject was recommit ted to the business committee. Tiie same committee also recommended that the next council of the Alliance be held in 1884 and that the invitation of the Irish delegates to have the council mceliDg held in Belfast be. accepted. The resolu tion was adopted by a rising vote, and Dr. Knox, in behalf of the Irish delegates, re turned thanks for the honor. Papers were then read by Dr. A. B. Van Sant, of New Brunswick, N. J., on “Creeds;” by Dr. T. W. Chambers, of New York city, on “Bible Revision;” and by Dr. Edward D. Morris, of Cincinnati, on “Presbyterianism and Education/’ The session closed with the usual dis cussion of papers read. Philadelphia, Sept. 27.—At the af ternoon -seesion of the Pan-Presbyterian Council held iu the Academy of Music, Rev. Principal Kinross, of Sydney, read a a paper on the-condition of religion in New South Wales. i Sylvester F. Scovee, of Petersburg, fol lowed with a paper on the relationship of Presbyterianism to civil ami religious lib erty; The last paper of the' afternoon was by Professor Lyman R. Atwater, of Princeton, on “Religion and Politic^.” Philadelphia, Sept. 28.—The morn ing session of the Pan-Presbyterian Coun cil was held in Horticultural Hall. The order of the day was a paper by Principal John Cairns, of Edinburg, on “Vicarious Sacrifice of Christ.” Papers were also read by Rev. A. A. Hodge, of Princeton, on the same subject, and by Rer.-J. D. Witherspoon, of Petersburg, Va., on the subject of “ Final Retribution.” Dr. Nel son, from New Hebrides, made a pica for the shortening of the creed. The committee on creeds reported a res olution providing for tiie appointment of a committee to consider the desirableness of defining a concensus of reformed con fessions and report to the next council. The report was accepted and laid over for consideration at to-morrow’s session. Philadelphia, Sept. 2S.—This morn ing the Presbyterian ladies held a meet ing in behalf of the ladies’ foreign" mis sion society of the Presbyterian Church. Mrs. R. W. Allen, of Philadelphia, presi ded, and made an address of welcome to the ladies who were present from Eng land, Ireland, Scotland, India, China, Ja pan, Canada, and almost every country where the gospel is preached. Philadelphia, Sept. 29.—This morn ing’s session of the Council ol the -Pan- Fresbyteriau Alliance was held iu Horti cultural Hall, Rev. Tlior. Main, D.D., of the Free Church of Scotland, presiding. An extended and spirited discussion was lay • »>-»j\aft of the committee on credentials relative to applications for admission to membership in the Alliance of the Cumberland Pres byterian Church and the United Presby tery of Philadelphia. The committee recommended the adoption of a minute setting forth that the adoption of the con stitution of the Alliance should precede applications fo membership, and as there was no evidence that the two churches referred to had accepted thtt Con stitution their applications for admis sion be not granted. Finally Principal Rainy moved to amend the report of the committee so a3 to make the minute pre sent “that the council is unable, hoc statu, to admit as members representatives of churches whose relation to our constitu tion has not been explained to the council and cannot now be considered.” The amendment was accepted by the commit tee through its chairman, and with the report adopted by the council. The order ol the day was then proceeded with. This was the reading of papers oil flie “Theolo gy of the Reformed Church,” by Prof. J. J. Vanposterzen, of Utrecht; Rev. Dr. Alexander Mitchell, of St. Andrews, Scot land, and Rev. Dr. Thomas G. Apple, of Lancaster, Penn. Tiie council adopted the recommendation of the committee on creed and confession for appointment of a committee to consider and report upon the advisability ef defining the consensus of reformed confessions as required by the constitution of the Alliance. Among the members of this committee is Kev.Dr. Wilson, of North Carolina. The subject of Bible revision was then taken up for general discussion. Dr. Scbaff, of New York, stated that the New Testament portion of the revised version will be completed by next February, and • he would like to see the Presbyterian • Church take the lead in giving considera tion to it. Judge Strong, of the United States Supreme Court, offered the follow ing resolution, which was referred to the business committee: Rcsolced, That this Council having had its attention called to the revision of the English Scriptures now iu progress, beg leave to recommend this work when fin ished to the careful and candid considera tion ofthe various churches represented inthisbodT. The session closed with a spirited dis cussion ou the question of “Religion and Education.” Dr. Hutton, of Paisley, ex pressed his preference for a divorce of re*, igion and secular instruction, which Dr. Dodge, of Glasgow, iusisted should be- united. Dr. Milligau, ol Pittsburg, thought the objection to the introduction of religious instruction into the pub lic schools was a part of a general' infidel and communistic plan to sweep- every Christian principle from the coun try. Dr. Prince, of New York, while- sympathizing with the sentiments of Dr- Milligan, did not desire to let foreign dele gates get the impression tliat in any State- of this Union any law excludes religious instruction in the sense in which Dr. Milli gan had expressed it. He had, himself r delivered in public' schools in New York city where half the population is com posed of Roman Catliolics, and where there are more Irish than in Dublin, such an address as he would deliver in a Sunday school. The afternoon session was held in the Academy of Music, Rev. Jas. M. Rodgers, D. D., of Derry, Ireland, chairman. It was mainly devoted to reading papers on church doctrine and government. The evening session was popularly considered the most interesting yet held by the coun cil. After the usual preliminary exercises,, a paper on Sabbath oBservance was read by Rev. Dr. Gregg, of Toronto, who con sidered the Sabbath in its spiritual rela tions. Rev. Harvey D. Ganse, of St. Louis, followed with a paper ou the same subject. Hon. Win. E. Dodge, of New York, read a paper on temperance, which war an earnest argument in favor of prohibi tion. The attendance in the Academy of' Music to-night was so great that K gave rise to an overflow meeting in Horti cultural Hall, adjoining, where the audience was addressed by the same speakers that appeared in the Academy, and by Rev. Messrs. Watt, Simpson and Jenkins.