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TRENCH & CAMP ”F'
Published weekly at the National Camps and Cantonments for the soldiers of the
United States.
National Readquarters
Room 504, Pnlltxer BoUdtnc
Now York City
JOHN STEWART BRYAN
Chairman of Advisory Board of Co-operating Publishers
Camp and Location Newspaper Publisher
Camp Beauregard, Alexandria, La New Orleans Times Picayune., D. D. Moore
Camp Bowie, Fort Worth, Texas Fort Worth Star Telegram Amon C. Carter
Carlstrom Aviation Field, Arcadia, Fla. Tampa Times D. B. MeKay
Camp Cody, Deming, N. Mex El I’aso Herald H. D Slater
Camp Custer, Battle Creek, Mich Battle Croek Enquirer-News. ...’. A. L Miller
Camp Devens, Ayer, Mass Boston Globe Charles H. Taylor, Jr.
Camp Dlx. Wrightstown, N. J Trenton Times James Korney
Camp Doniphan, Fort BUI, 0k1a.......0k1ah0ma City Oklahoman E. K. Gaylord
Camp Forrest. Chickamauga. Ga Chattanooga (Tenn.) Times H. C. Adler
Camp Fremont, Palo Alto. Col San Francisco Bulletin B. A Crothers
Camp Funston, Fort Riley, Kan.. Topeka State Journal Frank P. MacLennan
Camp Gordon, Atlanta. Ga Atlanta Constitution Clark Howell
Camp Grant, Rockford, Hl ....The Chicago Dally News Victor F. Lawson
Camp Greene, Charlotte. N. C Charlotte Observer W. P. Sullivan
Camp Hancock, Augusta, da Augusta Herald .Bowdre Phlnlxy
Camp Jackson. Columbia, B. C Columbia State W. W. Ball
Camp Johnston, Jacksonville, Fla -Jacksonville Times-Union ,‘ W. A. Elliott
Camp Kearny, Linda Vista, Ca1....... .Los Angeles Times .....Harry Chandler
Camp Lee. Petersburg, Vs ....Richmond News Leader ..John Stdwart Bryan
Camp Lewis, Tacoma, Wash ...Taeoma Tribune / F. S. Baker
Camp Logan, Houston. Texas Houston Post ~ Gough J. Palrrier
Camp McArthur, Waco, Texas Waco Morning News .Charles R Marsh
Camp McClellan. Anniston. Ala Birmingham (Ala.) News Victor H. Hanson
Camp Meade, Admiral, Md .....Wash., D. C.. Evening Star Fleming Newbold
Camp Pike, Little Rock. Ark Arkansas Democrat Elmer E. Clarke
Camp Bevier, Greenville, B. C Greenville Dally News B. H. Peace
Camp Bhelby, Hattiesburg, Mias New Orleans Item .James M Thomson
Camp Sheridan. Montgomery. Ala Montgomery Advertiser....,,, 0. H. Allen
Camp Eachary Taylor, Louisville, Ky.-Louisville Courier Journalßruce Haldeman
Camp Travis, San Antonio, Texas....)- m o r,<
Kelly Field and Camp Stanley J Ran Antonio Light Charles B. Diehl
Camp Upton. Yaphank, L. L, N. Y.... Macon Telegraph..... W. T. Anderson
Camp Whonlnr, Macon. Ga., ....New York World ......Don C. Salta
Charleston Naval Station Charleston News and Courier ,R. C. Siegllng
Pubtlshed under the au*ptce« of the National War Work Council, Y. M. C. A- of the
United State*, with the co-operation ol*the above named publisher* and papers.
BOY—MAN—SOLDIER
By GOUGH J. PALMER
Publisher of the Houston Poet, Houston, Texas
"1 am so thankful that I can fight,
knowing my loved ones are across the
seas, far from danger, though my
every effort is for their safety.
An expression of a soldier about to
start for overseas.
Only yesterday he was a boy, with
a boy's love of pleasure, a boy’s care
free disregard for obligations to any
one or anything even fairly remote
from the object of his immediate
pleasure or happiness.
This morning he heard his coun
try’s call and became a man, dropping
reluctantly in many instances the
pleasures and anticipations of youth
to assume the burdens of a man. To
become a part of a big organization to
prepare for war. To lose his ideality,
to do drudgery, to chafe under the
monotony of camp life, to serve a gov
ernment to him impersonal to fight an
enemy to him unknown and uninter
esting. To take this step required
every element of manhood—much that
is lacking in many men more mature
in years.
To say that the American flag
means more to the American people
today than it lias ever meant before
Is no reflection upon their patriotism.
It is a simple statement of fact. It
follows, therefore, that Flag Day,
iane 14, will mean more this year than
: has meant since the observance of
the anniversary was instituted.
For the fi,'«t time in American
history. Old Glory is waving on Eu
ropean battlefields. It follows, there
fore, that the American flag means
more to Europe than it has ever meant
before.
To the Teutonic hosts, and particu
larly to the Teutonic rulers, the Stars
and Stripes have a new meaning. Be
fore the war the flag symbolized a free
people, with immense natural re
sources, great wealth and certain, mis
understood ideals of government. To
the Teutonic mind it was inconceiv
able that forty-eight commonwealths,
federated as the United States, could
ever be a powerful nation, ac power,
wes reckoned by European rulers.’
Kaiser Wilhelm is credited with thei
statement that America’s power was
negligible because America was a real
democracy.
This same view had been taught by
Prussian propagandists. Their teach
ings had reached the ears of President
Wilson and, months before war was
declared by the United States, he said:
“Men are saying that if we should go
to war upon either side there would
be a divided America—an abominable
libel of ignorance F*
Forty-eight stars in the flag did
mean forty-eight commonwealths. Yet
there was but one flag! And It was
the significance of that which escaped
the minds of the Kaiser and his coun
sellors. They knew that the forty
?<ght states were not vassal states and
they could not understand the
strength of the tie that bound them,
for the Prussian mind had been nur
tured upon the doctrine of force.
To the Prussian mind the forty
eight stars meant experimental de
mocracy. Each state wanted to be
represented in the national emblem;
each state asserted its autonomy.
Therefore there could be no com
posite whole. The experiment in de
mocracy was idealistic, Utopian, and
the symbolism was proper because a
federation so loosely conceived was
Page 6
At noon today he is a “SOLDIER,”
ready to fight, happy in his knowledge
that his loved ones are safe across the
seas. He no longer is working for his
government—but fighting for his loved
ones—for his home and his country
with a new knowledge of the meaning
of freedom. He no longer looks upon
the enemy as unknown, but as a liv
ing, breathing menace to all that he
holds dear in life. He is a soldier with
a purpose, a soldier with knowledge
of methods and causes of war—a vital
part of an inspired force that cannot
be defeated.
There is left but the night of sus
pense while he is battling over there,
and then the glorious dawn of tomor
row with victory for a free World.
The fame of those who return and the
glory of those who give up their lives
will live through the ages.
Just now, however, we can but gaze
in wonder and pride at the wonderful
transition of the boy, the man and the
soldier.
FLAG DAY
unquestionably the product of minds
so impracticable that they were soar
ing towards the stars!
The American ideal was high—as
high as the stars, if you will—but no
ideal is to be condemned because of
its great reaches.
The day of testing came. Democ
racy was at the cross roads. And
again the Kaiser was sitown to have
made a miscalculation. Some years
before he had calculated on the disin
tegration of the British Empire be
cause it had bound its dominions only
by cords of loyalty. Yet when Britain
in her distress called to tbe dominions
in the uttermost parts of the earth,
the flower of the manhood of those
colonics came forward eagerly, joy
ously. And what a record they have
writtear!
So with America! Ten millions of
her men went to the booths and reg
istered for service, for the ultimate
sacrifice if necessary. They went
with no other compulsion than the ex
pressed will of the Federal Govern
ment.
Today no home in the land has es
caped the claims of war. No home in
the land is without its share, in the
sacrifices. Old Glory floats to the
breeze and with it a companion flag,
the service symbol. Is it any wonder
that the national flag means more to
day than in the days of ease and care
free prosperity?
Never was there ench a united
America. Today there b no North
and no Sooth. It is one nation, indi
visible, with a flag whose forty-eight
stars must preach their true symbol
even to those in the palace at Posdam.
The flag floats in the breezes of the
battlefield, proclaiming to our strug
gling Allies that all the resources of
America, in materials, money and
men, are pledged to victory. The red
stripes tell the extent of America’s
preparedness to sacrifice, the blood of
her finest sons shall be shed. The
white stripes tell the world, Allies and
enemies as well, of the purity of Amer
ica’s motives, that ene battles for
righteousness, and with no thought of
erifish gain but only that the world
may be made safe for democracy in
which she experimented and of which
she is the chief exponent.
"Then conquer we must, when
our cause it u just, and this be
our motto, ‘Ln God b our trust.’ **
TRENCH AND CAMP.
Two German Writers Prove
Kaiser Started World War
People of the Teutonic powers are gradually being undeceived.
Right on the heels of the “Dear Sixtus” letter of Emperor Charles
of Austria-Hungary, came the revelations by Prince Lichnowsky l
who was the German ambassador in England at the outbreak ot
the war. /
These revelations werj? written for a family record so that
when the judgment of another generation had determined ths
guilt in the present war, Prince Lichnowsky would be seen to have
been the helpless tool of a grasping bureaucracy. But the private
papers came to public notice. The people learned the truth.
After the publication of his confessions, W. Miihlon, formerly
a Krupp director, but now a resident of Switzerland, published
some further facts of the German policy.
The so-called Potsdam conference did take place. As early aS
July 5, 1914, Germany had decided upon war.
Yet the German people were told Britain was the aggressor
and that Germany did not take the sword, it was thrust upon her !
Later Former Foreign Minister von Jagow confirmed the
Lichnowsky statement and practically exculpated England.
In view of all this, what is going on in the German mind ? For
nearly four years he has been deceived. Now he knows he was de*
ceived and that his government lied, the clergy lied and the
Pecksniffian Emperor was the father of lies.
Miles behind the battle lines, in as great safety as he demands
for his six sons, the Emperor viewed the great panorama of the
Western drive —using, oi course, the most powerful telescope h<
could steal—for it probably was one of the glasses taken durind
the Chinese campaign. Then he caused tears to fill his eyes an<
cried out: “What have I not done to avoid all this!”
The answer is nothing. For here is the record: /
DR. MUHLON:
“I knew Dr. Helfferich's par
ticularly intimate relations with
the personages who were Sure
to be initiated, and I knew that
his communication was trust
worthy. After my return from
Berlin I informed Dr. Krupp von
Bohlen end Halbecb, one of
whoso directors I than was at
Essen. Dr. Helfferich'had given
me permission, and at the time
there was an intention of mak
ing him a director of Kropps’.
“Dr. von Bohlen seemed dis
turbed that Dr. Helfferich was
in possession of such informa
tion, and he made the remark
to the effect that Government
people can never keep their
mouths shut.
The Kaiser had told him he
would declare war immediately
if Russia mobilized, and that
this time people should see that
he would not vacillate. The
Kaiser's repeated inalstence that
this time nobody would be able
to accuse him of indecision had,
he said, been almost comic in its
effect.
"Ou the very day indicated to
mo by Helfferich, the Austrian
ultimatum to Servia appeared.
At this time I was again in Ber
lin, and I told Helfferich that I
regarded the tone and contents
of the ultimatum as simply mon
otrons. . . On this occa
sion Helfferich also said to me
that the Kaiser had goije on his
northern cruise only as a blind.
He had not arranged the cruise
on the usual extensive scale, but
was remaining close at hand and
keeping in constant touch. The
Austrians, who, of course, did
not expect the ultimatum to be
accepted, were really acting rap
idly before the other Powers
could find time to interfere. The
Deutsche Rank had already made
its arrangements so os to be pre
pared for all eventualities
“Since the first days of 1917
I have abandoned all hope as
regards the present directors of
Germany. Our offer of peace,
without indicating our war-aims,
the accentuation of the sub
marine (far. the deportation of
the Belgians, the systematic de
stractions in France, and the
torpedoing of English hoepital
slifps, have so degraded the gov
ernors of the German Empire
that I am pro'oundly convinced
they are dlsquctifiod forever for
the elaboration ■nd conclusion of
a sincere and jnst agreement. . .
The German people will not be
able to repair the grievous
crimes committed against its own
present and future, and against
that of Europe and the whole
human race, until it is repre
sented by different men with a
different mentality. ... As
a nian and as « German who de
sires nothing but the welfare of
the deceived and tortured Ger
man people, I turn away defi
nitely from the present represen
tatives of the German regime.’’
CONSCIENCE CONDEMNS THE LIAR, BUT KULTUR C 0&
DEMNS ONLY THE LIAR WHO HEEDS HIS CON-*
SCIENCE AND CONFESSES
JUNE 12. ,
PRINCE LICHNOWSKY:
“I learned that at the decisive
conversation at Potsdam on July
5 the inquiry addressed to us
Vienna found absolute assent
among all the personages in au
thority; indeed, they added that
there would be no harm if a war
with Russia were to result. So,
at any rate, it is stated in the
Austrian protocol, which Count
Mensdorff (Austrian Ambassa
dor) received in London. /
“My London mission wax
wrecked not by the perfidy of
the British but by the perfidy of
our own policy. ... I bad
to support in London a policy \
which I knew to be fallacious. ■
I was paid out, tor It was a sin
agaipst t)>e Holy Ghost. . . . i
We pressed for war. We delib* I
eratcly destroyed the possibility'
of a peaceful settlement. . . \
Sir Edward Grey, throughout
the whole of the negotiations,
never took open sides with Rus- \
sia or France in order that ho /
might not supply any pretext for
a conflict. That pretext was sup* \
plied later by a dead Archduke. I
“As appears from all official
publications, without the facts
being controverted by our own l
White Book, which, owing to its
poverty and gaps, constitutes a j
grave self-accusation: /
“1. We encourage Count
Berchtold (the Austrian Foreign ;
Minister) to attack Servia, al- !
though no German interest was
involved, and the danger of a
world-war must have been 1
known to us—whether we knew /
the text of the ultimatum is a
question of complete indiffer- I
encc. I
“2. In the days between July
S 8 and July 30, 1014, when Mr.
Sazonoff (the Russian Foreign /
Minister) emphatically declared
that Russia could not tolerate an
attack upon Servia, we rejected j
the British proposals of media- /
tion although Servia, under
Il'igsian and British pressure,
had accepted almost the whole )
ultimatum, and although an
agrecmenUabcut the two points
in question could easily have 1
been reached, and Count Bench- I
told (the Austrian Foreign Min- I
istcr) was even ready to satisfy
himself with the Servian reply. 1
“3. On July SO, when Count I
Berchtold wanted to give way,
we, without Austria having been .
attacked, replied to Russia’s j
mere mobilization by sending an '
ultimatum to St. Petersburg, and ,
on July 31 we declared war on
the Russians, although the Czar
had pledged his word tltat as )
long as negotiations continued /
not a man should march—so that
we deliberately destroyed the
possibility of a peaceful settle
ment. I
“In view of these indisputable
facts. It is not surprising that y
the whole civilized world outside
Germany attributes to us the
sole guilt for the world-war.’’