Newspaper Page Text
—WEEKLY NEWS ANALYSIS
British to Adopt id.S. Arms'
U.S. Agrees to Disarmament;
Scotch World Food Proposal
Released by Western Newspaper Union
rniTOB’S NOTE: When opinions are expressed In
; E .?Um Newspaper Union, new, analyst, and not ‘fh?. V.V&V.r?*
Pickets at Allis-Chalmers plant at Milwaukee, Wis., tip over work
ers’ car as deputy sheriffs attempt to check act. (See LABOR.)
BRITISH ARMS:
Adopt U. S. Pattern
Close U. S. and British relations,
first fostered toward the turn of
the last century with the recognition
of British naval strength in the At
lantic as a defensive bulwark, have
been knitted even more firmly with
Britain’s decision to adopt Amer
ican patterns for land, air and naval
weapons.
Back of the move was the growing
political unanimity of the two coun
tries, already intimately bound by
close racial, social and economic
ties. Together they stand for away
of life spread over the width of
the globe by British enterprise and
now supported by U. S. diplomatic
and military might.
Practically, standardization of U.
S. and British weapons will permit
the British to purchase arms in this
country in case of a future emer
gency without the need for redesign
ing American productive facilities.
At the same time, it will allow for
the manufacture of American type
weapons in such British outposts as
Australia and New Zealand, where
the U. S. will have ready sources of
supply for Pacific operations.
Ten years may be required to com
plete the conversion of British arms
to American standards, with rifles,
cartridges, mortars, artillery and
naval guns undergoing change.
U. N.:
In Accord
The U. S. and Russia came off all
even in their first swap at the United
Nations assembly in
New York. If any
li||| thing, the U. S. got
-Ml the better of the ex
p|; Ip change as Delegate
I PP Warren R. Austin
''-lIP of Vermont conduct
ec* himself with a
gentlemanly reserve
that contrasted with
F° re ig n Minister
Molotov’s vitriol.
Warren R. Molotov was the
Austin ' first to speak, call
ing for internation
al disarmament, a report on the
number of allied troops in non-en
emy states, retention of the veto
power of the Big Five in the security
council. He bitterly attacked U. S.
and British imperialists, headed by
Winston Churchill, for seeking world
domination.
Ignoring Molotov’s political
charges, Austin entered into a dis
cussion of the proposals raised by
the Russian:
If the Russians wanted interna
tional disarmament, the U. S. would
gladly oblige, provided an adequate
system of inspection and other safe
guards would be established to guar
antee fulfillment of the program. Aft
er the last war, Austin recalled, the
U S. accepted the principle of dis
armament but remained alone in
carrying it out.
If the Russians desired a report
on the number of Allied troops in
non-enemy states, the U. S. sug
gested that the check be extended to
former enemy countries as well.
(Such an all conclusive report would
provide the world with an adequate
estimate of Russian troop strength
behind the iron curtain, said by
Churchill to total 200 divisions.)
If the Russians opposed a modi
fication of the veto power at this
hme, the U. S. also was against re
vision of the U. N. charter. How
ever, the U. S. hoped that the Big
Mve could get together in the fu
ture to modify the veto in the case
°, Peaceful settlement of disputes,
although retaining it on the question
of applying force.
This Boy’s No Pansy
In a city of quaint characters,
1 irnrny Galvin, 13, of Washing
ton, l> c., more than holds his
own,
A rugged, two-fisted little
naan, Jimmy refuses to have his
" a *r cut despite playmates’
teasing over his beautiful gold
en tresses. When their ribbing
j ecomes too annoying, Jimmy
sla Ps them down. No sissy, Jim
; fpy likes fotoball and baseball.
FAO:
U. S. Backs Down
Having heartily endorsed a plan
of the United Nations Food and Ag
riculture Organization at Copen
hagen, Denmark, for distribution of
food to needy countries at bargain
prices, the U. S. repudiated its posi
tion as an FAO commission met in
Washington, D. C., to work out de
tails of the project.
Under the plan, FAO would have
purchased food from surplus pro
ducing countries out of a revolving
fund contributed by member na
tions. When the world price for food
would have gone above a predeter
mined level, then FAO would have
sold its reserves to needy buyers at
the lower figure.
In rejecting the plan, Undersec
retary of Agriculture Norris E.
Dodd expressed doubt that FAO
could achieve its objective under
present conditions. Instead, Dodd
suggested that the problem of future
farm surpluses and marketings
could best be solved through a sys
tem of international commodity ar
rangements.
LABOR:
Militant
Police were hard put to maintain
order at the Allis-Chalmers tractor
plant at Milwaukee, Wis., as strik
ing pickets of the CIO-United Auto
mobile Workers bucked a back to
work movement of over 3,000 em
ployees. As violence mounted, the
number of returning workers was
cut in half.
As militant pickets turned over
cars attempting to enter the plant,
clashed with returning workers
and hurled stones at company win
dows, county and suburban police
were compelled to appeal to Mil
waukee authorities for reenforce
ments. Over 200 of Milwaukee’s fin
est were sent to the plant, but
even so the enlarged police detail
encountered difficulty holding the
strikers in check.
Allis-Chalmers remained adamant
against granting UAW a closed shop
as the strike entered its seventh
month. While agreeing to check off
union dues with workers’ permission,
the company stood out against
compromise on compelling em
ployees to join the UAW.
WORLD TRADE:
Hit British Pact
The U. S. state and treasury de
partments joined in objecting to the
recently concluded British-Argentine
trade pact, with American officials
feeling that provisions of the treaty
violated promises Britain made in
obtaining a 3.75 billion dollar loan
from this country.
State department objections cen
tered around Britain’s agreement to
purchase 83 per cent of Argentine
beef the first year and 78 per cent
annually thereafter. Officials de
clared that such provisions as in
corporated in trade pacts with Can
ada, New Zealand and Australia as
well as Argentina tended to restrict
world trade as advocated by the
U. S.
The treasury protested against the
clause restricting Argentina’s use of
blocked sterling balances in world
trade. Blocked sterling balances
represent the credits owing Argen
tina for goods and services provid
ed Britain during the war. Britain
agreed to release some of Argen
tina’s sterling balances for use in
world trade only if she buys more
from the United Kingdom and asso
ciated countries than she sells
them.
THE HOUSTON HOME JOURNAL. PERRY, GEORGIA
ANOTHER STRIKE WAVE
WASHINGTON. Only two labor
leaders have let the cat out of the
bag but around Christmas the na
tion will face its greatest strike
wave in History.
Most labor leaders are not talk
ing about this before election, for
fear of hurting the chances of their
particular congressional candidates,
j Not so John L. Lewis, head of the
Mine Workers and Walter Reuther,
head of the powerful CIO Auto I
Workers.
Despite the fact that Lewis had
demanded the end of meat control
end wage stabilization; despite the
} fact that the AFL went on record
for the end of all controls, AFL and
CIO leaders held a series of secret
huddles after Truman’s meat
I speech to decide on a new wage
j policy. Most of them agreed to soft
I pedal strikes for the moment and
I see what happened to the price
structure.
However, Lewis, who wants to
be president of AFL, and Reuther,
who wants to be president of the
CIO, would not hold back.
• * •
SPANISH WAR SURPLUS
As if there weren’t enough
headaches in disposing of sur
plus goods from this war, War
Assets administration recently
had to unload some ancient
horse-drawn ambulances used
in the Spanish-American war.
The problem finally was
solved by removing the wheels
and painting the bodies in deli
cate pastel tints. Presto the
relics were converted into gay
cabanas and bathing shelters
for seashore resorts. They sold
like hotcakes.
* * *
CHURCHILL FUMES
Winston Churchill is getting more
and more irked over reports that he
is the member of the Big Three
chiefly responsible for sabotaging
a democratic peace.
Originally, Churchill had planned
to take plenty of time writing his
memoirs, spinning them out in
three volumes to be finished about
three years hence. Now, however,
friends say he wants to put out a
quick short volume to answer
critics. This book would deal with
some of the Big Three conferences,
especially Teheran.
Churchill’s critics have blamed
him for the spheres of influence
agreed upon at Teheran, following
which Russia took over most of the
Balkans, while England took over
Greece.
Churchill’s friends, on the other
hand, claim that actually he was
vigorously opposed to these spheres |
of influence and threw the Atlantic i
charter in Roosevelt’s face. Stalin, i
however, replied that Britain could
have her own sphere of influence,
and in the end Roosevelt cast his
weight with Stalin.
Whether this or Elliott Roosevelt’s
version is true, remains to be seen.
However, it is interesting that the
Harry Hopkins inspired stories in j
the Saturday Evening Post imme- j
diately after Teheran dwelt heavily j
! on the fact that Roosevelt decided |
to cast his lot with the Russians. If j
correctly interpreted, that decision l
I has now backfired.
♦ * •
SHE WASN’T FROM MISSOURI
Kate Smith was so excited she
lost her hat and almost forgot
her gloves when she called at
the White House to launch the
Community Chest drive and to
give President Truman the orig
inal copy of the Community
Chest’s new march, “The Red
Feather.’’ It was composed by
Maj. George Howard of the
army band, who accompanied
her.
“Gee, it’s great to be home
again, Mr. President,” said
Miss Smith once she got to the
White House, gloves and all.
“You know, I am a native
Washingtonian.”
“Well, I’m mighty glad to
hear that,” grinned Truman.
“It’s a rare occasion when you
find a native Washingtonian in
Washington any more. They tell
me about everybody here is
from Missouri.”
• ♦ ♦
NAZIS ARE STILL NAZIS
Col. Bernard Bernstein, ex-finan
cial adviser to General Eisenhower
at SHAEF, has just returned from
his first tour of Germany since he ;
retired from the army. Bernstein, |
who strongly urged denazification of J
Germany, talked with many Ger
mans in Berlin after Secretary of
State Byrnes’ Stuttgart speech in
which he pledged a reunited Ger
many.
Bernstein reports that Nazis are
still Nazis.
• • *
MERRY-GO-ROUND
Credit the army with a forthright
stand on post-exchange money. It is
turning 22 million dollars of post
exchange profits back to the treas- j
ury. The fund could have been kept '
I by the army for its own uses, but
Secretary Patterson ruled other
wise. . . . Unless too many north
j erners endorse it first, the new nov-
I el, “Night Fire,” should be well re
ceived in the South. The author, Ed
ward Kimbrough, a Southerner,
writes of the South’s dilemma over 1
! social traditions.
!
iHi t ▼ Ail |v p] rll a |WK bm v I r • ■rffin
lU. S. Awaits Russian Game at
Foreign Ministers’ Parley
By BAUKHAGE
News Analyst and Commentator.
WNU Service, 1616 Eye Street, N.W.,
Washington, D, C.
UNITED NATIONS, N. Y.—Of
course this dateline isn’t official,
since .
ing, at Flushing, Baukhage
N. Y., and the
headquarters of the security coun
cil, miles away at Lake Success.
The broadcasting booth in which
I sit looks right down on the first
row of delegates, the United King
dom under my chin, United States
next, then Uruguay, then Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics. Senator
Austin, the white-haired and digni
fied head of our delegation, sits on
the end seat. Foreign Minister Mo
lotov, who has deputy delegate Vi
shinsky on his right, the transla
tor, then Ambassador Gromyko on
his left, sits about in the middle of
his crowd.
The two groups represent clash
ing ideologies, conflicting ideas. But
neither wears a steel helmet or car
ries a tommy gun. They are in
peaceful conflict to avoid conflict.
Force Reds’
Hand at Paris
Even the most cynical now admit
that the Paris meetings served to
reveal what the Russian objective
was and temporarily, at least,
I Byrnes was able to block that ob
jective. It was plain from the be
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V. M. Molotov (left) and Andrei Vishinsky, Russia’s two top dip
lomats, lead Soviet delegation at U. N. parley.
ginning that Russia had one nega
tive purpose and that was to pre
vent any conclusive action regard
ing the situation in Europe which
she could not dictate. Chaos, if not
time, fought on her side.
As the negotiations continued,
however, slowly out of the mists
along the Volga another shape be
came visible. It was the materializa
tion of one phase of the divide and
conquer principle. In this csse it
was the open bid for German sym
pathy which Russia hoped would
turn the Gerrhans in the American,
British and French zones away
from those countries and toward
Russia. Although it was Russia it
self which prevented the economic
unification of Germany (plus Com
munistic influences in France and
French fears) it was Russia which
suddenly offered the grandiose plan
of a unified Germany with a hint
at a rectification of the eastern fron
tier at the expense of Poland. This
sensational suggestion burst over
Europe and the conference like a
thunderbolt, but thanks to the quick
action of Byrnes it proved a boom
erang. Byrnes knew what to shoot
at and he shot.
The Wallace incident which for
24 hours threatened to cut Byrnes’
support from under him fortu
nately had just the opposite effect.
Byrnes insisted on repudiation of
Wallace by the President and got
it. Then Byrnes took the stump,
showed that American policy would
give Germany everything that the
Russian plan would give her and
made it clear that the question of
the eastern frontier might well be
| opened with the United States sym
pathetic toward a revision of the
boundary to the advantage of Ger
many.
Thus, in a lightning flash Russia’s
policy was illuminated and imme-
BARBS . . . by Baukhage
You can even get coffee in the
press bar—if you want it.
• * •
When Representative Sol Bloom,
member of the American delegation,
was first to arrive at the U.N. as
se.uoly meeting he said; “I have
seven million constituents and they
all want tickets—that's why I left
j home early.”
diately blocked. The question now
remains as to what line of approach
the Russians have decided upon, if
any. In the meeting of the assem
bly they tried to continue their
obstructionist tactics.
The real test will come in the for
eign ministers’ conclave at New
York.
There is a considerable element
in the United States, by no means
entirely composed of convinced
Communists or their more hesitant
fellow-travelers, which believes with
former Secretary of Commerce
Wallace that the United States can
pursue some middle-of-the-road pol
icy and that East and West can thus
move together without friction. There
is no question, however, that the
task that Secretary Byrnes has set
out for himself admits of no ap
peasement.
Draw Line on
Soviet Expansion
There have been a long series of
books by experts and others, telling
just what is wrong with our foreign
policy and what might have been
done or might be done to improve
it. William Bullitt tried in a book
(already mentioned in these col
umns) to show that Russia’s dreams
of empire are nothing new, that
the Soviets are merely taking up
where the Czars left off. More
recently Louis Fischer has come
along with his “Great Challenge.”
Edgar Ansel Mowrer, reviewing
this book in the Saturday Review of
Literature, says that “if Henry Wal
lace had read and understood this
book, he would not . . . “push a
completely unrealistic policy of ap
peasement of Soviet Russia.” Mow
rer probably would be the last per
son to claim that he was prejudiced
in favor of the Soviet rule but he
is certainly familiar with his sub
ject and his comment is worth con
sideration. As for Fischer, he laughs
at the idea put forth by the Russo- j
philes that all we have to do is to
assure Russia of her security, re
move her suspicions and fears of
democracy, and then she will march
shoulder to shoulder with the rest
oft us. Fischer says Russia’s be
havior is explained not by fear of
attack but by certainty that she will
not be attacked. This belief seems
to be back of the American action
here today. It is to be hoped that
during the negotiations at Lake Suc
cess, Russia’s more specific objec
tives will be revealed as they were
in Paris. Fischer claims that
“Russia is not afraid and not sus
picious for two clear reasons: The
British empire is in decline and on
the defensive; America rushed from
victory to headlong psychological
and military demobilization.’’ If
that is true then it must be made
very clear to the Soviets that re
gardless of what we may think
about the decline of the British em
pire and America’s sharp reaction
against military activity, there is
nevertheless a line beyond which
Russian expansion will not be al
lowed to go. It is to be hoped
that line already has been reached.
The necessity, however, is to make
it very clear to both the American
public and the Russian government
that this point has been reached.
Since it is admitted that Russia can
not and does not want to fight, it is
not a question of war.
It is expected that the pin-prick
ing policy by Yugoslavia will con
tinue. At this writing further ef
forts to obtain control of the Dar
danelles are limited to name-call
ing in the Russian press. It must
also be remembered that when the
United States put its foot down and
Russia saw that it would not pay
to go farther, Tito could go into re
verse.
The one-time leader of the Silver
shirts went from jail to a hospital.
Probably to remove some alien mat
ter in his head.
♦ • •
Winston Churchill is suing Louis
Adamic, author of “Dinner at the
White House,” for libel. Apparently
Winny thinks dinner is one place
where a man can say a mouthful.
IMPROVED
UNIFORM INTERNATIONAL
SUNDAY I
chool Lesson
n.v HAROLD L. LUNDQUIST, D. D.
Of The Moody Bible Institute of Chicago.
Released by Western Newspaper Union.
Lesson for November 17
Lesson subjects and Scripture texts se
lected and copyrighted by International
Council of Religious Education: used by
permission.
PAUL MINISTERS TO
THE THESSALONIANS
LESSON TEXT—Acts 17:1-7; I Thessa
lonians 1:2-8.
MEMORY SELECTION—Re not weary In
welldoing.—ll Thessalonians 3:13.
A great city, commercially active,
religious to a high degree, a military
center and a harbor so fine that it
is important to this day—such was
the city of Thessalonica. It presented
a challenge to the preachers of the
gospel and, in the name of Christ,
Paul accepted and won a great vic
tory.
In the face of persecution, bitter
and persistent, the believers in this
city remained faithful. The reason
for that appears in our lesson. Root
ed and grounded in Christ, they
had brought forth the fruit of real
Christian living under circumstances
which were difficult and trying. Our
lesson tells of both the preaching
of the gospel by Paul and the living
of the gospel by the Thessalonians.
I. The Gospel Preached—Accept
ed and Rejected (Acts 17:1-7).
Paul began his long and success
ful ministry in Thessalonica in
the synagogue. It was to the Jews
who worshiped the one true God
that he came with his message
about their expected Messiah
Christ the Lord. Here he estab
lished a strong church.
What was the message which so
signally succeeded in this great
strategic center? Well, it was not
(as some modern preachers in
large cities seem to think nec
essary) a series of social, politi
cal, or literary discourses. Paul
preached Christ. He reasoned with
them and presented the Saviour (v.
3) as One who was
1. Dead for our sin. These people
were like us in that they needed a
solution for their sin problem.
Without the death of Christ there
is no salvation for any man. Only
through the shedding of blood can
there be remission of sin (Heb.
9:22). Paul had no part in the folly
of a “bloodless gospel’’ as though
there were any such gospel.
2. Raised for our justification. It
was not enough that Jesus died,
marvelous as that is in our sight.
For many a man has died for his
convictions, but none has risen
from the dead. Christ could not
be holden of the grave. He arose
the victorious Redeemer.
3. Declared to be the Christ. He
is more than a man, more than a
great leader and an earnest teach
er. Ho is God’s anointed One, him
self divine—and our Lord.
Some believed (v. 4), including
many devout Greeks, and not a few
af the leading women. The gospel
does have life-giving power as the
Holy Spirit applies it to the hearts
af willing men and women.
Others opposed (vv. 5, G). Note
that they were “of the baser sort.”
They always are, even when they
appear to be cultivated and edu
cated, for there is something funda
mentally wrong in a life which re
jects Christ.
It was a serious charge they
made against the Christians (v. 7),
for it was treason punishable by
death to have any other king but
Caesar if one lived in a Roman
colony.
But the thing which they hated
worst in these Christians was the
fact that their topsy-turvy world
was in danger of being set right
(they put it the opposite way, v. 6),
and they did not want to be made
;ight. It is interesting to note that
;hese early preachers had divine
power to turn over the social order.
Would that we showed more of that
power in the church today!
Accepting the truth is good, but
,t must go on in daily living. The
Thessalonians knew that and they
are models of
11. The Gospel Lived Followers
ind Examples (I Thess. 1:2-8).
Paul, the missionary, was a cour
.eous preacher. He recognized the
faithfulness of Christian brethren
and did not hesitate to commend
.hem. We could do more of that
when we meet true and faithful be
ievers.
They were followers of Paul, but
anly because he followed Christ (v.
5). His power was from above (v.
5), even as they also were chosen
from above (v. 4).
Following Christ meant affliction
lo them (v. 6), but it also meant
the joy of the Holy Spirit, which is
entirely independent of the circum
stances of life—and above them.
These Thessalonian believers
were examples of what it meant
|lo bo Christians. Wherever Paul
\ went their faith toward God was rec
ognized and he did not need to ex
plain or argue for his gospel. Peo
ple knew the Thessalonian Chris
tians, and thus they knew real
Christianity.
There could be no finer witness
to the faith of anyone than to be
able to bear testimony that it is
an example—a model—to which
others may look and not go astray.
Do we dare to measure our Christian
lives by such a standard?