Newspaper Page Text
THE MACON WEEKLY TELEGRAPH: TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 10,1885—TWELVE PAGES.
A VITAL QUESTION.
the cities of tiie state placed
IN PERIL.
Can a City'# Charter be Repealed or
Amended l>y Local Option l^gUlu*
lion an In the Cwe Stated?—Fact#
for Thinking People.
Atlanta, Ga., November 2d, 1885.—
To the llou. It. 1’. Trippe, ex-justice of
tlie Supreme Court, the Hon. George Hill-
ver, ex-judge of the Superior Court, and
the Hon. W. It. Hammond, judge of the
Superior Court of Fulton County—Gentle
men: As all of you have publicly announced
yourselves, not only ns favoring, but as
zealous advocates of “local optidh” legisla
tion in the county of Fulton and elsewhere
in this State, by authority granted by the
Legislature, nt its late session, in the pas
sage of what is known as
TUE OENEUAL LOCAL OPTION BILL.
I hope that each of you will pardon me for
addressing you this open letter, for the pur
pose of eliciting from you, and each of you,
u response Buitcd to the dignity and im
portance of the momentous questions now
agitating the public mind This agitation
has been precipitated by the measure in
question, and is pregnant with good or
evil to us, aa citizens, and to our posterity.
For the first time in the history of Geor
gia pulpits havo been turned into platforms
for the purpose of agitating the religious
element in our population, on one side of a
question purely political in its character.
To influence votes, one or more of the men
who minister in sacred things in this city
have proclaimed from their desks, on the
holy Sabbath, that no man can ho n Chris
tian who does not vote for this measure.
This is to be lamented. These men have not
had their attention directed to the legal view
of tho subject; and jndging each of you
by the stamlnrd of public utterances attrib
uted to you, I infer that you havo not
studied the law of the cose, now at bar, as
yon havo beoa accustomed to investigate
the law bearing upon the cases of clients
entrusted to your core, where only the
right of property, or mere dollars and cents,
were nt stake. It is as lawyers, theretore,
as members of the profession, who have
been advanced to high places in the judicial
departmontof our State government; os men
and who have worn, one who now wears,
the %mine, against whoso administration
of the law no word of complaint or charge
of corruption has ever been uttered in pub
lic or in private, that I now address yon.
It is no moral or religious question that
I would submit to you, but a purely legal
and constitutional question, combining,
necessarily, both law and polities.
“Sovereign Lew. the state's collected will.
O'er throne. an<l globe, elate.
Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill”—
under onr form of government, resides
primarily in the constitution, which each
one of yon have taken a dabble oath npon
the Holy Evangelists to keep nnd observe,
support and defend—on admisaion to the
bar and again on your induction into high
j udicial office, Both as lawyers and ns
ndges, therefore, nreyon under solemn ob-
igation to observe, protect and defend tho
supreme law. You are not privileged even
to wink at its infringement, nor to counsel
or advise it to bo violated, for what may
seem to bo for the beet of purposes;
nor to lend your aid to
any party, whether political,
mom], religious, or n combination of them
nil, that might seek to overthrow or radi
cally ebango tho form of government, of
which that written constitution is the basis,
by the substitution of other methods than
those provided therein for making, repeal
ing or amending laws for the government
of the people. Under our constitution
(see art :l, part. 1) “tho legislative power of
the State is vested in a General Assembly,
which shall consiyt of a Senate and a House
of Representatives." Tho people, therefore,
when they assembled to form a government
for the State of Georgia, in 1788, after the
independence of the American colonics had
been secured by a seven years' struggle
with the mother country, in devising a
form of government to take the place of
the one just thrown off, saw proper to vest
nil legislative power, just where it still re
sides, ns above quoted. This original con
stitution, also, provides that it may be al
tered, or amended, and prescribea the mode
ofprccedure. Some alterations have been
made from time to time, but this <**"*' JL.
clause has not been fnter'^ {nr .
. r -qsa to NSMl Ills language into a dif
ferent foVnl of expressing exactly
the same meaning. As to the ex
tent of tho power thus con
ferred, it was further provided that, "tho
■General Assembly shall havs power to make
all laws and ordinances, which they shall
deem necessary and proper, tor tho good of
the State, which shall not be repugnant to
this constitution."
We see, therefore, that these two import-
snt provisions in tho constitution of our
State are not new; on the contrary, that
they have been of force-far near a oentury.
Each of you arc as faml'inr with the provi
sions of tho State constitution os I am; per
haps, more so; and you may h»ve
studied it rnoro umlemlamlingly, but the
people at Urge do not rend it; it to not
made their duty to study it and understand
it ss each member of the legs! profession
mnst do, if they would become safe coun
sellor* to their clients, or well informed
judges to administer the Uw.
In calling your attention to these partied-
lar sections of the constitution, I do so, not
only tor the purpose of stating the legal
proposition I propose to submit for your
consideration, but for the information of
the non-professional reader as well.
You will all agree with me in the state
ment I now make, via.: That all laws
made by the legisUtive department of our
HtAto government, not in nmflict with the
nrovirions of the constitution, are binding
on the communities affected by them gen-
erallv, or locally, according to the terms of
the act; and that oil legisUtive acta, in
violation ot tho constitution, are void.
You will all agree with me in the next
proposition, viz.: That no other power in Urn
State con repeal, niter, change or modify
anv Uw, resolution, or semblance of s Uw,
constitutionally enacted by the General
Assembly, with the approval of the execu
tive; and thnt said law-making power can
not delegate lU authority to make, or repeal,
laws which are of force to any other tribu
nal, person, or number of peraow. The
ns being present nnd actively participating
in tho same meeting, you must nil have
agreed that it was “right to miss the bill,” as
announced by Judge Tripp. If it was right to
pass it, the bill is constitutional, and 1 may
legitimately infer, without doing pithcr of
you injustice, that yon nnd each of you, as
lawyers, judges and ex-judges, so affirm. A
full bench of three, without one dissenting
opinion.
Now, while your opinions thus notorious
ly and publicly given, before a prohibition
audience in mass meeting assembled, nnd
broadcast by the city papers on the next
day, are not, in a legal sense, judicial opin
ions, binding authoritatively on nny one, so
as to be enforced; yet those who regard any
one or all of you as good Uwyers and j udges of
eminent ability will accept your obUtr dictum
as “an exposition most sound,’ and be gov
erned accordingly in costing their votes in
the local election soon to be held.
I have studied this bill as carefully ns
my feeble nbilitics would permit; and sought
to nrrive at tho truth, being guided during
my investigations by tho lamp of over
thirty years’ experience nt the bar, in dis
cussing nnd assmting in the adjustment of
intricate legal questions. 1 have studied it,
I trust, prayerfully, in view of my account
ability to a higher power thnn any earthly
court, anil seeking the approval and
guidance of One who is purer and better
than any of the sons of men. I have
studied it, also, as n patriot; as one who
loves his country, though soon to leave it—
as he trusts—for a better country; and de
sires to transmit to his posterity the bless
ings of a constitutional government, such
ns was transmitted to him by his progeni
tors.
In considering the act in question; in
measuring its structure, scope and purpose,
by the rule and square of the constitution,
I cannot see that it conforms to some of its
most sacred and positive requirements. It
may be owing to the incapacity of my mind
to grasp a subject apparently so
froe from difficulty,to such nlarge majority
of the lower House of the General Assem
bly, all of whom, had, also, been sworn to
support the constitution of this State and
of the United States, and to so conduct
themselves on all measures and questions
which might come before them,
as would in their judgment he most condu
cive to tho interest nnd prosperity of this
State. In their judgment then, the meas
ure “was right," or they would not havo
passed it. But they had not all studied
lilackstone, Kent, Story nnd u host of other
great writers on legislation and jurispend-
ence,as ench one of you have; and hence, their
votes did not shake my judgment in tho
least appreciable respect. It was when I
saw that each one of yon agreed with that
majority in tho House that I was impelled
—not to doubt—hut to carefully examine
the whole question, de novo.
While the bill was pending I presented to
the reading nnd thinking public some few
constitutional objections to it through the
columns of the Atlanta Constitution, ivhich
appeared in the daily issne nnder dates of
July the 16th, 23d and 31st, respectively. I
will not stop to restate those objections.
They have never been answered on the floor
of the House, or elsewhere; hut I come at
once to the one which I wish to submit to
your enlightenod judgment and combined
wisdom.
The bill itself has been published all over
the State and is accessible to every reader;
hence, I will simply refer to it in general
terms. By reference to its caption and
the body of the act itself, from
section one to the final conclnsion,
it does not namo n single incorporated
town or city in the State, whose charter it
proposes to alter, amend or modify, in nny
particular whatever. As it was the purpose
of the meeting yon nil attended to inaugur
ate a campaign nnd to organize a party,
which seeks at tho polls nnd by a popular
vote ot the people of Fulton county to re
peal Section 27 of the charter of tho city o^
Atlanta, (Chapter 5, Newman's Digest) und
substitute therefor the provisions of this
bill, I will confine myself to this one, iso
lated point of objection.
A solemn act of the General Assembly,
approved by the Governor and ro-afllrmed
by many, very many, succeeding legisla
tures in tho way of amending nnd enlarging
the corporate powers of the city, has granted
it a charter, and, by tho section aforesaid,
surrendered to its mayor and genr .
council #‘ full power nnd authority
regulate tho retail of ardent l,.frits
within the corporato limits o* B(l j d
(and, by soctions 155 ftnd 15a beyond
its limits, overftlALge ^0), “and nt their
discretion to issne license to retail or to
withhold the some; and to fix the prior! to
be paid for license at any sum they, might
think proper, not exceeding two thousand
dollars.” This power they havo been exer
cising for a long series of yean, are still
exercising, and will continuo to exercise, or
have a right to do so, unless the power to
act in the premises is taken away by the re
sult of the election which yon proposo to
hold. Millions in vnlne depend npon
the sacredness of the franchise which the
city of Atlanta holds. She has contracted
with the State and incurred a heavy liabili
ty for property granted to tho State,
npon tho faith of her charter.
She has issued her municipal
bonds for a large amount for tho pay
ment oHioth interest and principal of which,
in addition to the expenses of her govern
ment, her entire revenue is most solemnly
pledged. Her property holders and her cit
izens bear a heavy burden of taxation to
sustain her government and meet its obli
gations, of which the people of Fnl-
ton county, outside of her corporate limits,
bear no port, while the citizens of the city
and the property of tho city pay their and
its fall share of all county assessments.
And now to tho point:
First Does the hill in question repeal or
amend sections 27, .155 and 156 of the char
ter of the city of Atlanta?
Second. If repealed or amended by the
the result ot the election which is proposed
to lie held, does not a majority of
the voters depositing their ballots at that
election repeal or amend it? .
Third. If you answer that it does havo
the effect claimed for it by its advocates,
—viz: to take away the righta and powers
conferred by the sections aforesaid, and
instead thereof, fastens npon it the prohi
bition of the bill in question—is not this
exercising legislative powers?
Fourth. If the effect of an affirmative
vote in favor of the local option bill, by a
majority of the qualified voters of Fulton
county casting their ballots “sgainst the
sale," at the election which has been or
dered by the ordinary, is not to repeal the
section of the city charter referred to will
ihe mayor, etc., savannau, - *«, *■" tor “' “ d “ " 0t ’
.1.0 doubtlessly admit to be true fifth. If ;the result of an election be
aou will also doimiiK. |> aorno. AO , in , t th ‘ u u " does it not repeal, alter,
the well fRUlJLh<‘dpr>n>o-ii chfnge or modify the charter of the dir of
law, pr- j ;, l0 *b uution, Attonta, doe* not the excitement Ul-feel-
,rentf0 one" orconfu- contention and money spent-whlch
necessarily r ' Pj' 1 | ’ ‘ ld i L . l)l0 r , «nlt it has and will occasion-makr. it a very ax-
sion worse confound d wouldM £ ", food Alld further aa a corrolary
XIEthe above and. foregoing, If thaOjJJ^
IO wo aimui «»u i^tsue-u, — —
Assemble can grant authority to a majority
Wc will not enter into a dollar and cent
calculation to show how much revenue is
annually derived from this power to regu
late the retail of ardent spirits within the
corporate limits of said city; but in order
to state our next proposition it is necessary
to make a brief reference to it os a sonreo
of income.
When the Legislature authorized tho
municipal authorities of Atlanta to issue its
bonds, which have keen negotiated, this
source of revenue existed; was included in
the es.'.inates nnd calculations made
but the city agents then in office to guard
its financial interests, in order to the ascer
tainment of its ability to meet promptly
tho interest and principal of the liability
she proposed to assume.. The whole mat
ter was canvassed and talked over by the
tax-payers and capitalists, more especially
in reference to subscriptions to build rail
roads to bring her trade and facilitate her
commerce. Waterworks for family com
fort, spouting hydrants to subdue confla
grations; to establish a system
of publio schools, to educate
her children and encourage population, and
to contribute some $300,000 or more to
wards furnishing the State with a Capitol
building, in which are kept its archives, ex
ecutive offices and halls of legislation. The
State, also, by a constitutional provision
(art. 7, see. 0, par. 1) enters into n contract
with the city, for its own pecuniary bene
fit, that it might receive from the city a
donation of property “for locating and
building a permanent cupitol,” on which
snch a building is now being erected.
You, nnd each of yon, knew these facts;
you know them to he facts when you figured
in that meeting; hut did you, and each of
you, consider them in making np the judg
ment which his Honor, Judge Trippe, so
confidently pronounced? I trow not.
Now, in view of these facts as stated, is
there not (continuing the series of ques
tions), sixth: A contract expressed or im
plied between the State of Georgia and the
city of Atlanta, that she would not deprive
the city of nny source of income already
granted to it by its original or amended
charter, until tho liabilities incurred
in and by its two distinct
contracts with the State, in its sover
eign capacity, were fully discharged? If
not a contract express or implied, Buch as
the courts of the United Stages have juris
diction (npon a proper made cose), to pre
vent a State from impairing or destroying
its obligation, would it not be an act of
bad faith on tho part of her legislators un
paralleled in the history of onr honored
commonwealth?
Sixth. Is not the State bound, under
the contract with the holders of Atlanta's
bonds, authorized by her to be issued, not to
take away any of the privileges then vested
inker mayor and general council, as enumcr,
ated in chapter five of Newman's Digest-
until those bonds and others issued in re
newal thereof are paid? And would not an
act of her General Assembly, otherwise
properly framed and passed for that pur
pose, be a law impairing tho obligation of
contracts within the true intent and mean
ing of article 1, section 10, paragraph
1, of tho constitution of tho United
States, and therefore void?
You will all, doubtless,candidly admit, os
even the unprofessional reader can deter
mine, that the act in question not only does
not repeal the charter of this city, or any
other incorporated city or town in the
State; but, also, that it docs not repeal,
change, or amend any law in tho code, reg
ulating or providing for licensing the
traffic in ardent spirits and taxing the
same.
I confidently assert that the act in ques
tion may bo of file, and every other local
act passed by tho General Assembly lately
in session, or its predecessors, providing
for au election by “the qualified voters,” as
the one wo sre now consulering does, might
have been of file in tbo office of Secretary
0f ■ State, - until the paper upo“
which it is written mourners :o dust; And
that it would lack then, as it does now, as
much of having the vindicative force of a
rule of action prescribed by tho supreme
power of a State, as the body of a mummy
which has occupied a sarcophagus in one ol
tho pyramids of Egypt for two tlwawinds
years, lacks of having life a“i vi;„jity. An
none but God cun , mt nfo into the latter,
KO nut tho law-niuking power of the
State can put life into a statute.
Some time* it to happens thnt one of our
reviewing courts find that tho court below
made a right decision, but gave a wrong
reason for it. l’ermit me respectfnlly to
suggest that his Honor, Judge Trippe, not
only gave a wrong jndguent npon the case
st bar, but a wrong reason for it also. Let
us briefly refer to his reasons.* “Anil said
thnt it would have been a denial of the peo
ple's rights, If the Legislature had not passed
t (tho bill), because the people all over the
State called for it." We will not join issue
upon the statement of facta, as we
might successfully maintain, but,
for tho purpose of demonstrat
ing our proposition, admit it to
be true. “The people oil over the State"
have no right to meddle with the municipal
affairs of any of oar cities. The people in
an organized community speak only through
the mouthpiece of their government. The
ample of the municipality of Atlanta cer-
ainly have not, so far, spoken. They have
not called for the privilege of associating
with their own population the voters of
Fnlton county outside of their corporate
limits, for the purpose of robbing their gov
ernment of any of its chartered rights. The
mayor and general conncil petitioned the
General Assembly st its late ses
sion to pass one or more hills, en
larging their powers and privileges; but
they <ud not ask for any measure restrict
ing their power*. They asked the privi
lege of leaning more bonds, but they did
not ask to be shorn ot any of their strength
to bear the additional burden their issue
would impose.
What are your “charters and your city's
freedom worth, 1 ' if the Legislature of the
State can, at its pleasure, hand them over
to the tender mercies of an irresponsible
mob at the polls? Whither are we drifting?
How soon will the ship ot State be among
ths breakers, it the cable is cut which
binds her fast to the anchor of the consti
tution?
Are “the people” more enlightened and
virtuous now than they were when the pa
triots and statesmen of (evolutionary mem
ory, for themaelvea and their poaterity, di
vested themselves of legislative power and
veatad it in a body of superior intelligence
und worth, to be choaen by themselves
in a mode prescribed, and imposed npon
that body when chosen and solemnly sworn,
tho duty of making just and equitable laws
for the government of the State!
What is property worth in yonr cities;
nay, more, in yonr State? Who will invest
in it, end who will buy your bonds or obli
gations to pay money, when all property
and all values may be destroyed in any lo
cality by the (pee dixit of a majority at the
ballot box whom local optionists would
moke legislators! If they have a right to
demand of ths General Aaoembly legisUtive
powers to abolish ths traffic in liquors, and
virtually to confiscate the property of per
sona engaged in that traffic—they have Ihe
11,. ru.ut* 1 .i!!- I f , 1 1
j u j ,, Hilly • r an l Hammond or.' reported |
n to be helil for that pnipose?
invoked and granted, for the protection of
religious worship, it never was expected bv
the framers of the statute that buildings
erected to the worship of Almighty God
would ever be turned into fanatical ranting
places and political club rooms;
nor. thnt men wearing the livery
of heaven, and professing to he ministers
of the gospel of Jesus Christ, would ever
join hands and lock shields with political
demagogues and fanatical, infidel cranks,
in an assault upon thnt constitution which
alono authorized the protection they craved,
and the freedom of worship which was
granted to them nnd to all men of 0 ery
religions belief nnd abode of opinion; nor
was it expected that men holding, or who
had • hejd, judicial offico under
thnt' constitution and tho form
of government which it established
ahd was intended to perpetuate, should
counsel or odvUe them, that such methods
were right; or aid, assist, or encourage them
in the prosecution of such a revolutionary
nnd dangerous purpose.
“The people 1 ' have no right to demand
anything not guaranteed to them by the
constitution of the State or of the United
States. Ench individual has a right to de
mand protection to life, liberty nnd property,
because it says that is the paramountdnty of
the government, it was intended to establish.
Each individual bos the right to demand
that he shall not be deprived of life, liborty
or property, except by duo process of law.
because it says be shall not be.
Each individual has the right to demand
that the legislative, judicial and executive
power shall forever remain separate and
distinct, because that instrument says they
shall be.
I have a right to demand that the laws
by which I nin to be governed shall be
pnssed and put in force by “the Legisla
tive power. You have no right to demand
that “Legislative power” shall be surren
dered to an irresponsible rabble nt tho poll
ing places in nny county, town or militia
district.
Each and every incorporated town, city,
or company, has a right to demand that
“no grant of special privileges, or immuni
ties shall be revoked, except in such man
ner as work no injustice to tho corporators
or creditors of tho incorporation;” because
thnt instrument says it shall not be done.
Yon propose by tbo election which issoou
to be held at the various polling places in
Fulton county to repeal three sections in
tho charter of the city of Atlanta by a popu
lar vote; nt the same time and by tho samo
procedure to amend the same, by engraft
ing on it and making a part of it, without
the consent of the incorporation or a vote
of its own citizens exclusively, the prohib
iting enactments of this hill. You propuke,
still further, to do this by the aid and as
sistance of the voters in the town of West
End (acts 1878-79; 384;), nnd with'
in one and one-fourth miles of
its corporate limits; the voters residing
within one mile in any direction from Edge-
wood Church—except within such part of
the corporato limits of tho city of Atlanta
ns may bo within that distance from said
ckarch; the votora residing within two miles
in any direction from Sardis church, or
within two miles in any direction from tho
village of Adamsvilie in said connty. [See
acts of 1876, page 197.] All of which areas
ore excepted from tho operation of the bill
by the express provisions of section 9. The
voters residing in such areas will not be
affected by tho law to be made, if made; or
by its defeat, if defeated! A foot obviously
unknown, and consequently unprovided
for by tho General Assembly, when consid
ering and acting npon the measure. Tho
same anomalous predicament will also bo
found to exist in most counties affected by
tho act in question.
You propose further to hold an election—
in tho result of which ths city of Atlanta is
almost exclusively interested—by tho ma
chinery of this bill, over which tho corpo
rate authorities cun exercise no control; the
fairness of which in its management and
declaration of final result thoy cannot in
quire into with any more authority than
can the pastor of Eilgewood or Sardis
churches or tho humblest voter in the vil
lages' of West End and AdamsviUe!
May I not emphasize the inquiry, Whith
er sre we drifting? What hope is there for
onr unfortunate State when such an out
rageous scheme as this is commended for
S ood men and declared to bo righteous in
t>o sight of heaven's King nnd by ministers
of the gospel of prohibition of tho Sam
Jones variety? (tome tiimium xniltur in
vitium.
Every man, woman and child in the State
is interested deeply, vitally interested, in
this question. I hope you nor cither one
of you will treat it ss of no importance, as
did 1 fear many gentlemen in both Houses
of tbo General Assembly. But in view of
your responsibility to God and the duty
von owe to the State in which all of yon
first saw the light, 1 pray yon, give these
inquiries nnd opinions—rude and imper
fect as 1 know them to be—a calm and pa
tient investigation, and an honest, sincere
reply. Yours, very respectfully,
Samuel D. Ibvin.
P. S.~'You will please pardon me for ad
dressing yon through the columns of the
Macon Tklzosafb instead of the Constitu
tion.
Our own city paper is now burdened
with communications, presenting to the
Legislators of the county of Fulton tho fi
nancial and other almost local questions
growing ont of the proposed amendment to
the charter of Atlanta. Borne other cities
in the Stats—ono at a time, of coarse
st the dictation of some of the
revolutionary managers, will be engaged in
the death grapple for the maintenance or
overthrow of their chartered privileges. As
not only the citizens of Atlanta, bat ot the
whole State for generations to coma, are in
terested in the grave constitutional ques
tions which I have presented for your Con
sideration, I have chcwen this medium of
commaneration, as being nearer the geo
graphical centre of onr old commonwealth,
as well os of a native population wboee
liberties—now threatened so seriously—
were purchased for them by the blood and
sacrifice of a revolutionary ancestry, just
one century ago. It is to reach a larger
audience also, than could bo reached
in any other way now suggested to my mind.
The din of battle now so fiercely raging in
oar city distracts attention, disturbs the
senses and inflames the passions of the im
mediate combatants to snch an extent aa to
unfit them for calmly considering the causes
which have combined to produce the excite
ment which now afflicts and threatens with
them consequences of dire import.
A presentation of facta end of law appli
cable to the unprecedented political pre
dicament in which we now find our
selves as s people, telegraphed to the
eye and through the organ of sight
to the senses in the calm, still hoar of
retirement, from the white page of a Demo
cratic paper published in s conservative
city but fonr hoars removed from ns, may
touch a silent chord in patriotic breasts
which could not be struck from behind the
footlights st De Give’s, amid the crash of
cymbals and tho delusive melody of Cam
paign Glee Clnb arrangements; nor in-
da< need by any arguments or presentation
History warns nations, States nnd people
in vain, unless we profit by its teachings.
While the structure of our government was
being framed scenes were being enacted in
Europe, particularly in Franco, which
caused a thrill of horror to vibrate and to
reverberate throughout the civilized world,
which arrested and commanded the atten
tion of the patriot heroes and states
men, who were its builders, nnd caused
onr constitutional compacts, both State
and Federal, to crystallize into their
present form. Tho aim and purpose of
those pure men was, not only to avoid the
unjust and arbitrary decrees of kingcraft
on tile one hand, but to shield themselves
nnd their posterity from the disastrous con
sequences flowing from the unbridled
license and terrible ferocity of an unre
strained democracy on the other. Palsied
he the hand that would mar their work, or
tear one pillar from the grand and glorious
edifice which they erected. S. D. Inns,
TIIE LIQUOR LAW IN BOSTON.
A Boston special says: Tho Legislature
of 1885 passed a law prohibiting the sole or
gift of liquor on election days except by li
censed inn-holders to duly registered
guests. A few days ago the board of po
lice of Boston issued notices to the Kquor
dealers thnt the provisions of this law
would be rigidly enforced, and ns a conse
quence few if any violations linve been
noted in this city. The dealer* appear to
have recognized tho fact that the notices
meant wliat they said, nnd n majority of
the liquor stores were entirely closed. A
few were open, but no sales were made and
they, were destitute of customers. Many
liquor sellers carry on a luncheon business,
also, and these had their places open, but
nothing except solid refreshment could be
obtained.
The wholesale dealers were open for bus
iness ns usuid, the provisions of tho law
not extending to thnt class of licenses. The
law permift hotel-keepers to sell to guests
duly registered, and it was expected thnt
there would bo n large opportunity for eva
sion of-the spirit of the law at least. For
instance, nt the Quincy House over 700
names were registered. Each iierson was
then given a card, which admitted him to
tho largo barroom, where any'
thing could be obtained nt regu
lar rates. At the Parker House
there was less of this sort of evasion of the
law, but a good many persons registered
without taking n room. At Youngs Hotel
the spirit of the law was strictly observed.
No ono could get a drink unless be sctuolly
engaged a room, and then it must be sent to
the room. The same rule was iu force at
the Adorns House, which is nnder the some
management as Young's. The penalty for
selling or giving away liquor to anyone not
a registered guest of the house is $50 for
each offense.
Consumption Corel.
An old physician, retired from practice, having
bad placed In bis hands by an Boat India missions*
ry the formula of a simple veeetable remedy for the
•needy end permanent core of consumption, bron
chitis. catarrh, asthma and all thrust ana lung affec
tions; also a poslUve and radical cure for nervous
debility and all nervous complaints, after bavins
tested its wonderful curative powers In thousands of
cases, has felt It his dnty to make It known to his
fellow sufferers. Actuated by this motive anil a de
sire to relieve human suffering, I will send free of
charge, to all who desire It this receipe, In German,
French and English, with full directions for lire 1 wr
ing and using. Kent by mall by addressing with
sump, naming this paper, W. A Noyes, 119 Power’s
block, Rochester, N. Y.
DENTISTRY-DR. 8. B. BARFIELD.
No. 90>; Mulberry Street, Mscon. Georgia.
Office Hours—9 a. m. to 0 p. m.
MY WIFE!
My wife has been a great sufferec from
catarrh. Several physicians ami various
medicines were resorted to, yet ths disease
continued unabated, uothing appearing to
moke any impression upon it. ller consti
tution finally became implicated, the poison
being in her hlooil.
I secured a bottle of B. B. B. nnd placet!
her npon its use, and to our surprise thev
improvement began at once, and her recov
ery was mpid and complete. No other pre
paration ever produced such a wonderfu.
change, nnd for all forms of 1,1c>k1 disease L
cheerfully recommend B. B. B. as a supe
rior blood purifier.
R. P. DODGE,
Yardmoster Georgia Railroad,
Atlanta, Ga.
GREAT GRIEF.
From the Athena Ga.. Banner*Watchman.
Uncle Dick Sanlter Bays; Fifty year* ago
I had a running ulcer 011 my leg which re
fused to heal under any treatment. In 185$
I went to California and remained eighteen
months, and in 1873 I visited Hot Springs.
Ark., remaining three months, hut was not
cured. Amputation was discussed, but I
concluded to make one moreeffort. I com
menced taking the B. B. B. Mont six week*
ago. The fifty-year-old so'ro on my log in-
healing rapidly, and yesterday I walked.
alKjut fifteen miles fishing and hunting
without any pain, and before using tho B.
B. B. I could not walk exceeding half a mile.
I sleep soundly for the first time iu many
years. To think thnt six bottles bare ilone-
mo more good than Hot Springs, eighteen
months in California, betides the immense
amount of medicines and eight or ten first-
class physicians, will convince any man on
earth that it is a wonderful blood medicine.
It has also cured me of catarrh.
MOUTH.
PILLS
25 YEARS IN USE.
The Greatest Medical Triumph of the Age!
SYMPTOMS OF A
TORPID LIVER.
Loaaofappetite* llowrlscostive* l*aln In
the bead* with m dull aeimntlon In the
back pnrr. Fain under tlio shoulder-
b!adc« Fullneaa nfirr rntlng, with mills
inclination to exertion of body or mind,
Irritability of temper* Low nplrlta* wlik
n frrliiitf ol having neglected lomo duty*
Wearlueas* Dlzzlncns* Fluttering nt tho
Heart* Dot* before the eyei* Headache
oyer the right eye* IlcMtleaaneao* with
fitful drenma, Hiehly colored Urine* ami
CONSTIPATION."'
TCITT’S FILLS aro especially adapted
to aach ca«e-», ono tloso effects such a
clmnffo of foclingnstoastonisUllio sufferer.
They Increase the alppetlte.tnd came tho
Ao Tal ‘
body to Take on Flcshgthufi tho ty«tcm 1*
nourished, and l>y their Tonic Action on
the Digest I ve Organa,Itrjculnr Ntool# aro
prod or fd. I*rlfB 115 c. «t 4 Murray Nt.eW.Ye
There is a lady living here, Mrs. ,wb»
has had catarrh for many ycora. I hnv»
known she had it for fifteen or twenty yean*
nnd my father onco doctored her, as she
was then a tenant of onr place. For tho lost
two and a half years she has been bedridden,
—the catarrh or cancer (the numerous phy
sicians had never decided which) during her
two and a half yeare in tho bed, had eaten
all tho roof of her month out. She wan
so offensive no ono conld stay in the room ;
she could not eat anything, bat could swal
low soup if it was strained. She gave np to
die. Her son bought the B. B. B., and sho
used several bottles, which effected an en
tire enre. Sho is now well and hearty. £
have not exaggerated ono particle.
LUCY STRONG-
fri.annAw
TUTUS EXTRACT SARSAPARILLA
IlenavAta* tliu body, make# healthy tlcfth.
strengthen# the weak, repairs the WMfcM or
the system with pure blood and hard muscle;
tones the nervous system. Invigorates tho
brain, an 1 imr-arts Uio vkrar of manhood.
91. KoM by tfnigKists.
OFFECT! 44 niurraySt., Now York*
THE FAIR,
66 MUBBERRY STREET,
Would call attention to new China Caps
and Saucers, Mugs, Yases, Marbteo, Have
the only 10c. Glass Chicken in Macon. No
old goods, always new. Largest assort
ment of Notions and Housekeeper*' Goods
in tho city.
R. F. SMITH, Proprietor,
spcMAmAwtf
M0XEY LOANED
Swift’s Specific
Is nature's own ^remedy, made from root*
gathered from the foresta of Georgia. Th«
method by which it is made waa obtained
by a half-breed from tbc Creek Indians;
who inhabited^) certain portion of Georgia,
which waa communicated to one of the ear
ly settler*, and tliu* the formula has been,
bandol down to the present day. Tho above,
cut represents tho methods of manufacture
twenty yean ago, by C. *T. Swift, one ot
the present proprietor*. The demand ha*
been] gradually increasing until a *100,-
000 laboratory is now necessary to supply
the trade. A foreign demand bn* been'
created, and enlarged facilities will be neo-
essary to meet it. This great
Ycgctablo Blood Purifier
CUBES
Cancer, Catarrh, jSerofhlaXEczema, Dlcere'
Rhenmatism, Blood Taint,
hereditary or otherwise, /without the use of
Mercury or Potash.
Books on “Contagious Blood Poison”
nnd'on “Blood and Skin Diseases" mailed
free.
For sale by all druggists.
THE.8WIFT SPECIFIC CO!,
* Drawer 3, Atlanta, Ga.
N. Y., 157 W. 23d St.
On improved Fame and JCltj Property. For terms
apply to
R. F. LAWTON, Banker,
&*oud Street. Macod, G%.]
»pr4 dAwly
■sine right to abolish the traffic in any other of facts appearing in a local jonmal wlifrb,
commodity or thing, that in their judgment during the psat few wentb, bM wen |
mmj seem injuriona, or that they n*:»y
even claim to be ao; and demagoguct*, both
in and ont of the pnlpit, will not be slow
in making the demand in their nan .-.
When the majeety of the law witai fin*t
ctlicit ntlr and ctrsiist* ntly encouraging
- ~rii5r % **
the
aal hi;
an agitation, of vr
from an nnconetitn
iftlative power bv the Gen .ml
the State is the legitimate out'
resulting
nder of 1
\-.:nblv of
Hie above Adjustable Boiler Skate U endorsed bv
the fineet expert* and profeaeioraale a* the let. rink
akate in the vodd. loldjhy
T. A. 33ELIA,
Agent for the Monde Roller Skate, also propt
tor i t tho t»c BAZAAR AND VARIETY HTOl
Dealer In Picture*. Mctare
id*. T- }». IM1«, etc.
Flneet “1» and 1*
The only exciu*ive L
Never Known to Fail,
The popular Blood Purifier of the day is
O. L O.
It is the honest “tried and true” Old In
dian Core that has stood ths tost of time.
It will cure any Blood Disease or Skim
Disease arising from impure blood.
An excellent tonic and appetizer. Noth
ing equals It for female complaints. A,
purely vegetable preparation, containing
no mercury or other mineral poison.
Sold by leading dmi-eist*.
THE O. L 0. CO.,
Perry, Ga.
octl (lAm.twlv
HOLMES'S SUllt: CUltE
Mouth YYiish ami Dentifrice
Fleet..
ixt'JI-d, mSwt?
T. .1. 1:U.I,
Aru- iy Balldibg
Macon, <
0ar*« BWdin
Throat i ’lean*
*a«d and recoi —
DOTf/d bv l»r> J 1' K 'V K H
Ga. For aal: by all dntw:*(
Bled by