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month, *iw toi tore* insult*, t= lor sir
towaife m s:o * j*u.
tsm Vstttrt 1* milled to latrariber*. ftmm
(no, m Si a jsnx and Si tor tlx month*,
transient adrerti**meau trill betaken atom
Silln par square of ten linen or lew ior thi
2r I lejtertlox, tad fifty cent* for etch mbit
Mc*tU»nlox Liber*! rates lo contractor*
Only «fn*I> eolnma tdrtrBumtnU wasted
AO ewmxraalcaticnf, lntcBdtd far pabljctHoa
as* beacoompxnled by the writer « nuni
end t&Armt. cot for publication, but mu
. aridettee «f good faith.
•ejected eotmoaicaDoca will cot be returned
OBTretpcadeuce eontatr.ing important news
ssd diMUsiocx cf Uric? topic*, U eolldted
fctrt meat be brief and be written upon b»
tee jtdeof the paper, to Lava attention.
Temifanore abonld be made by Eprnu, Motto)
Order, oi Reglatered Letter,
tall ecmtacnicatlonr ahould be addra-ss'l to
J. tr. XUShOX. laeMW.
Macon, Georgia.
BACON TELEGRAPH AJiD MESSENSEE
FRIDAY, MAY 20, 1882.
No Ohio mat, was ever known to doclino
to he a bishop.
CBoaun have not been in the habit of
letting the Radicals dictate their candi
dates.
Dmootuis intend to bite only at lire
bait this year, and it most be on a Demo
cratic book.
Smnto poets might be utilized in sinking
artesian wells. They are unsurpassed in
boring qnalitiee.
lx is sad to see an aged Demooratio
statesman dangling on the pin hook of the
boss coalition fisherman.
’ Earn is troubled with carpet-baggers.
They are not so thievish, however, as the
variety known in this country.
BuorBfXD has placed on record his defi
ance of the investigation committee. So
the Mulligan man is again safe.
A canoHio state of unpleasantness seems
to exist among Kentneky statesmen—due,
probably, to overdoses of bad liquor.
The 4'bloody Kaintacko” shook hands
and are friends again. It is in order to
tost the vintage from the blue grass vine
yard.
Tim next colored conference goes to Ac
costs. The Rev. brother Usher promised
the delegates fried chicken and free wash
ing. Great is the canal.
Tem Galveston News asks, “Have In
dians any rights ?” None that Indian
agents, the Interior Department, or a Re
publican Congress are bound to respect.
Thx Tsj.MEAPn and Messexqeb is
Georgia paper, and it looks solely to Geor
gia’s interests. It is not, and it nover will
be, any man’s personal organ.
Tbs Washington Post takes a column to
prove Billy Mabone a liar. As it oonld
have been done in a paragraph, wo may
consider this ''Lore’s labor lost.-’
M*. Blount is not disposed to let up on
acertoin rascal by the name of Shipherd.
Ho has a peculiar fondness for hunting
down villains of the Ehipherd persuasion.
Tub lamentations of Joseph will appear
periodically in the Columbus Times. They
would appear daily, but Joseph does not
wish to keep the publio constantly weep
ing.
Ix appears that*Cameron hasn’t "fixed”
things up in Cameronia, after all. Still,
be will bo able to perpetrate a lively
aznoimt of rascality between now and elec
tion day.
Whin the Georgia formers quit coming
to the towns and cities to draw their rations
they will be vastly more prosperous, and
aDother classes will shnre in their pros
perity. j||
Oca Mobile contemporary is inclined to
prefix the medical insignia to the name of
Mollio Anderson’s step-pa. This is an on-
eslled-for assault upon a distinguished
Kentuckian.
Joduk Hook, sometimes known as Elder
Hook, is said to be cool and collected. It
is thought that he will refuse to perspire
even during the hottest days of the ap
proaching campaign.
Mi. 8. J. Tildes ought to consider him
self dead, politically. He owes that much
to the Democratic party, and he can pay
it without lessening his bonk account, cr
borrowing anybody’s backbone.
Fuau suffragists are on tho rampage
ap North. It is a singular fact that this
disease seems to affect only skinny women.
This will probably account for the fact that
•o few men are taken down with it.
It is said that Guiteau “will take an nn-
conditional pardon or nothing.” Wo
sfaenld think he could not affoid to be over
parti color in a matter of this sort. How
ever, we shall not plead with him—he sym
pathizes with the coalition. ,
Tns New York World is willing to ex
change with the Tklegoaph and Monona
provided the latter will give it fifty dollars’
worth of advertising. Check seems to be the
World’s chief stock in trado. It deals in a
had article at that This notice is free,
and must not bo counted on the exchange.
Baudall quotes Mr. Stephens as saying
that “all of his enemies are for him in the
gubernatorial raoe, and all of his friends
against him.” If Mr. Stephens looks at It
In that light, he must be convinced that
Me correspondents have been mistaken
about a unanimous sentiment on the sub
ject. •
It is stated that the Russian government
contemplates abolishing the pod lex in
that country. This would seem to indicate
that tho Czar and Corporal Thornton bad
been in eorres pondenoe on the subject It
isnot generally known that the Corporal
is highly thought of in government circles
In St Petersburg.
W* should never have thought that Mr.
Stephens would consent to be conscripted
by the Arthur crowd in Georgia as their
enforced candidate for governor. Wo may
possibly bo mistaken in this matter, but
we do honestly believe that Mr. Stephens is
committed against the whole policy of con
cur* ption.
Tji* Norfolk Landmark feelingly objects
u lfaboot “bringing Virginia to the
’rent.” Naturally enough, Mahone, groat
on)' in littleness, has basely exposed the
mother of States to the jeers of her ribald
enemies. Mahono is Virginia’s bitterest
t-.a most shameless enemy. He is a
meaner man ihnn Judas could possib®
have teen.
Thk executioners who butchc-rod Rea
and Leighton ought to bo swung up for
fire or ten minutes,tO learn the difference
Ot’wfen being strangled and having the
dock broken. Lrighton struggled piteons-
(jr to free himself from the rope, while
Bta called ou,t for mercy several minutes
after he had fallen, and had to be held up
Mr. Speer and the Demosthenlan So
ciety.
In an article of a column In length un
der die above heading, the Athens Banner-
Watchman delivers Itself of a lecture, a
portion of which was manifest!y intended
for this journal. If the Banner-Watch
man had taken the tronblo to read our
several articles touching upon this sub
ject, it might have spared us the infliction.
We have at no time found fault or lodged
complaint in that the Demosthenian' so
ciety thought proper to tender its honors
to Emory Speer. On the contrary,
wo expressed the opinion that the
coarse of the society was the natu
ral- result of that interest which the
members composing it folt in a comrade.
Our animadversions were directed at the
fact, that Speer had seized upon the lead
tendered him by Mr. Corresponding Sec
retary Frazier, to place this kindness
npon the part of tho society to a political
endorsement of hlmselt. What are the
facts? The society met and eleci^l him
to an honorary position. Days after
wards, when he was in great political
strait, Mr. Corresponding Secretary Fra
sier writes him, notifying him of the ac
tion of the sccietj^nd referring directly
to the comments, tnR the press of Georgia
were then makiDg open bis political
course.
Speer bad this correspondence published
in the only two Republican journals con
ducted by whito men in the State, viz: the
Atlanta Post-Appeal and the Gainesville
Southron, as a vindication and indorse
ment.
The Demosthenian Society has not, to
our knowledge, repudiated or disavowed
the language and action of its secretary,
On the contrary, the secretary In a com
munication leveled at the editor of this
journal, only a portion of which appeared
in the Atlanta Post-Appeal of Saturday
last, claims that he but represented the
sentiments of tho society, and that failure
upon its part to protest is a virtual In
dorsement.
We submit to tho fair and candid judg
ment of onr Athens contemporary if this
does not smack, and that strongly, of po
litical action ujfcn the part of that soci
ety? A line from Us officers in the
Banner-Watchman would have pnt the
matter aright. A communication to this
paper from Mr. Corresponding Secretary
Frazer might havo satisfactorily explained
an ngly transaction. Standing as it did,
with these surroundings, wo are prepared
to indorse most fally the action of those
parents who expressed a desire and de
termination to remove their sons from an
Institution where such practices were ah
lowed to go unrebuked.
That the facts to which we hav^ al
luded and which caught our attention and
compelled onr comments readied the
fathers and mothers of Georgia through
our agency may be true, and we have no
regrets to record, save that the’unwelcome
facto made our duty plain and impera
tive.
Not with our consent or connivance or
by our silence, may the University of
Georgia, either by its professors, officers,
societies or students, be made a part
of the political machinery by
which Emory Speer, or anybody else, can
have his political ambition gratified. It
shall not, without prompt and indignant
protest, be lowered into an electioneering
instrument for any one, whether he may
bear its diploma or not. It is the one in
stitution above all others that should be
strictly guarded from the approach of
all political influences. Upon
this point we entertain no
doubt but that wo are indorsed
and sustained by the intelligence and
worth of the entire State. More than one
correspondent who has eDjoyed the court
esy of these columns ha3 taken occasion,
in a somewhat deprecatory way, to drop
the insinuation that we are unfriendly to
the University. Again we seize the op
portunity to repudiate the insinuation as
it deserves.
Nothing that concerns the honor, the
welfare and interest of Georgia but that
enlists our zealous aud unselfish support.
Wc stand ready at all times to exert any
influence at our command to make the
University all that it should be; and
neither insinuations or lectures can com
mand our silence, when we see paraded
In the partisan press of tho State the facts
npon which we havo taken occasion to
comment.
A tithe of the attention devoted to the
Telegraph and Messenger, given in
a timely way to Mr. Corresponding Secre
tary Frazer by the proper authorities,
would have avoided occasion of discussion
of the university in any political connec
tion.
Before dismissing the subject, we
would beg to direct the attention of all
concerned to the unhappy case of the Uni
versity of Texas, which has been launch
ed into the vortex of personal politics in
that State. The Galveston JVeios of late
date says:
It wo* the misfortune of the University of
Texas to havo been bound up in its immediate
interests and prospects with the political for
tunes of Governor Roberts. If that Important
official bad any one measure that he cherished
with a greater fondness and a brighter hope
than all others, It was the establishment of the
unirenity upon a solid and endnring basis.
This has long been known, and while it was a
noble ambition, yet necessarily partaking of
the character of a personal enterprise, it was
ungenerously and unhesitatingly assailed by
his opponents, and went down for the time
being in the general ruin which followed the
Governor’s political collapse.
And fuitber on adds:
And because they had been led to believe
that there was to bo a place in the University
reserved for tho Governor, from which, proba
bly, they feared he might some day again bo
galvanized Into another long term of political
control, they rejected every proposition look
ing to tho advantage of that institution. They
refused to vote it the landed endowment the
Governor solicited; they refused to refund it
the money a former Legislature had taken
from it, and they refused to permit tho sale or
lease of the one million acres granted to it by
the constitution. This ought toprovototho
University regents, and tho friends generally of
that Institution, as wcU as of all other educa
tional institutions, the necessity of keeping
them out of personal and party politics.
Another move or two from Emory Speer
and his organs and Mr. Ct responding
Secretary Frazer, and the University of
Georgia will he in a peril that may well
excite the gravest apprehensions of every
Georgian.
The grant jury has again found true
bills against the star route thieves and
pieced them in the hands of the District
Attorney to have them butchered. This
farce is having too long a run. Let us
have a change. For instanoe, indict Robe
son.
“Tlmeo Dsaaet,"
The coalition crowd played thoir last and
best card whop thoy flung Mr. Stephens
down upon the table. It is not creditable
to them or him that the card was stolen
from tho Democratic pack; but, for all
that, the play was a shrewd one. It is but
giving the devil his dues to admit it. It
was the only course that was left them.
They were without resource. Their ap
peals to the people in behalf of the move
ment to drive tho Democrats out of power
and turn over the State—its honor, its
finances, its material Interests, Its all-
info the keeping of those whose highest
aim sod purpose would be to avoid Dem
ocratic methods, fell upon heedless ears.
An effort was mado to inveigle the young
men of the State into the movement by
false statements as to its scope and par-
pose, and by cunning appeals to th8ir
vanity and ambition, but the effort
failed. Neither the young nor the
old were deceived by the false colors in
which the scheme was paraded before the
public. It was an ill-timed, ill-starred
movement, unredeemed by either genius
or patriotism on the part of those who
had entered on it, and it was doomed to
defeat because of tho utter selfishness of
its purposes. It was bankrupt in leader
ship ss well as in character. Its end was
drawing near, when the thought occurred
to its leaders to capture a decent standard-
bearer from tho Democratic party—one
that could bring to their aid at least the
shadow of a great name. And so Mr.
Stephens was captured, and put on a lit
ter and placed at the bead of tbelr ragged
and straggling array. The boldness of
tho plan could be equaled only by
its impudence. It appealed at
once to tho cowardice of onr
Democratic leaders and to the vanity of
Mr. Stephens, and sought to cover up its
ulterior purposes by paying an Insincere
tribute to the purity and worth of that
bed-ridden statesman. It was a threat
against the Democratic party. It was an
embodiment ot defiance, on the one hand,
and of dictation on tho other. It was an
•attempted assertion of “bossism”—not
over their own party, bat over oar party,
which is matchless In all the records of
partf impudence. There is no parallel
to it in all the history of Cameronian dic
tation. It does not concern us specially
that the affair ought to be insulting to Mr.
Stephens. It does not concern us, per
haps, even in a general way,thathe has been
compelled to accept the Indignity of beiDg
conscripted by the Arthur crowd, to an
tagonize his own party, or else force it
into a cowardly acquiescence in bis can
didacy, at the dictation of the enemies of
his party. It does not concern us at ail
that his old-time opposition to conscrip
tion laws should so far have abated as to
enable him to approve, in bis own case, the
conscription of himself, without law and
m violation of all party precedent, into
the service of the friends of the adminis
tration and the enemies of his own party,
It is an kffair whiob affects only
himself. Bat • it does concern ns
that a cabal of Radicals and of
fice-seeking independents ahould essay
to dictate to the great Democratic party
of Georgia the man to whom it should
entgist its leadership in the coming strug
gle for political dominion. Acquiescence
in such dictation involves the loss of pres
tige to our party throughout the State.
It Involves the sacrifice of party organiza
tion and the triumph of lndependentism,
It involves the loss of a number of Con
gressional districts, and possibly tho Leg
islature and the Senatorship. It con
cerns the Democrats of Georgia to know
all this and to act upon it, with a courage
and an^indepcndence that are worthy of
the past history of the party, and that are
consistent with those great interests that
can be conserved only by its triumph
The candidacy of Mr. Stephens, under
coalition auspices, bodes no good to Geor
gia nor the Demociatic party. What he
may consider simply in the light of a
tribute to bis purity and greatness is sim
ply an insidious attack upon the life of
the Democratic party; and tboso who view
the matter from an impersonal and unsel
fish vantage ground can see it. It is well
to “fear the Greofc: even when bearing
gifts.” This Trojan horse has no place fn
the Democratic camp. Let it remain
without the gates, in tho environments of
the enemy. Onr party Is not bankrupt of
leaders, and it is old enough to speak for
itself. It is not the part of wisdom to fol
low the suggestions of an enemy; it is
neither wise nor manly to yield to his dic
tation.
The Lon bat-TurnbulI duel has keen In
definitely postponed. It seems that the
Yi-tfinift weather is now very variable, and
the seconds have decided that it is risking
sc that the rope might* bo a-rauged to I too mneb to compel their principals to
atr8B'’e him more quickly. This is the J aland on the cold ground tit daybreak for
13ih cer. lury: 1 a: t6en vihatm.
Borne Georgia Figures.
Some curious and interesting revela
tions as to Georgia have been made by
the census. A late circular giving nativi
ties recites that the total populatlonof the
State is 1,642,160. Of these, 1,531,010 are
natives, and bat 10,504 foreign born. The
whites number 717,270; colored, 077,038.
In glancing through the figures, we find
that South Carolina has contribntcd
more of onr living population than
any other State, 33,001 whites, and
10,204 colored. North Carolina comes
next, with 17,003 whites and 8,003 col
ored. The remainder is divided among
the States as follows, the figures repre
senting whites and blacks respectively:
Alabama 10,800, 0,203; Virginia 3,302,
11,214; Tennessee 0,372, 1,345; Florida
3,478,2,302; New York 2,489, 81; Mlssis-
sippi, 734, 702; Maryland 004, 855; all
other States 7,408, 020. The 10,000 for
eigners came from Ireland, Germany,
England, Scotland, France, Canada, Swe
den, Africa, Switzerland and Italy, the
first three named contributing respc-ct ive-
ively 4,145,2,050, aud 1,144. There are but
82 Italians, but whether or not they are
all grinders the circular fails to recite.
It will be observed that out of our pop
ulation of a million and a half, there are
less than ten thousand who were born
North or West. With these figures at
hand, and they are official, what becomes
of the well-worn saying that “Georgia
owes her progress to northern pluck.”
The Idea that less than ten thousand peo
ple have lifted a million and a half from
the mire and brought them to the front ot
the Southern column is altogether too ro
mantic for this practical age. Pursuing
the subject, it may be said that while
Florida has doubtless been greatly assist
ed by Northern capital, she owes more to
Georgia pluck and enterprise. In that
Stale there are 50,z24 white American
emigrants, 20,241 of whom are Georgians,
and less than ten thousand of whom came
from the North and West.
It is to be regretted that the circular
gives the nativities of the population In only
eight States. It would be interesting to
sum up the number of inhabitants who
have left our borders for other States.
This we may be able at some future day
to accomplish. Doubtless it will be shown
that a hundred thousand Georglaua are
scattered between the At 1 antic and Pa
cific.
The Skewbezau Statesman.
Ever and anc: Capt. Jno. E. Bryant,
“thongh lest to sight, to memory dear,”
puts in a sudden and unexpected appear
ance. We say captain, in order to speak
by the commission, for since an esteemed
subscriber has threatened to stop bis sub
scription, for the reason, to we bis own
vernacular, that we will call “that misera
ble ass” Thornton colonel, we like Jo be
particular, we might say puuctilious upon
these points of military etiquette. Cap
tain Bryant, during the embryotic days
of military oppression, suppression and
reconstruction, was captain of the Freed-
men’s Bureau. It was an offico of
great power aud profit. The first
is conceded. The last must bo
admitted, for as Captain Bryant has never
done any honest labor since, but like tho
rich man in Scripture has “fared sumptu
ously and been clothed m fine linen,” it is
to be presumed that by virtue of bis title
and office be exacted a fair commission
from the moneys passing throagh his
hands, which, as compared to Vander
bilt’s millions, were as a double gold ea
gle alongside of the modest penny. We
say Captain Bryant bas a babit of jump
ing up after the manner of “Jack in the
box.” It will bo remembered that he
was the first leader of the Republican
party, which bas by successive degrees
dropped from one position to another,
until it had reached what was lately
known among men as the coalition Col
onels’ party? Before proceeding iarther,
if somewhat out cf order, it may not he
ungrateful to our readers to announce
that after this Captain Bryant there will
never he another. Though Skowhe^an,
the vlltoge of his nativity, bas been prolific
in tho production of carpet-bag states
men, It Is not likely that it will furnish
its qnota of camp-followers in future rev
olutions. A cunning and industrious
statistician bas developed the fact that
tho procreative qualities of the Skowhe-
gamtes has been suppressed by the
economic inventions of that pertlou of
New England, and that cbild-bcaring
in that exact locality may bo
set down as among the lost
arts. But wo wander from
our text. Capt. Bryant has lain perdu
for some time past. Indeed, sinco Col
Pledger cudgelled him In Atlanta some
timo during the last campaign he has
been beard of infrequently, and only then
as handing round the hat at colored
prayer meetings In Northern cities In be
half of the Southern political heathen 1
The Ignominious collapse of the coalition
nnder the command of Col. Marcellus E,
Thornton, has Invoked the necessity of a
new leader and the realignment of tho
forces which lied in panic and dismay
from the first charge of small-pox.
Captain Bryant has pocketed his prayer
book and the proceeds of bis missionary
enterprise, and with bis slouch hat cocked
at a fierce tangent assumes command of
the anny which Thornton, Spoer, Long-
street, Hook and Felton led only to dis
aster.
He tarns up opportunely at headquar
ters in New York, and after receiving his
orders from the tribune office, outlines
the policy of his campaign as follows. In
answer as to whom he would make gov
ernor, he says:
General Lucius J. Gartrcll, of Atlanta.
General Gartrcll is a Southern man by birth.
He was a Representative in Congress from
Georgia before the war and agencralln the
Confederate army. Ho is one of the ablest
lawyers fn Georgia, a liberal, honest, Christian
gentleman; just such a man as the Republicans
of the North dcUgbt to honor. Ho bas made
known his determination to run as an Inde
pendent candidate for governor, and in a talk
with a reporter of the Post-Appeal, ot Atlanta,
said that he fully approved of tho platform ot
tho anti-Bourbon Democrats. All Republicans
can support this platform, and, as tho Repub
licans of Georgia who have known General
Gartrcll know him to bo an honest man, they
are willing to support him for governor on
such a platform. Some of tho most influential
Republicans in tho State are now supporting
him. Tho Republicans will probably not nom
inate a Republican candidate for governor, but
will unite with the antl-Bonrbons under the
lead of General GartAll. If the anti-Bourbons
and Republicans unite, as they undoubtedly
will, they will secure on honest vote and a fair
count, and will probably carry the State.
The scattered hosts are to be rallied to
the standard of Gen. Gartrell, There is
no attempt at concealment upon tbe part
of Capt. Bryant. He selects a “Christian
gentleman, just such a man as the Repub
licans of the North delight to honor,” and
the Republicans of Georgia will be com
pelled to rally to bis support. Colonels
Thornton and Speer and others may de
mur at first and may exhibit symptoms of
insubordination and even dosertion, bnt
the superior will, experience and finesse
of Captain Bryant will bring tyem all up
with their separato contingents in due
time. The fight is to be mado under tbe
Gartrell banner. Capt. Bryant is a leader
that the underlings dare not disobey. It is
quite evident from the confidence of bis
toss that he commands the snpport of
the administration. Arthur, having
tried such veteran campaigners as Speer,
Thornton and Longstreet, only to see
them dismally fail one aitor tbe other,
summons tho Christian warrior from his
cloister. Tho Democracy are now fully
advised as to what leader they will have
to meet, and they must •make imme
diate and-extensive preparations for the
campaign.
It may be well enough just here to re
fer to another matter which cannot have
failed to arrest tho attention of the read
ers of the Telegraph and Messenger-
It Is not within the rango of human pos
sibilities - that the most perfect
accord fn thought and sentiment
can be obtained in any editorial
staff. Men will differ from
each other in their .views and measure
ment of men and things. It has been a
painful episode in our Journalistic life,
that while we have always referred to a
distinguished statesman of an opposite
party as Colonel Thornton, a staff writer
of equal authority and greater force will
continue to prefix him with corporal.
This has been tbe subject of long and
heated conferences and discussions, which
only left tbe parties contestant as wide
apart as at tbe opening of tbe debate. We
are compelled in a spirit ot justice to ad
mit that the crushing of Col. Thornton
by tbe syndicate, his overwhelming defeat
by Col. Pledger, tbe impudent way In
which Speer deposed him and the stun
ning blow which Captain Bryant’s eleva
tion must carry to him, would justify the
Inference,' the suspicion, in fact the con
clusion that ho hud boon degraded in
rank. Bat we can recall and remember "
him only as the bold leader who steppe cl
to the front in the hour of despair, as
the fertile intellect and nsquallimc
spirit that mado a Republicau party for
rears a p ossibiiity in Georgia. Kepub-
ica are ungrateful, and it may be that par
ties share this vice, but our admiration of
political nerve and strategy is sufficient to
resist even stubborn facts and Marcellus
Eugene Thornton, the great Libera! lead
er, shall not live in onr memory with a
title less than that which shines through
three stars, one big and two little ones.
The ('•atradieUoiu of Fata.
Rev. Theodore Parker, about twenty-
five years ago, took for his pulpit theme,
in Boston, the proposed delivery of a fu
gitive slave to its owners. In the course
of his remarks he searched diligently for
a character In history coalemptiblo
enough to compare with the people of that
city, m case the fugitive was remanded to
slavery. Nero, Herod, Callgula.failed to
fill the gap in his excited oratory, and final
ly he compromised on Jeffries. We have
no desire to stir up tho slavery question.
We simply ask to whom would Theodore,
could his withered remains be galvanized
again into the semblance of a fa
natical preacher, now compare tbe
people of Boston ? Not only did they
give np tho slave referred to, impelled by
fear, but witbiu less than a week since a
pnblic hotel refused admission to a col
ored man, to whom the city was actually
indebted for services during the war^and
whom the government had conspicuously
honored. It is not a valid excuse, as a
contemporary has pointed out, to place
the act at tbe door of the one man; he was
governed by the demands of society, the
loss oi whoso patronage he feared. Bui
for this fear he would never have let a
dollar slip throagh his hands. The
same excuse has never before been ac
cepted; it is not good in Boston.
Bear in mind this man Smalls was not
refused admittance because of uncleaull-
ness or of poor dress. He came the guest
of a prominent organization, to occupy
rooms previously engaged; be came by
right of the constitutional amendment
added by New England; he came on New
England and Boston’s invitation. He
was refused because ot color, and that
alone, and Boston journalists, so eager to
write up “Southern outrages” Of which
they knew nothing, merely looked over
their spectacles to remark mildly, “This
will reflect upon us. It Is a pity it hap
pened.”
We care not an iota whether or not the
negro, Gcn’l Smalls, was refused admis
sion to this hotel. Nor do we feel any cu
riosity to hear a discussion as to whether
Boston or Jeffries was tho meaner. We
are hardly interested enough to hear a de
cision. Jeffries is altogether too dead
to present his case, and Boston would net
tell the truth if sworn and placed ou the
stand. Nor yet again do we feel called
upon to protest. The hotel keeper is but
human, despite the opinion of the travel
ing public generally, and wo have no de
sire to criticise so human an act as that
of refusing to act against seif-interest.
Bnt wo do take the opportunity as pre
sented, to ofler a few remarks upon tbe
accursed cart and hypocracy which the
act has unmasked, aud which we have
suffered under for half a century or more
In the first place, the incident is accent
ed by one prime fact: it occurred in the
very heart of that district which has for
years almost deified the negro. Alleged
poets have jingled thereabouts bis wrongs
in measured rhyme; Mrs. Harriet Beech
er Stowe’s fancy has lifted him high
up before the world and provoked
storm of mingled tears aud curses; men
sprang up and rode into power on tbe
summit of tbe wave of fanaticism, which
mention of the negro aroused; Sumner,
Phillips, Hoar, Dawes and a host of oth
ers built themselves monuments which
rest upon bases of black marble; for gen
erations the pulpit fanatic and hypocrite
have champed and foamed over tbe
“down-tredden black man” and flecked
all of onr history with spewed up gall.
The very core of all this slavery night
mare in New England was, that “all men
are equal,” aud fanaticism never drew
breath until it was so written In our coun
try’s highest law.
The pause came when tbe emancipated
masses obtained representation in Con
gress, and New England got a black eye
from its owu stuffed club. Recently, as
recited, the colored man approached near
enough to “culchawed Boston” to bo
smelled, and in Its alarm tho city dropped
its mask.
Tbe political, religious, dramatic, liter
ary aud poetical idol of tbe people bas
tumbled from its pedestal. Pompoy lies
stabbed and bleeding at tbe feet of Coesar
Sumner’s statue. To tbe motto “all men
are equal” Boston has adopted the
amendment, “except at hotels aud diuner
tables and other places too numerous to
mention.”
This is the civilization toward which
the poor negro has been taught to look,
and toward which his pilgrim feet have
been eager to tread the way. It matters
little that Joues has told them they were
unfit to govern—they were failures; Jones
Is from tho West; it matters little that
Edmunds applauded the sentiment; Ed
muuds is erratic, but this blow from the
“hub,” is the most unkindest cut
of all. Poor pilgrim at tho gate!
After a lifetime in the desert, the
minarets of Mecca gleam with sunset
gold. Fall here upon your knees and
lift your tearful face In gratitude to the
Prophet’s god. It bas been a loDg way—
that Journey. It bas led throagh blood
and pain and suffering. But the reward
is reached at last. At least so you think.
But tho man in charge of the Prophet”
remains has instructions to tell you that
no nnhallowed feet can approach the
tomb. Tbe exhibition is over, and no
colored man need apply. There is noth
ing to do but to return ra a second ctoss
car to your own borne.
.Cotton Htatenaent.
According to tho New York Financial
Chronicle of the 20th instant, tho receipts
of cotton at all the ports since September
1, 1881, up to last Friday night, May
10th, were 4,510,805 bales, against 5,488,-
448 bales In 1881 and 4,715,078 bales lu
18S0, showing a decrease compared with
1881 of 068,5S3 bales, and as compared
with 18S0 a falling off of 105,813 bales.
Receipts for tbe weak ending May 19th
were 20,804 bales against 42,415 bales in
1831 aud 20,514 bales in 1880.
Stocks in interior towns up to last Fri
day night were 115,435 bales, against 174,-
800 bales in 1881.
Thp total visible supply of cotton on
last Friday night was 2,035,503 bales,
against 2,813,078 bales last year at same
date, and 2,367,801 In 18S0, These figures
indicate a decrease of cotton m sight of
178,175 bales as compared with 1681, and
increase as compared with I860 of
277,702 bales at the same date,
Middling cotton quoted in Liverpool on
Friday at 6|; at same date last year 5J.
Absenteeism is indulged in to a shame
ful degree in Congress. Members that are
almost always recorded “absent,” when a
vote is taken, ought to be permanently re
tired at tbe close of their present term.
This is true whether such abssneo was dne
to simple neglect of duty, or to a physical
inability to discharge it. If the office of
Congressman were a sinecure, it should be
abolished.
The Inadldary o! Mr. Ntepbens
lu the letter from Mr. Stephens which
was published in our issue of yesterday,
ho announces himself a candidate for the
guberi.atorial nomination, from the State
Democratic Convention which is to as-
semblo m the city of Atlanta on the 19th
day of July next.
In our deliberate judgment, tbe Demo
cratic party of Georgia should not confer
this nomination upon Mr. Stephens, and
for the reasons which wo proceed to give.
Notwithstanding this letter, his candi
dacy comes in questionable shape. Until
the memorable race between Farrow and
Colquitt, as to which should reach Wash-
nglon first and offer him the position, the
namo of Mr. Stephens had uot been pub
licly connected with tbe gubernatorial
nomination in Georgia. Tho State pos
sesses a large, vigilant, active aud intelli
gent press, and auy desire upon the part
of the people looking la this direction
could not havo failed to find Its way to
the public, through tho usual channels ol
news aud political discussions.
The nomination of Mr, Stephens, under
the circumstances, would be an open con
fession that troubles, schisms aud divis
ions existed witbiu tho party, which
could only be allayed and healed by the
magic of his namo and influence in the
lead. Such is not the case. Tbe last
Legislature of Georgia closed its labors
upon a thoroughly b&rmouized and united
party, aud since that time there have
been no Indications of differences of opin
ions, either as to men or measures, which
would betoken the slightest danger.
There is reason to suspect that this effort
to nominate Mr. Stephens Is the inspira
tion of bossism, a rule which tbe Demo
cratic party should not submit to. The
initiatory movemont comes from Govern-
nor Colquitt, who but a day or two since,
In an interview in a Northern city, speaks
of it as a fixed fact, and confesses that
be stands after this nomination
to take the place of Senator
Hill. Tbe declaration of Gen. Gordon,
the political ally aud counsellor of Gov
ernor Colquitt, on tho eve of his departure
to foreign lands, that he too was conven
ient to friendly bands in a Senatorial elec
tion, leaves no doubt as to tbe interest
these gentlemen possess in a gubernatori
al nomination that maybe trusted to keep
tbe one or tbe other, or botb, in place and
power.
Mr. Stephecs is physically Impotent to
discharge tbe duties of the position. No
man worn down by disease, and tbo su
perincumbent burden of .seventy years,
can take upon himself tbe duties and
responsibilities of tbe governorship of
Georgia with any hope or assurance that
ho may be able to discharge them. Mr.
Stephens expressly declares that he will
not be a “partisan governor.” Tho Demo
cratic party of Georgia demands a parti
san governor. While the theory
of our government is that the
chief executive is the governor of all of
tbe people, and while ho is, it au honest
man, in fact such, no man will recognize
sooner than Mr. Stephens himself, that
under our political system parties, which
are a necessity, cannot exist, if from tho
leaders down the officials do not sustain
and enforce the principles of the party to
which they may owe. their positions.
President Arthur to-day is bound ueder
bis oath to administer tho laws of the
government equally as between all citi
zens, but be would be a traitor to the par
ty which has placed him in his position if
he conferred upon his opponents the pat
ronage in his hands; if, in other words
he were to gWe his opponents and adver
saries power aud occasion to override the
principles of the party to which be belongs
and to destroy its organization. The
Democratic party of Georgia is not pre
pared to divide with its enemies anything
that it bas fatrly won in a political con
test before the people.
Mr. Stephens offers no pledge as to tbe
responsibility ofhisadministration. With
bis threescore years and ton he can uot
give hostage in the probable chances of
life. To bim tbe governorship is but the
ambition of a career that must soon close,
He Is to leave no family, no diildren, to
reap tbe glories or the misfortunes
that may lollow his candidacy. An ad
ministration, if successful, could add lit
tle or nothing to bis civic fame. If other
wise, words are inadequate to express
what might follow. If the Democratic
party, now strong, united and triumph
ant, which bas given peace, law and or
der, and all the blessings of good govern
ment to the people of Georgia, shall be
tom by dissensions, shorn of its strength
and unity and made an easy victim to
those wht?are seeking to destroy it, not
Mr. Stephens or his, will be tho victims,
but tho young men and women, the boys
and girls of Georgia, who look to the fu
ture of their State with no hope or pride,
if the Democratic party be not able to
keep tha band of the despoiler from hei
The Democratic governor of Georgia
is, and as a matter of rigbt should be ex
officio, tho leader of the Democratic party.
Tbe timo comes rapidly when this leader
should bo au active, sl ung, bold man, In
thorough sympathy and accord with tho
sentiments of the people whom he aspires
to lead.
Within a brief space, within a guberna
torial term, the Democratic party of Geor
gia will be summoned to take part in a
Presidential contest, which promises to be
the most important one which has ever
enlisted tha attention and effort of tbo
country. .The Democratic governor of
Georgia, by reason of his character, abili
ty and position ought to bo an important
factor in such a contest. He will be
looked to for counsel. He will be In a
position to mould opinion, to control men,
to direct action.
It is no secret that General Grant b tbe
most prominent man in Republican ranks
for tbe nomination. It is no secret that
tbe Democratic party ot Georgia does not
sympathize with Mr. Stephens in his es
timate of General Grant. In ,1884 the
Geortr’a Democracy will need a partisan
governor. Mr..Stephens puts the party
on notice that it will not find one in him.
Tho nomination of Mr. Stephens by the
Democratic party breaks the coalition
movement only as to that office. This party,
composed of malcontents, office-holders
office-seekers and such of the mass of !g
norant negroes as can he controlled,
backed by Federal patronage and money,
will compete iu tho campaign for every
other position. Speer and Felton will
have a vantage ground,which they are not
slow to see aud occupy,when they can get
before tho people and say that they are m
accord and sympathy with the Den ocratic
nominee for governor.
The candidacy of Mr. Stephens is in
dorsed eifthuaiastically by all of tbe ele
ments opposed to tbe Democratic party of
Georgia. Arthur’s organ, the yutionat
Ihpublican, the New Yo;k Tribune ar.d
looked up in amazement, i-he tiddud:
in your pockets it>et nisht; I’ve uot tho tw (
Oh, boy.-, Uow I tell, but ohatcouid ! do.'
Opposed to u Hum* Man’s Govern
ment.
The declaration of the Macon Teleobapu
that “this is a white man's government” is an
impotent attempt to revive a dead Issue. If
tho constitution of tho United States means
anything, and if this government has the power
at its back to enforce its laws and giro each
State a republican form of government, then
the Teleglurn’s assertion is tho emptiest
Bourbon ranting that we have heard for many
,aday.
Thus drivels the Post-Ap$al. It Is
easy to see the cloven foot of Radicalism
peeping out from underlie so-called In
dependent patchwork garments in which
that paper arrays itself. It is not at all
strange that a paper of such proclivities as
characterize that sheet should be
horrified at the statement that “this 1s a
white man’s government,” and at the fur
ther declaration that tho whites intend to
direct Its energies, preserve its honor and
transmit its Institutions unimpaired to
their posterity. It doubtless is a “dead
issue” in the estimation of tbe Post-
Appeal. In its hopes and in its purposes
the government of this country by white
men is at an end, aud the great ora of
Africanization Is at hand. To that cari
cature on a Georgia paper there is nothing
living, or true, or desirable, in the idea
that the great instltutlor s that were planted
hero by white men shall be transmitted by
white men, unimpaired to their posterity.
With it, that is “a dead issue.” It is
something net simply undesirable; it Is
something repugnant. It is not a matter
of preference with It that tho destinies of
this State should be worked out by tbe
white men of tbe state. It prefers a di
vided responsibility. It goes so far as to
combat tbs idea of the desirability of An
glo-Saxon control here, by bolding up the
threat of government interference, to
defeat the end of Caucasian supremacy
In the State. A dead issue ? It Is a liv
ing issue with ail true men in Georgia.
It is a living issue with every whito man
who has an interest In the maintenance
of pure institutions and honest govern
ment in our grand old State. It is a liv
ing issue with all tboso whoso Interest in
the fature of Georgia embraces in its
sweep tbo transmission ol an inheritance
of unimpaired righto to posterity.. There
are people in Georgia—mere alien hire
lings—who have no interest in these
questions. “The hireling fleelh because
he is a hireling.” There are people in
Georgia that are without even tfte hope
of an Interest In posterity. It isn’t singu
lar that such people should consider tbe
perpetuation of government control in
Georgia in the hands ot the Caucasian
race as “a dead Issue.” The strangeness
of tho matter grows out of the fact that
the Post-Appeal should have been candid
enough to admit its antagonism to a white
mac’s government.
Possibly tbe remarks, to which excep
tion is taken by Ibis advocate of some
sort of a government, different irom a
white rasa’s government, may have been
•Impotent.” The Post-Appeal is, in a
double sense, the embodiment of impo
tence, and ought to be a judge ot such
matters. Still, the fact remains that this
is a Whiteman’s government—established
by white men and maintained by white
men; and it will be handed down by
them, unshaken by the attacks of Africa
and its allies, into the safe keeping of
their posterity. This is “Bourbonism”
and decency. Of cou r se the Post-Appeal
has no part or lot in that matter. Geor
gia must be dominated either by
white men or by cegroer. Our
preference is for th^rulo of white men
By birth, instinct and inclination, our
preference is for a white mac’s govern
ment. The issue is a living one with ua.
It is an issue that does cot die where de
cency lives. The Post-Appeal has the
right to repudiate all such preferences. It
has decided this question for itself ac
cording to the great law of natural selec
tion. This was its privilege. Still, we
must say it is in the wrong republic. It
ought to emigrate to Liberia, where the
doctrine of a white man’s government
would not be permitted to mar the peace
of its declining days.
Kettle Bnnsett'* Bible.
Cincinnati Commercial lVarhinotra Sjncial.
Justice Keener thi- afternoon carried up to
the Senate the old family lllbk- that beio-.nred
to Angnstln Washington, father of General
Georpe Washington, which v.-a- sent to him
and placed hi his custody for safe keeping :,aa
exhibit to Congress. It contains tlur family
record of births and deaths; also the time of
baptism ot the children, it passed into tho
hands of Mary Washington, the mother of
George, who wove the goods of which (he < over
was mado. She gave it to her daughter. Bet!
I,cw!s, of KrederfckF'junp end she passed
over to her son. Robert Lewis, and he pi , sen
it to Bessie B. Bassett, who now owns it and haj
had the Bible in her possession for tho ;*st for
ty-six years. It baa Old-looking work, fit’.l of
pictures, and what is more curious still, St.
Simon is represented as wearing t-ye gia-ses
which were notsupyosed to be fn use iu those
days. W
the organs of the Republican party abroad j A cony,
aud iu Georgia find reason to sound a | Fechanoe.
jubilee over ii. There can possibly bo I . j
4 j felt this morula#. My wife asked me e XX !>!U
nothing in common between these and —«twenty, you know—and i cut !he mutter
_ r-i.- - . r i, j short by iciung her it conid not be did, P,.- tho
- 10 Democrat-3 of Georg-a. . ,iu'.;vo reason 1 had only a matter of a ! ;! ar
Folitical contests are but the moving of. or so in my pocket, t knew you'd tel! mo
. . , , that,' she said; 'and it's
hosts in battle array, unarmed, but dis. |
ciplined and inspirited by a desire for
battle and conquest. Among the very
first lessons impressed upon tbe mind of
tha military student is never to commit
the irreparable and unpardonable mis
take of doing what your enemy desires you
to do. The Democratic party of Georgia
will have lost iis reason when it disre
gards a maxim true in philosophy and
seasoned by tho experience of ages.
If we are correct in the propositions wo
havo endeavored to state plainly and dis
cuss, then tho attempt to nominate Mr.
Stephens for governor threatens difler-
ences and dangers which will be followed
by disruption ar.d ruin to au organization
which fought its way to power twelve
years siuce against fearful odds, which
holds its position to-day, and can con
tinue to bold it against all comers, so long
as it is united.
Granting, for the sake not of argument
bnt of illustration, that these differences
exist which the correspondents of Mr.
Stephens have whispered into his ear aud
his alone, and that his magic name aud
influence is the only talisman that can
bring peace and harmony out of discord and
division, the remedy must at best be but
temporary in its character. Mr. Stephens
hob’s his lease of life by a precarious ten
ure at best. In course of time ho must
yield up his honors, his ambition and his
powers. What then la to become of the
Democratic party of Georgia? Who is
to rise to harmonize aud unite and lead
it to victory ?
Now, In the day of its glory and
strength, had it not best be training its
young and capable men for the duties
and responsibilities which they must
shortly meet and hold?
A Check for &2S,900 On a Bhlualc,
San Francisco Jiulietin.
-It IV.uht, a CV.if.-min j.lnnecr and
at one time a banker and politician, who <!!etl
recently in Oakland, at the mw of GC. v,;i» a
member of the firm of I’nlmcr, t’oi.k Co., a
bank which did an immense business tml
whose influence w*a felt throughout thcSuie.
To show its readiness to adopt oriKiuHl meth
od* In an •memnef', it Is related that ou^c a
depoaitor called to draw a large sum of tuouev
( 2S000) from the bank. Mr. Palmer's, msetit
was necessary, but he had been caile.l away to
attend to some duty at a lumber yard s'une
mile or more from the bank. Thither the de
positor hastened and made known his w.inb»
and tho necessity of having them attend. ) to
ntoucc. Mr. Palmer could find neither pen.
pencil. Ink nor paper. But, without a mo
ment's hesitation, he nicked up a Shingle, Bor
rowed a piece of red elm;k ami wilt, it wrote a
chock on the Milncl® in large an 1 distinct let-
tors for -*28,000. Tbiswti mod whan nrof-f'nt-
ed for all the money tho depositor had ia the
bank.
TbOlMedCIty of Verwniile*
Lucy II.. Hooper in Philajtlphia Wegnipk.
A recent French writer has said that there aro
threedcad cities in the world—Rome, Athens,
and Versailles. The first two have undergone
a transformation; anew life has ari.-en for them
by the side of their vanished past Only Ver
sailles, of the three, ia wholly without vitality.
The breath oi her nostrils ilei^rted with the
Ancient Rceiraa. The wide avenues cflMzcfed
for hundreds gilded coaches, the mighty pal
ace that held the popnlalicn ol a cite, the i',irk
wherein prince*ana queens sought diversion—
the hand of death is uj.on them all. Nathaniel
Hawthorne i t one of hi- fanciful tat-.s - the
‘‘New Adam and Eve") wrote of a catastrophe
that should sweep from the w orld nil of ttr In
habitants, leaving behind cith'.-., houses, homes,
justasthey bad dwelt therein. Such a catas
trophe seems to have befallen Versailles. All
are departed, the princes and pageantry, tho
kings and queens; the royalty that thev repre
sented, the aristocracy that bowed the knee bo-
fore it. Yet could they but return—rouis the
Magnificent and Louis the Well-Beloved, Louis
tho Martyr and fair, proud Antoinette— they
would find their home unchanged. Painted
ceiling.? and gilded mouldings, marble pound
ed walls and marble chimney pieces, nil nro
untouched and undisturbed,
In i
i-m,
|bic
aai
<li!l I , rant Marsh is one of the bc.-d known
snuimsin the country, and tUdlt ho
tknowabout runningstenmboataon the
Scoutluiron HfetcMiMboftt.
Omaha Scpatlii
Captain (
river cep
doesn’t!
Missouri isn’t worth knowing. Holt was who
with bU steamer, tiie Far West, Iran,.ported the
wounded men from the battle of tho Little Big
Horn to Fort Abraham Lincoln, on the Missouri
river, In ISTti, and on the trip he made the fast
est steamboat time on record, so it is .burned
In tho summer of that year General MQs* tm,i
n detachment of troops, accompanied Buf
falo Bill and Louis Ricliaud ns scout*, vrer.t
down the Yellow-tone on the Far West on a
scouting expedition as fer ns Glendive. The
Idea of scouting on a steamboat for Indiana
was indeed a novel one. Bufialo Bill and
Rtchaud were stationed on the pl!.,t house
keeplnga sharp lookout on both sides of the
river for Indians, while the steamer, with a full
head of steam, went flying t-ast islands, around
bends, and ov, r sandbar^ si i, livlv -ate
Presently Buffalo Kill thought he e nild* -ce
horses grazing i:i a distant bend of the river,
find he reported the fact to General Milo?, who
asked Captain Marsh if he could land the boat
near a large tree which he ;>oinled out to him.
"Yes, sir; I can land her there and mr.ko her
climb the tree if necessary,” said he, "and if
there was only a good heavy dew ,m the grasa
jftj shoot the steamer ashore and take \ >u on
M-o
imt without the trouble of icavii
oat.’
A Belraetory Convict
Philadelphia Press.
Henry Raber, the leader of one of the gangs
oi tramps called the German Band, win, ma
rauded through Lancaster and Leb-dion coun
ties until the detectives hunted 07. m down
two years ago, has just capitulated in « contest
of endurance against the authorities of the
Eastern peultentiaiy on the quest 4 ,on of work
and rations, especially the rendering of the
former as ar. equivalent for the latter. Raber,
who t*an educated young German and an ex-
]>ert watch maker, announced « ben he entered
the penitentiary that he did not come n> Amer
ica to work, and he was going to let tlic war
den and inspectors understand that ho would
do none while he was in prison, and would see
who could stand It the longest, they or he. For
months he refused to do a stroke, ar.d when he
was threatened with tbe din usual!)-dealt out
to the refractory he wrote letters threatening
the lives of Inspector Jones and warden <'.o*f-
jly. One morning last week a paired -in)wart
keepers suddenly entered Rabcr s .ell, and be
fore he could make env resistance hi- herd was
in a bag and be wasTeing conducted to .'to
other cell. Here the raudlc-r waa removed.
That night Kal)er received bread and water f
liis supper, and on the following day a rope
tion of the same food at each men’,. Two da
of thisdict proved sufllcieat, and iu
humble request to be put to work. "Til
bread's good enough, and so is the Sehuylkij
water, but it’s too monotonous, it
suck to the ribs like soup and meal."
said. _ He went to work with .1 will .it - tockig
weaving, jnd is now one of the most indus
ou* and apparently contented inmates oM
prison.
The Motel Clerk Who Uu»n* Ev4
thing.
Hotel (lazette.
A newly arrived and singular)”
couple at the Fifth Avenue Hot-!.\„..
of a Londoner and an out-anrl-out Ann
Western, stood watching the throng
coming and going at tbe marble o
other evening, and listening with snrpi
tbe endless number of quic k quest!• ns m3
the hotel clerk about trains, rooms .it-,
vidtmls, and his instantaneous replies..
the Englishman broke out with :
"Most extraordinary man; seems
everbody and eretlhing—wonder if the
any question aboul a railway train
person that he can't answer.”
•Til bet half a dozen champagne I’U put 1dm
a question about a train he can't answer," said '
the Westerner.
"I’ll stand six to «ee him goto
Her Majesty’s subject.
"Well, he-o “goes, then," and
stepped up to the marble counter.
"Say! You appear to know eve
everybody: who is there that's g.
and when'll the train start
"Charles J. Guiteau; starts :t0ih June, sir, 1
replied tbe clerk, looking the qiii ii-t right In'
the eye without moving a muscle.
“Well. I reckon you are about right, but you
can’t tell me where I tango and got a ticket,
can you ?"
"Goto the devil,” raid the clerk, turning
away.
"Mister," said the Western gtiesr, looking
o' er to Barker, the blonde bookkeeper, after
the laughter had subsided, “you can 1 1 urge six
bottles of Fir' in my bill for the use of them
gentlemen, for 1 must weaken on this bet—it’s
agin me." Tie withdrew, and the clerk kept
answering question* about other and more fa
miliar itmtes with perfect cquanimltv.
i
The Horse to Bel On.
Indianapolis Journal.
Parties who lost on the Louisville races can
safely bet a hundred to one on the Guiteau
muaihang.
Melancholy HaanebaaaUa,
St, Louie Republican.
If a negro, even of the upper walks, is turned
out lu the rain in Massachusetts, what is to be
expected iu the shoe-string district of Missis
sippi ? Are the people of the benighted South
to welcome to the polls a man who is not al
lowed to eat at a white man's table iu Boston ?
Is an American voter the equal of the test in
Alaliama and worthy to vote and control thi
State, and yet be turned away from a common
hiwtelrie In New England ? It will not do to
say that the outrage of turning tho member
from South Carolina out was the act of an indi
vidual. The proprietor of tbe Revere House
acted In obedience to the sentiment* of thoee
who support ills house, and not In violation of
their wishes. He knew what ho was doing.
Shame ou the narrow meannesa oi Boston 1 A
Sencgamblan darkness enshrouds the home Ol
Phillips and l>awcs and Hear.
TbejBiaekbetrm-EYitllama Dntt.
H'asAiuffton Ccrretoomlenee of the Richmond
Dispatch.
The sensAtion to-day was the reported duel
between Gen. Gerro Gordo Williams and Col
Joe Blackburn, and all the publications in rel
card to it were eagerly read. A Kentuckian
wbojis & warm personal friend of both Senator
Williams and Representative Blackburn gives
me benight the following in regard to the mbr
understanding between them; During the
present sewdon of Congress Senator Wffihtma
introduced a btll for the erection of a public
building at Frankfort. Ky.. which passed the
Senate and subsequently the House. The
Frankfort I reman gave Senator Beck ntnl Mr
Blackburn credit for the passage of the hi"
and made no mention of Oon williams Abo
the time to is paper reached Washington GeU
" Ilhams received a unvote letter from Jr.ai.-7
Hord. of Frankfort which, however “onte1f,
ed no reference to this matter. In a postscript
to hi* reply he referred to the tncl that
Beck and Blackburn had te>Ui voted tovtb-
bill he bad .introduced it, and yet too kS®
man, while mentioning them, had falfed^o
name him in connection with At. s-cm after
wards, however, the l’eomah gave
Williams nmwrmtn *1. ‘ . '"mere}
Mr.
letter of (.ton. williams to'Judge if o«vl‘wrote
tae General to know if he had writtenkr^bf
fetter Gen. Will'am* repUed^ deavt™^
Blackburn’s right to question him about 1
private correspondence. Mr. Blackburn thow? I
upon wrote another cote, in which teFLhowS'
some feeling. Here Gen- WiRtoSS r fcS?tohl
mom the House as the friend 1 ?} M^fflShurSf
SSWfMTSfiSKI
talked ov« the } be Sos»to and !
JpiriL They tertsd «n ■££?*/ In W1 «»irtthla f
»«good frten^^of%|^ > | r ^^4 wli; be .
s*_aw.*oui of'
races and
added; ‘‘Jo*
“Mt&dana
on the continent, ~
fight duel* about