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MACON, DUBLIN AND SAVANNAH
RAILROAD COMPANY
LOCAL TIME TABLE.
Effective July” 2, 1911.
ko.lß "NoTzo Station? N 0.19 No. 17
A.M. P.M. Lv. Ar. A.M. P.M.
"7?10 3:25 Macon 11:15 4:39
7:22 3:37 Swiftcreek 11:03 4:20
7:30 3:45 Drybranch 10:55 4:12
7:34 3:49 Atlantic 10:51 4:09
•7:38 3:53 Pike’s Peak 10:4# 4:05
•7:45 4:00 Fitzpatrick 10:42 4: 00
7:60 4:04 Ripley 10:37 8:53
4:00 4:14 Jeff’son villa 10:27 3:42
4:10 4:23 Gallemore 10:15 3:30
4:20 4:33 Danvilol 10:07 3:22
4:25 4:38 Allentown 10:02 3:17
4:34 4:47 Montrose 9:53 3:08
4:44 4:57 Dudley 9:42 2:58
4:50 5:03 Shewmake 9:36 2:52
4:55 5:09 Moore 9:29 2:45
9:10 5:25 ar lv 9:15 2:30
Dublin
9:15 5:30 lv ar 9:10 2:25
9:17 5:32 SouMD&SJct 9.08 2:23
9:21 5:36 NorMD&SJet 9:04 2:19
9:31 5:45 Catlin 8:54 2:03
9:40 5.54 Mintor 8:47 2:01
9:50 6:05 Rockledge 8:36 1:50
9:55 6:10 Orland 8:31 1:45
10:08 6:23 Soporton 8:19 1:33
10:19 6:34 Tarrytown 8:07 1:21
10:26 6:41 Kibboe 8:00 1:15
0.0:40 6:55 Vidalia 7:45 1:00
CONNECTIONS.
At Dublin with the Wrightsville and
Tennille and the Dublin and South
■western for Eastman and Tennille
and intermediate points.
At Macon iwth Southern railway
from and to Cincinnati, Chattanooga,
Rome, Birmingham, Atlanta and in
termediate points. Also the Central
of Georgia, G., S. & F. railway, Ma
son and Birmingham railway and ths
Georgia railroad.
At Rockledge with the Millen and
Southwestern for Wadley and inter
mediate points.
At Vidalia with the Seaboard Air
Une for Savannah and intermediate
■points, and with the Millen and South
western for Millen, Stillmore and in
termediate points.
J. A. STREYER, G. P. A.,
, Macon, Ga.
Foley’s
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-
GEORGE. WIIIN6TON
Installment 24
He had taken Jefferson direct from
France,where for five years he had been
watching a revolution come on apace,
hurried from stage to stage, not by
statesmen who were masters in the
art and practice .of freedom, like
those -who had presided in the coun
sels of America, but by demagogues
and philosophers rather; and the sub
tle air of that age of change had crept
into the man's thought. He had come
back a philosophical radical rather
than a statesman. He had yet to
learn, in the practical air of America,
what plain and steady policy must
serve him to win hard-headed men to
to his following; and Washington
found him a guide who needed watch
ing.
Foreign affairs, over which it was
Jefferson’s duty to preside, began of
a sudden to turn upon the politics of
France, where Jefferson’s thought was
so much engaged. The year 1789, in
which America gained self-possession
and set up a government soberly plan
ned to last, was the year rn which
France lost self-possession and set out
upon a wild quest for liberty which
was to cost her both her traditional
polity and all the hopes she had of a
new' one. In that year broke the
storm of the French revolution.
It was a dangerous infection that
went abroad from France in those first
days of her ardor, and nowhere was
it moro likely to spread than in Amer
ica.
But Washington’s vision in affairs
was not obscured. He had not Jed
revolutionary armies without learn
ing what revolution meant. “The rev
olution which has been effected in
France,” he said, “is of so wonderful
a nature that man can hardly real
ize the fact”—his calm tones ringing
strangely amidst the enthusiastic cries
of the time. “I fear, though it has
gone triumphantly through the first
paroxysm, it is not the last it has to
encounter before matters are finally
settled. The revolution is of too
great a magnitude to be effected in so
short a space and with the loss of so
little blood,”
He hoped, but did not believe, that
it would run its course without fatal
disorders; and he meant, In any case,
to keep America from the infection.
She was herself but “in a convales
cent state,” as he said, after her own
struggle. She was too observant still,
moreover, of European politics and
opinion, like a province rather than
like a nation —inclined to take sides
as if she were still a child of the Eu
ropean family, who had flung away
from her mother England to cling in
pique to an ancient fee.
Washington's first and almost single
object, at every point of policy, was to
make of the provincial states of the
Union a veritable nation, independent,
at any rate, and ready to be great
when its growth should coine, and its
self-knowledge. “Every true friend
to this country,” he said, at last “must
see and feel that the policy of it is
not to embroil ourselves with any na
tion whatever, but to avoid their dis
putes and their politics, and, if they
will harass one another, to avail our
selves of the neutral conduct we have
adopted. Twenty years’ peace, with
such an increase of population and re
sources as we have a right to expect,
added to our remote situation from the
jarring powers, will in all probability
enable us, in a just cause, to bld de
fiance to any power on earth;” and
such were his thought and purpose
from the first.
“I want an American character,” he
cried, “that the powers of Europe
may be convinced we act for our
selves, and not for others." He had
charge of a nation in the making, and
he meant it should form, under his
care, an independent character.
It was thus he proved himself no
sentimentalist, but a statesman. It
was stuff of his character, this pur
pose of independence. He would have
played a like part of self-respect for
himself among his neighbors on the
Virginia plantations; and he could
neither understand nor tolerate the
sentiment which made men like Jef
ferson eager to fling themselves into
European broils. Truly this man was
the American, the men about him
provincials merely, dependent still for
their life and thought upon the breath
of the Old World, unless, like Hamil
ton, they had been born and had stood
aloof, or, like Gouverneur Morris, had
divined Europe in her own capitals
with clear, unenamoured eyes.
Fortunately affairs could be held
steadily enough to a course of wise
neutrality and moderation at first,
while France's revolution wrought
only its work of internal overthrow
and destruction; and while things went
thus opinion began slowly to cod.
'Twas plain to be seen, as the months
went by, that the work being done in 1
France bore no real likeness at all to
the revolution in America; and wise
men began to see it for what it was, a ’
social distemper, not a reformation of i
government —effective enough as a ।
purge, no doubt; inevitable, perhaps; '
a cure of nature's own devising; but
by no means to be taken part in by a ’
people not likewise stricken, still free i
to choose. 1
At first Washington and a few men i
/the story or the first preswemx
BY THE PRfclSllfeENT—
^i|m in m u ikbv —n—ra irrir-TTTißnTrr—। — i —
of like Insight stood almost alone in ;
their cool self-possession. Every man
of generous spirit deemed it his mere
duty to extol the French, to join clubs
after their manner, In the name of the
rights of man, to speak everywhere in
praise of the revolution. But by the
time it became necessary to act—to
declare the position and policy of the
nation’s government towards France —
a sober second thought had come, and
Washington’s task was a little simpli
fied.
The measures already adopted by
the government, though well enough
calculated to render it strong, had not
been equally well planned to make it
popular. The power to tax, so jeal
ously withheld but the other day from
the Confederation, the new congress
had begun promptly and confidently
to exercise upon a great scale, not
only laying duties upon imports, the
natural resource of the general gov
ernment, but also imposing taxes upon
distilled spirits, and so entering the
fiscal field of the states.
Not only had the war debts of the
states been assumed, but a national
bank had been set up (1791), as if still
further to make the general govern
ment sure of a complete mastery in
the field of finance. Jefferson and Ran
dolph had fought the measure in the
cabinet, as many a moderate man had
fought it in congress, and Washington
had withheld his signature from it till
he should hear what they had to urge.
But he had sent their arguments to
Hamilton for criticism, and had ac
cepted his answer in favor of the
bank
Jefferson and Randolph had chal
lenged the measure on the ground that
It was without warrant in the Consti
tution, which nowhere gave congress
the right to create corporations, fiscal
or other. Hamilton replied that, be
sides the powers explicitly enumer
ated, the Constitution gave to congress
the power to pass any measure “nec
essary and proper” for executing those
set forth; that congress was itself left
to determine what might thus seem
necessary; and that if it deemed the
erection of a bank a proper means of
executing the undoubted financial pow
ers of the government, the constitu
tional question was answered.
By accepting such a view Washing
tion sanctioned the whole doctrine of
“implied powers,” which Jefferson
deemed the very annulment of a writ
ten and -explicit constitution. No
bounds, Jefferson believed, could be
set to the aggressive sweep of congres
sional pretension if the two houses
were to be given leave to do whatever
they thought expedient in exercising
their in any case great and command
ing powers. No man could doubt, in
the face of such measures, what the
spirit and purpose of Hamilton were,
or of the president whom Hamilton so
strangely dominated.
Opposition Is Strong.
Strong measures bred strong opposi
tion. When the first congress came
together there seemed to be no par
ties. in the country. All men seemed
agreed upon a fair and spirited trial
of the new Constitution. But an oppo
sition had begun to gather form before
its two years’ term was out; and in
the second congress party lines began
to grow definite —not for and against
the Constitution, but for and against
an extravagant use of constitutional
powers.
There was still a majority for the
principal measures of the administra
tion; but the minority had clearly be
gun to gather force both in the votes
and in the debates. The reaction was
unmistakable. Even Madison, Wash
ington’s stanch friend and intimate
counsellor, who had at first been his
spokesman in the house, began to
draw back—first doubted and then
opposed the policy of the treasury. He
had led the opposition to the bank,
and grew F more and more uneasy to
note the course affairs w’ere taking.
It looked as if the administration
were determined of set purpose to in
crease the expenses of the govern
ment, in order that they might add to
the loans, which were so acceptable
to influential men of wealth, and
double the taxes which made the pow
er of the government so real in the
eyes of the people. Steps were urged
to create a navy; to develop an army
with permanent organization and
equipment; and the president insisted
upon vigorous action at the frontiers
against the western Indians. This was
part of his cherished policy. It was
his way of fulfilling the vision that
had long ago come to him, of a nation
spreading itself down the western
slopes of the mountains and over all
the broad reaches of fertile land that
looked towards the Mississippi; but
to many a member of congress from
the quiet settlements in the east it
looked like nothing better than a waste
of men and of treasure.
Seemed Too Imperious.
The president seemed even a little
too imperious in the business: Would
sometimes come into the senate in no
temper to brook delay in the consid
eration and adoption of what he pro
posed in such matters. When things
went wrong through the fault of the
commanders heJtad sent to the fron
tier, he stormed in a sudden fury, as
sometimes in the old days of the war, I
THE BULLETIN, IRWINTON, GEORGIA.
scorning soldiers who must needs
blunder and fail. The compulsion of
his will grew often a little irksome to
the minority in congress; and the op
position slowly pulled itself together
as the months went bj' to concert a
definite policy of action.
Washington saw as plainly ss any
man what was taking place. He was
sensitive to the movements of opin
ion; wished above all things to have
the government supported by the peo
ple’s approval; was never weary of
writing to those who were in a posi
tion to know, to ask them what they
and their neighjprs soberly thought
about the questions and policies under
debate; was never so impatient as to
run recklessly ahead of manifest pub
lic opinion.
He knew how many men had been
repelled by the measures he had sup
ported Hamilton fa proposing; knew
that a reaction had set in; that even
to seem to repulse France and to re
fuse her aid or sympathy would sure
ly strengthen It. The men who were
opposed to his financial policy were
also the men who most loved France,
now she was mad with revolution
They were the men who dreaded a
strong government as a direct menace
to the rights alike of individuals and
of the separate states; the men who
held a very imperative philosophy of
separation and of revolt against any
too great authority. If he showed
himself cold towards France, he would
certainly strengthen them in their
charge that the new government
craved power and was indifferent to
the guarantees of freedom
But Washington's spirit was of the
majestic sort that keep a great and
hopeful confidence that the right view'
will prevail; that the “standard to
which the wise and honest will repair”
is also the standard to which the
whole people will rally at last, if it
be but held long and steadily enough
on high to be seen of all. When the
moment for action came he acted
promptly, unhesitatingly, as if in in
difference to opinion. The outbreak
of war between France and England
made it necessary he should let the
country know' what he meant to do.
“War having actually commenced
between France and Great Britain,” he
wrote to Jefferson in April, 1793, “it
behooves the government of this coun
try to use every means in its power
to prevent, the citizens thereof from
embroiling us with either cf those
powers, by endeavoring to. maintain
a strict neutrality. I therefore require
that you will give the subject mature
consideration, that such measures as
shall be deemed most likely to effect
this desirable purpose may be adopted
without delay. . . . Such other
measures as may be necessary for us
to pursue against events which it may
not be in our power to avoid or con
trol, you will also think cf. and lay
them before me at my arrival in Phil
adelphia; for which place I shall set
out tomorrow’.”
He was at Mount Vernon when he
dispatched these instructions; but it
did not take him long to reach the seat
of government, to consult his cabinet,
and to issue a proclamation of neu
trality whose terms no man could mis
take. It contained explicit threat of
exemplary action against any who
should presume to disregard it.
Genet Comes From France.
That very month (April, 1793) Ed
mond Charles Genet, a youth still in
his twenties whom the new republic
over sea had commissioned minister
to the United States, landed at
Charleston. It pleased him to take
possession of the country, as if it were
cf course an appanage of France. He
was hardly ashore before he had be
gun to arrange for the fitting out of
privateers, to issue letters of marque
to American citizens, and to author
ize French consuls at American ports
to act as judges of admiralty in the
condemnation of prizes.
As he journeyed northward to Phil
adelphia he was joyfully confirmed in
his views and purposes by his recep
tion at the hands of the people. He ,
was everywhere dined and toasted and
feted, as if he had been, a favorite
prince returned to his subjects. His
speeches by the way rang in a tone
of authority and patronage. He
reached Philadelphia fairly mad with
the sense of power, and had no con
ception of his real situation till he
stood face to face with the president.
Os that grim coutenance and cold
greeting there could be but one inter
pretation: and the fellow winced to
feel that at last he had come to a
grapple with the country’s govern
ment. It was, no doubt, in the eyes of
the sobering man, a strange and start
ling thing that then took place. The
country Itself had not fully known
Washington till then—or its own dig
nity either. It had deemed the proc
lamation of neutrality a party meas
ure, into which the president had been
led by the enemies of France, the par
tisans of England.
But the summer undeceived every
body, even Genet. Not content with
the lawless mischief he had set afoot
on the coasts by the commissioning
of privateersmen, that mad youth had ■
hastened to send agents into the south-
- and west to enlist men for armed ex- j
| pedit’ons against the Floridas and
against New Orleans, on the coveted
Mississippi; but his work was every
where steadily undone.
Neutrality Is Enforced.
Washington acted slowly, deliberate
ly even, with that majesty of self-con
trol, that awful courtesy and stillness
fa wrath, that had ever made him a
master to be feared in moments of
sharp trial. One by one the unlawful
prizes were seized; justice was done
upon their captors; the false admiralty
courts were shut up. The army of the
United States was made ready to
check the risings in the south and
west, should there be need; the com
plaints of the British minister were
silenced by deeds as well as by words;
the clamor of those who had wel
comed the Frenchman so like provin
cials was ignored, though for a season
it seemed the voice of the country it
self; and the humiliating work, which
ought never to have been necessary,
was at last made effective and com
plete.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
STORIES OF FAMOUS DISHES
Fifty Kams Into One Small Bottle — :
Famous Chef and His Dream
of Music.
i
Cookery, never prosaic, has its own ,
romances. Prosaic, on the other hand, ,
are those to whom Soubise merely
conveys a suggestion of glorified i
onions; Crecy, a soup of carrots; Col- ;
bert. a consomme with poached eggs. |
The entree or the farce with a
name is. however, the dish or flavor
ing with a history of its own. Al- j
though all are not as quaint and orig- ■
Inal as the famous story of Mme. de
Maintenon's curl papers and the cut
lets en papillotes which bear her
name, a story attaches itself to many |
of them.
Round the famous Soubise sauce it- ■
self the gossip of the kitchen has wov
en a romance. It was the cook of the
Prince de Soubise. says the London
Evening Standard, whose talent in
vented the famous sauce which we re
tain today, although Bertrand’s fash
ion of larding the glgot of mutton it |
accompanied has gone out of fashion.
The chef had his own princely ideas
on what kitchen economy in a prince’s
household should be. His master once ;
ordered him to prepare a menu for a
dainty little supper. He was a little
electrified to find that one item on the I
bill consisted of fifty hams. This al
lowance' when the supper was small
and select must have been a little as
tonishing even in those prtfdlgal days.
“Do you intend to feast my whole regi
ment —are you mad?” demanded Sou
bise of his cook.
Bertrand replied that he could, if he
chose, get the fifty hams into a glass •
bottle, like the genii in the “Arabian
Nights,” the bottle being no larger ;
than his thumb. Thus were flavorings
made in the kitchens of the great
chefs.
Sause a la Chambord. which is a ■
modern accompaniment to many fish .
dishes, has come to mean a sauce tast
ing of mushrooms, of crayfish and
truffles, and made of all these good
things with the addition of sweet
breads, sofe roes and other delicacies.
Originally, however. “Chambord"
merely Implied larded fish, and was
applied to carp in particular. When
Francois I. married his son to Cathe
rine de Medici hc-r Italian suite intro
duced the French chefs of the day to
many Florentine dishes, among them
being the fricandeau de veau, which
has remained a French dish ever
since. At Chambord. whose ponds :
like the famous one at Versailles,
teemed with historic carp, the idea
came to the Italian maitre de cuisine
to lard the fattened carp as well as
the calf, and “a la Chambord" soon
spread all over France.
Napoleon is said to have made the |
remark that more reconciliations and
happy arrangements were due to the
cook of his famous chancellor than to
the nonentities of the corps dipli
matique cf nations who thronged the
antechambers of the Tuileries. Cam
baceres was once the recipient on the
part cf the town of Geneva of a mon
ster trout caught in the lake, which
was at. that time famous for its fish, j
The trout and the sauce a la Gene
voise. which accompanied the gift,
cost, the municipality about 6,000 francs ;
which even fa those days cf reckless
prodigality was looked upon as a feast
fa culinary extravagance.
Filets de boeuf a la Montgolfier
have, as can be well understood, lest :
their prestige in those days of aero
plane, although no maker of flying ma
chines today seems to have had his
name coupled with beef or any other
filet. They were so named, however,
because the shape cf the filets when
dressed resembling balloons. Filets
de volatile a la Bellevue, as well as
other dishes named in the same way,
originated, or were supposed to do so.
at the Cheteau de Bellevue. Here it j
was that Mme. de Pompadour inaugu- ■
rated the “petits soupers du rol.” to ;
do honor to which her chef strained :
every nerve.
, English cookery, although far be- j
hind that cf France or Italy, has had i
its romances. It is related of a duke ;
of Beaufort, a century or more ago. ;
that he gained great reputation for;
his dinners. This was due to his Ital
ian chef, whose imagination and pow
ers of origination made him compose
many a cymphony in food. The chef
was also, in his own way. something
of a musician, and one night, so the
story goes, he went to hear one of
Donizetti's operas.
It was very late in the evening
when his master was aroused by a
knocking at his bedroom door. “It is
only I. Sig. Duca," the Italian is re
ported to have whispered. “I have
been dreaming of the music and have
I invented a sorbet. It shall be named
। the sorbet a la Donizetti, and I could
not resist coming to tell your grace.”
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His Principles.
"So that wretched old miser got bet
: ter after all.”
“Yes, he rallied as soon as he heard
that the price of funerals was going
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Too Candid an Agreement.
"Lovers are prone to self-deprecia-
I tlon,” said he tenderly, as they sat
j looking at the stars. “I do not under
stand what you see fa me that you
I love so much.”
"That’s what everybody says," gur
! gled the ingenuous maiden.
Then the silence became so deep
that you could hear the stars twink
ling.
No. SIX-SIXTY-SIX
This is a prescription prepared es
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Exact Statement
Some one has said that the man
who laughs is the man who is secure
in superior information, wisdom, wit
or sophistry. The naivete of the Su
dani supplies plenty of food for this
i kind of laughter.
There is the story of a telegraph
clerk fa an out-lying district of the
White Nile who, finding the desolation
upon his nerves, telegraphed to head
quarters: “Cannot stay here; am in
danger cf life; am surrounded by
lions, elephants and wolves.”
The hard-hearted operator at the
other end wired back: ‘’There are no
wolves in the Suran.”
He received a second wire: "Re
ferring my wire 16th. cancel wolves."
—Youth Companion.
New Name for Bungalow.
A carpenter contractor had been fig
uring on a small house for a prosper
ous European-American workman th
an outlying district. "Come up to my
office,” he said to the prospective pa
tron, "and we will look over soma
plans in a book I have.” The young
man came to ths office and spent
seme time looking over the plans with
I the contractor, who finally inquired:
“Have you thought anything about the
kind of a place you wish to build?
What do you think of a nice cottage?"
“I do' know,” replied the young man,
“but I think maybe we lika have nice
; bunghole.”—Youngstown Telegram.
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9IU BUSINESS or SHORTHAND Cours.
INDIVIDUAL INSTRUCTION
By the Proprietors in person. Catalog mailed FRBB.
THE OLD RELIABLE
FRICK ENGINES
and the best Steel Wire Cable Saw Mill on
earth. Also large Engines and Boilers sup-
ZTZX 4 a piied ver yx
promptly
Circular
Saws. Engines and Mill
kgy Repairs, all kinds of Patent
Dogs, Steam Governors, Corn Mills, Feed
Mills, Grain Separators, Saw Teeth. Locks.
Mill Supplies, and all kinds of machinery.
SEND FOR CATALOG ■
AVERY & CO., 61-53 S. Forsjth St, Atlanta, G*
