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OPINION
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gainesvilletimes.com
Sunday, December 15, 2018
Shannon Casas Editor in Chief | 770-718-3417 | scasas@gainesvilletimes.com
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JIM POWELL I For The Times
EDITORIAL
A great deal — of questions
S10M land purchase gives city control
while rolling dice with taxpayers’ funds
[ THE ISSUE: The city of Gainesville closed Nov. 19 on a 6.8 acre property at 110 Jesse Jewell
Parkway after the Northeast Georgia Health System first made the $10M offer and then
approached the city to request it take over the contract. City officials have said they want to
have control over future development in midtown, which they hope can be revitalized. J
Gainesville officials seemed to be
in quite a hurry to spend $10 mil
lion to control a prime piece of real
estate that had been sitting vacant
in midtown for more than a decade.
Amid their rush, officials didn’t
get an appraisal on the property.
An appraiser told The Times that
downtown property sold recently
has gotten anywhere from about
$700,000 an acre to $2.7 million an
acre. The city paid Gainesville City
Center LLC $1.47 million per acre
for this land.
The city in 2008 sold a 1-acre
piece of this land for $2 million to
City View Plaza LLC, which later
became Gainesville City Center
LLC. It was the appraised value of
the land at the time.
The 6.8 acres on the midtown side
of the pedestrian bridge is no doubt
a unique and prominent property.
The price may be appropriate, but
it’s hard to say without having an
appraisal.
And the purchase was announced
at a meeting for which the public
agenda had no mention of this deal.
Though legal, the city doesn’t gar
ner trust from us or its residents
when it spends $10 million without
any public input or appraisal.
City officials are responsible to
the taxpayers when spending funds,
whether those funds are directly
from property taxes or from a capi
tal fund including transfers from
other funds and hotel/motel fees.
We have to admit to being more
than a little curious about a fund
from which the city can write a $10
million check whenever the notion
strikes, and in which it says there
are millions more if needed.
What Gainesville gained with the
purchase is control.
Officials still want to see the land
developed, but it became clear
years ago that a planned $35 mil
lion City View Center featuring
a 13-story hotel and two 11-story
office buildings was not going to
happen.
Those dreams from city officials
and the developers at one time
included 8,000 square feet of retail
space, a 5,000-square-foot confer
ence area, 995 parking spaces and
an enclosed pedestrian walkway
over Jesse Jewell leading to what
was then the Georgia Mountains
Center. Construction of at least part
of that development was to start in
2009.
The Great Recession slowed
development across the county and
the project stalled.
Meanwhile, the city pushed for
ward with the pedestrian bridge,
which was meant to “pull every
thing together” and “unify the
whole area” between downtown
and midtown.
The bridge spanning Jesse Jewell
Parkway opened in the fall of 2012.
It was quickly dubbed the bridge
to nowhere, as land on its southern
end remained vacant despite the
grand plans. The nickname has
stuck so well there’s a craft beer
named after it.
But Mayor Danny Dunagan said
then that it was “the bridge to the
future.”
Six years since the bridge was
completed, the land on the other
side is still vacant, but perhaps we’ve
finally reached Dunagan’s future, in
which the city realizes a revitaliza
tion of the gritty, industrial midtown,
an area of about 212 acres bounded
by Industrial Boulevard, Queen City
Parkway, E.E. Butler Parkway and
Jesse Jewell Parkway.
The economy and real estate
market have ticked up significantly
since the city last tried to get the
land developed. And now might be
just the right time for the city to
involve itself in securing the future
of midtown.
But exactly how the city has
involved itself in the process, and
the philosophy behind doing so, is
certainly worthy of some public
discussion.
The mayor says developers are
interested in the property. Where
were those developers when the
property was owned by Gainesville
City Center? Can the city do better
as property developers than those
in the private sector?
Ask elected officials about the
move and they all circle back to
control of the property. The mayor
still wants to see a convention
center. At least a couple of council
members say they don’t want to see
medical offices. Hospital officials
suggested residential housing for
future doctors in training.
Meanwhile Northeast Georgia
Health System also gained control
in this deal. The city agreed to
allow the health system the right to
prevent competing medical busi
nesses on the property.
Northside Hospital was never
actually interested in the property,
despite rumors to the contrary, but
now if it or any other competitor
wants to locate on this property, the
city has agreed to limit that free
market competition.
The city now finds itself in control
of development for that property
and that of the old Hall County jail
on Main Street in midtown, which
the city purchased in 2012 for $7.2
million.
That expense was supposed to be
more than covered by lease pay
ments from a private prison com
pany that was already occupying
the space, according to the mayor.
Within a year, the prison firm
broke its lease — the city’s agree
ment laid out no penalty for that —
leaving taxpayers on the hook for
the bill.
By 2017, the city demolished the
jail. The city still owes about $5 mil
lion on the jail property, but says
it may soon have news on develop
ment plans for it.
We’d love to see midtown revital
ized, bringing in tax revenue and
creating the envisioned artsy, cool
part of town with room for some
thing like a brewery or distillery,
art galleries and good food.
For more than a decade we’ve
been waiting for what “could be” to
materialize.
At this point, the city has some
$20 million invested in property
ownership in midtown, betting on
a future interest by private enter
prise that will justify the land spec
ulation with public funds. To date,
that interest hasn’t materialized;
we hope it does, and soon. We also
hope it doesn’t come at the expense
of massive tax abatements used as a
lure to bring investors to town.
Maybe Trump
cant win 2020,
but Democrats
can still lose
Donald Trump probably can’t win the 2020
presidential election, but the Democrats can
lose it.
What I mean is that in a contest between
Trump and a generic Democrat, Trump
would almost surely
lose if the current
political climate holds
through 2020. Accord
ing to a Fox News poll
this week, 38 percent of
respondents said they
would “definitely” or
“probably” vote for
Trump, while 55 per
cent said they would
“definitely” or “prob
ably” vote for someone
else.
Trump’s boosters are often quick to dis
miss the polls, claiming they were wrong in
2016, when everyone said he had no chance
of winning. The problem with this defense is
that the national polls were actually pretty
accurate in 2016. If you average out the 13
final national polls of 2016, they showed Hill
ary Clinton ahead by 3.1 percentage points.
She won the popular vote — the only thing
national polls measure — by 2.1 percentage
points.
Trump carried the Electoral College
because he won Pennsylvania and Wisconsin
by 0.7 points each and Michigan by 0.2 points.
A mere 78,000 votes carried the day.
Most presidents work assiduously to build
on the coalition that
brought them to
power. President
Trump has done
almost the opposite,
catering to his base
while doing almost
everything he can to
alienate suburban
Republicans and
independents, which
is why the GOP got
shellacked in the
midterms.
So if Trump runs
— which is probably
a bigger “if” than
many people think —
the cards are stacked
against him. Fortu
nately for him, the Democrats will not nomi
nate someone named Generic Democrat.
Instead, the Democrats are poised to re
create the same dynamic that got Trump the
GOP nomination in the first place. While it’s
technically true that Trump beat 16 oppo
nents, as he likes to say, the truth is a bit more
complicated. Trump never won a majority of
votes in the primaries. He benefitted from a
collective action problem in which various
candidates defeated each other while a sticky
plurality of voters stuck with Trump.
If the field had been narrower, with only
two or three contenders other than Trump,
his base of support might not have been
enough. But with each additional player, the
number of votes he needed to win shrank.
Right now, it’s almost easier to list the
number of prominent Democrats who aren’t
thinking of running. No one knows for sure,
but estimates on the number of potential
Democratic candidates range from 20 to 40.
In that kind of field, the ability to attract a
small but passionate cadre of supporters will
be more important than arguments about
electability. Thus, there will be an enormous
incentive to replicate the Trump model of
taking unorthodox positions, stated as boldly
as possible, in order to win over the most pas
sionate ideologues and activists.
Moreover, the mood among Democrats
is more than a little analogous to the mood
among Republicans in 2016. Hillary Clinton
was a uniquely disliked and feared figure
among conservatives. The argument that
America would be “over” if she won found
purchase among millions of Republican vot
ers. One need only listen to a few minutes of
discussion on CNN or MSNBC, or to read the
op-ed pages on almost any given day, to see
that a similar attitude is widespread among
Democrats. If you can’t imagine chants of
“Lock him up!” at the Democratic convention
in 2020, you haven’t been paying attention.
Thus, the odds that the Democrats will
elect their own Trump are very high. Of
course, the one thing Trump fans and foes
alike can agree on is that Trump is a unique
political personality. But a Democratic can
didate could substitute policy outlandishness
for personal outlandishness quite easily.
Many in the Democratic base could easily
rally to someone promising to abolish ICE,
deliver “Medicare for All,” repeal the Second
Amendment... whatever. That would give
Trump the ability to convince many other
wise hostile voters to cast ballots against the
Democrats rather than for the incumbent.
He can’t win, but they can still lose.
Jonah Goldberg is an editor-at-large of National
Review Online and a visiting fellow at the
American Enterprise Institute.
So if Trump
runs — which
is probably
a bigger “if”
than many
people think
— the cards
are stacked
against him.
JONAH GOLDBERG
goldbergcolumn@
gmail.com
ahc £tm ts
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