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gainesvilletimes.com
Tuesday, November 6, 2018
Shannon Casas Editor in Chief | 770-718-3417 | scasas@gainesvilletimes.com
Submit a letter: letters@gainesvilletimes.com
The First Amendment: Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right
of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.
Citizenship debate is an absurd distraction
To take Ameri
cans’ minds off his
problems, President
Trump offers another
shiny object: birth
right citizenship.
The legal concept
is jus soli, Latin for
“the right of the soil.”
In the United States
— and more than
30 other countries,
including Canada
and most of Latin
America — if you’re
born there, you’re a citizen. This
includes the children of illegal
immigrants.
In about two dozen countries
— mainly in Asia, Europe and
the Middle East — at least one
parent must have legal status for
a child born on their soil to get
citizenship. Only two nations —
India and Malta — are so strict
that they deny citizenship to chil
dren born on their soil unless at
least one parent is a citizen.
Thanks to the 14th Amend
ment, the United States has it
right. But what the U.S. Constitu
tion giveth, Trump
wants to taketh away.
You ought to keep
10 things in mind:
■ When conser
vatives parrot the
talking point that
the Supreme Court
“has never ruled” on
whether the citizen
ship clause of the 14th
Amendment applies to
the children of undoc
umented immigrants,
they’re missing the
point. There are reams of issues
that the court has never decided
because they’re ridiculous. Note
that the court has also never
ruled on unicorns. This could be
one of those issues.
■ The underlying assump
tion of those who want to deny
citizenship to the children of the
undocumented seems to be that
U.S. citizenship is extremely
valuable. But if they want to
be stingy about who becomes a
citizen, then why do we give the
privilege away automatically to
the native-born who did nothing
to earn it?
■ Most illegal immigrants
come from Mexico and Central
America. So Trump’s attack on
birthright citizenship should be
seen as just another hate-filled
strike against the nation’s 58 mil
lion Latinos, many of whom get
up and go to work everyday to
help keep America great.
■ It’s simply false to say that
“no other country” confers birth
right citizenship. Besides, what
the folks who say that likely mean
is that few countries in Europe
offer it. Who cares? The United
States hasn’t followed Europe’s
lead on much of anything since
the Marshall Plan. When was the
last time you heard of the French
Dream?
■ Trump warns that U.S.-born
children of illegal immigrants
have the “benefits” of citizenship.
This implies that they are takers.
But countless studies show that
immigrants are just as likely as
the U.S.-born to be productive
members of society, if not more
so.
■ Opponents of birthright
citizenship also claim that the
privilege acts as a “magnet” that
draws refugees and migrants to
this country. That’s nonsense. I’ve
spoken to dozens of immigrants
over the years, and I can tell you
this much: There is a jobs mag
net and a family reunification
magnet. There is no citizenship
magnet.
■ It’s pointless to dwell on the
“intent” of the 14th Amendment.
With the Constitution, intent is
debatable — and not worth much.
The 14th Amendment also guar
antees “equal protection of the
laws.” The fact those words were
written to protect freed slaves
doesn’t mean that they don’t also
protect other groups from unfair
treatment.
■ The 14 th Amendment
confers U.S. citizenship to “all
persons born or naturalized in the
United States, and subject to the
jurisdiction thereof.” Some insist
illegal immigrants don’t qualify.
That’s absurd. We’re talking about
the child, not the parents. And
if the government can deport or
imprison you, then you’re subject
to its jurisdiction.
■ Republicans like Trump
don’t really care about citizen
ship. They care about what citi
zenship bestows: the right to vote.
They know they’ve misbehaved
by picking on Latinos, and they’re
due a spanking at the ballot box
that they’re desperately trying to
avoid one way or another. That’s
what this is all about.
■ Once upon a time, some
Republicans made a play for
Latino voters. Those days are
over. The only voters that Trump
is trying to rile up so they turn
out on Tuesday are those whose
American Dream is an America
without brown people in it.
Trump and other Republicans
like to pick on Latinos. But this
time, they picked the wrong spot
to poke.
Those voters care about chil
dren and families. Defend them,
and we will always remember.
Attack them, and we will never
forget.
Ruben Navarrette writes for The
Washington Post Writers Group.
RUBEN
NAVARRETTE
ruben@
rubennavarrette.com
LITERS
Don’t control
people to fit
your moral
standards
In response to the urgings of Bill Morrison for
people to vote against the “Brunch Bill” in Hall
County, I offer the following rebuttal:
Alcoholic beverages have been around since
the dawn of civilization. Most people who imbibe
have no problems with alcohol socially or other
wise. There is a smaller subset of drinkers who
do have problems, and there are laws such as
those against impaired driving to provide more
guidance for the clueless.
Perhaps those visitors to whom you refer do
not wish to attend a local church. Perhaps they
are in Hall County for an event such as a wed
ding, which includes a Sunday brunch, and they
would like to have a mimosa (the drink not the
tree) with their meal.
Insofar as religion and alcohol — contrary to
your world view, not all religions prohibit the
consumption of alcohol. Many houses of worship
have Saturday services or early services on Sun
day mornings. There are also people who do not
practice a religion at all.
There is nothing wrong with “encouraging
people to attend church” but there is something
wrong with forbidding someone to take part in a
legal activity simply because that activity doesn’t
fit your moral standards. Why do you feel that
you have the right to impose your “different
ness,” i.e. your moral beliefs, on other people,
especially those citizens of Hall County who do
not believe the same things that you do and have
the same right to freedom that you do? This is a
democracy not a theocracy.
Vote “yes” on the brunch bill. People who want
to have a mimosa at brunch will be able to do
so. Those who want to attend a church service
from 11 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. are still able to do what
they wish, too. They just won’t be controlling that
aspect of someone else’s life.
Patti Lewis
Buford
Your government officials
Georgia state government
Gov. Nathan Deal, 203 State Capitol, Atlanta
30334; 404-656-1776; www.gov.georgia.gov
Lt. Gov. Casey Cagle, 240 State Capitol, Atlanta
30334, 404-656-5030; www.ltgov.ga.gov
Secretary of State Brian Kemp, 214 State Capitol,
Atlanta 30334, 404-656-2881, fax 404-656-
0513; www.sos.state.ga.us; Elections Division,
2 MLK, Jr. Drive SE, Suite 1104, West Tower,
Atlanta 30334-1530, 404-656-2871, fax, 404-
651-9531
Attorney General Chris Carr, 40 Capitol Square
SW, Atlanta 30303; 404-656-3300; law.ga.gov
School Superintendent Richard Woods, 205 Jesse
Hill Jr. Drive SE, Atlanta 30334; 404-656-2800;
www.doe.k12.ga.us; askdoe@gadoe.org
Labor Commissioner Mark Butler, 148 Andrew
Young International Blvd. NE, Suite 642, Atlanta
30303-1751; 404-656-3045, 877-709-8185;
www.dol.state.ga.us
Insurance Commissioner Ralph Hudgens, 2 Martin
Luther King Jr. Drive, Suite 704, West Tower,
Atlanta 30334; 404-656-2070; oci.georgia.gov;
inscomm@mail.oci.state.ga.us
Agriculture Commissioner Gary Black, 19 Martin
Luther King Jr. Drive, Room 226, Atlanta 30334;
404-656-3600, 800-282-5852; agr.state.ga.us;
info@agr.state.ga.us
Public Service Commission, 244 Washington
St. SW, Atlanta 30334-9052, 800-282-5813,
gapsc@psc.state.ga. us, www.psc.state.ga.us.
Chairman Chuck Eaton, District 3; Tim Echols,
District 2; H. Doug Everett, District 1; Vice
Chairman Lauren “Bubba” McDonald, District 4;
Tricia Pridemore, District 5
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USA BENSON I Washington Post Writers Group
Parties’ extreme views on immigration
don’t fit with general public opinion
BY RAMESH PONNURU
Bloomberg News
President Donald Trump certainly
knows how to direct attention where he
wants it.
When he raised the idea of issuing
an executive order to end birthright
citizenship for the children of illegal
immigrants, it became a top news story.
Because of these remarks, and other
provocative comments from members of
his party about immigration, the change
in Republican attitudes on the issue since
George W. Bush’s pro-immigration presi
dency is obvious to all.
But there has been a major, if lower-
profile, shift on the Democratic side
as well. You can see it in the polls. In
2005, an NBC/Wall Street Journal poll
found Democrats evenly divided about
immigration, with 45 percent saying it
strengthened the country and 44 percent
saying it weakened it. By 2017, a huge 81
percent majority said it strengthened the
country and only 16 percent dissented.
As is often the case, the evolution of
Democratic attitudes can also be seen
by tracking Hillary Clinton’s comments
over the years. When she first ran for
president, from 2006 through 2008, she
was careful to take a moderate tack. She
opposed giving driver’s licenses to ille
gal immigrants, came out for “tougher
employer sanctions” to deter the hir
ing of illegal immigrants, and toggled
between calling them “illegal” and
“undocumented” immigrants.
During her second run, under pres
sure from Bernie Sanders, she came
out for driver’s licenses and apologized
for using the term “illegal immigrants.”
Talk of employer sanctions fell away.
(Sanders himself, by the way, has also
“evolved” on immigration.)
Both conviction and strategy propelled
the Democratic change. As conservative
Democrats have become conservative
Republicans, there were fewer and
fewer voters and politicians inside their
coalition inclined toward restraint.
Many Democrats became convinced,
as well, that a strong pro-immigration
stand could help them win elections
because it would appeal to Hispanics,
a growing share of the electorate. The
white working-class voters whom that
stand might alienate were, in contrast, a
shrinking share.
At the same time, support for immi
gration became more and more asso
ciated with cherished values such as
tolerance, openness and opposition to
racism; support for restrictions on it,
with intolerance, closed-mindedness and
bigotry. The familiar dynamic of polar
ization also took hold: The issue became
a mark of distinction between the par
ties, and a desire to crack down on illegal
immigration and cut legal immigration
became something Democrats linked
with their partisan enemies.
One way of reading the data is that
Democrats have led public opinion
toward greater support for immigration.
Independents and Republicans, too,
became more likely to regard it as a net
plus for the country between 2005 and
2017. Their shift was, however, much
smaller than the Democratic one.
Democrats may, however, have
moved too far for their own good. The
public still shows some ambivalence.
Only a minority of Americans wants an
increase in immigration levels.
While most Americans favor granting
legal status to illegal immigrants who
have put down roots and behaved well
here, some members of that majority
doubtless fear that a continuing refusal
to enforce the law means that one
amnesty will be followed by more. Amer
icans are also open to combining an
amnesty with some of the changes that
Trump wants, such as ending the visa lot
tery designed to increase diversity.
Democrats also seem to be failing to
make the favorable trade between the
white working class and Hispanics that
they had expected. For some voters,
the new rhetoric, which emphasizes the
harshness of deportation and downplays
the necessity of enforcement, signals
indifference to the rule of law and to
their opinions. The abandonment of the
old, more balanced approach has lent
credibility to Trump’s claim that Demo
crats favor “open borders.”
The president has used the opening
Democrats have given him to push for
policies that are also out of step with
public opinion. Most Americans do not
approve of his job performance on immi
gration. Even more disliked the separa
tion of families at the border. Support for
birthright citizenship seems to have risen
in recent years.
The debate earlier this year over
extending legal status to people who
came here illegally as minors showed
the costs of this polarization. Trump
demanded that a wish list of restric-
tionist policies, including a cut in legal
immigration, be included in any deal.
Influential Democrats balked at cou
pling an amnesty with any enforcement
measures.
The public seems to want immigration
policies that are hard-headed without
being hard-hearted. Neither of our politi
cal parties, at the moment, seems inter
ested in offering them.
Ramesh Ponnuru is a Bloomberg Opinion
columnist. He is a senior editor at National
Review, visiting fellow at the American
Enterprise Institute and contributor to CBS
News.
She Stines
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