Ay
“Get In Right on
Happi p’fd”
i appiness P’s é
L M 8 LN, | WSRO -
By John Farson, Chicago Miilionaire.
g HE millicnaire who is unhappy and never smiles would be
' " just as unhappy and without smiles if he was poor. It is
,‘ a matter of temperament,
3 Live in the open air, think kindly of humanity and
: make friends. The same care should be used in investing
} J money to bring happinessg as is used in investing it to
: . bring in more money. How foolish it is to think that yon
; MPERSY 0 get good returns on Happinesgs Preferred by slinging
in your coln any old way any old time, You have to watch
the bhappiness market just as closely as you watch the market of tape and
ticker. That's what brings resuits, :
The trouble with the millionaires that are unhappy 1s that they are the
kind of men who would be unhappy whether they had -$10,000,000 or only
10 centg. Tat a certain millionaire is unhappy doesn’t necesgarily indicate
that he is unhappy because of his wealth, Wealth doesn’t gour a man; he
has to be sour by nature,
The contented man is the happy man. The contented millionaire is the
happy millionaire, The contented pauper is the happy payper. The con
tented pauper is really happier than the sour, discontented millionaire.
But I don‘t mean to say that every one ought to be perfectly contented al}
the time, That would mean that the world would stand still, Isn’t there
a poet somewhere | have read that speaks of a noble discontent? Sure.
There is a kind of discontent that means progress, but it is mightily different
from the discontent that makes you sour, and dry, and warped, and causes
you to look with suspicion on every human being ycu meet.
e A sl ‘
9 Future of the Pacific %
% By Chauncey Thomas. é
o pronn g oA, 0y
0000008 @~ T i generally conceded, 1 believe, by the best and most sar
i gighted minds, that the greatest world trade of the future
is to be across the Pacific. For centurieg trade centered
in the Mediterranean, with the result that the largest and
: most important cities of that time were formed on the
000¢oe snhores of Southern Europe and Northern Africa. The dis
; i covery of Ameriea. then a wilderness, centered trade later
QOO4 in the Atlantie, and the most important cities of the world
then grew up on the ghores of Western Burope and Eastern
America, So the cities of the Pacific Coast of America in time will prob
ably be in proportnon to the trade across the Pagific, and the trade across
an ocean, other things being equal, is in proportion to the number of peopie
who live along its borders.
To-day the Pacific Coagt of the United States has about one-twelfth as
many people as live along the Atlantic seaboard; yet the shores of the Pacific
are many times richer in natural resources than are those of the Atlantic.
There is hardly any comparison between the sterile hills of New England and
the garden valleys of Washington, Oregon and California. California alone
is, broadly speaking, two-thirds the size of France, and is easily capable of
supporting 20,000,000 people. France supports 40,000,000, Along the lower
half of the Western sea-coast, for hundreds of miles, there is but one world
harbor—Ban Francisco, This fact alone insures to the Golden Gate a city
as large as Paris. or even larger. The growth of this ecity—or any of the
citles of the Pacific Coast—will not be sudden, but it will be in exact propor
tion to the pressure of population in America, the awakening of Asia—as
Japan has awakened--and the development of other Pacific shores.—Success
Magazine,
el TR
LR R e MRS YY)
Club Girls and .
Ehirking Girts 2
& By Mrs. Sam Small, Wife of Famous
CQW Jouthern Evangelist. o/ @p
::.:..:":-‘:..:.-g..:..:.,;. BELIEVE in girls working who have to do so, but others
- ’5: who do it merely for pastime, or for finery with which to
& I i decorate themselves, onght not to be employed. Did youn
% over notice how effeminate are becoming the men whose
4 daughters and wives help support the family? Such men
gedediieioiedn lose the strong, noble qualities that the care of a family
%:;{g:;;:;g;‘: produces. They become inefficient “nobodies” and effem
gl inate, Kvery woman on the globe ought to be interested
in the future of the working girl. They are getting no good
from the average woman's club. None of these clubs is so useful as formerly.
It’s no longer a case of elevation, but one of entertainment. The young
girl members are losing all their modesty, and that will not do, because
when a 4 man loses his sentiment for a girl he loses his respect. - Man wants
10 hold to the poetieal idea about a girl, She is getting the wrong idea
when she thinks he wants her to be his comrade. Club girls and working
girls bring on a condition that is deplorable. Their purpose is to get married,
and many of them go out to work specially to accomplish that. But they
first succeed in reducing .men's wages, marry them, and consequently
have less to live on than if they had kept out of the field. Clubs are on the
increase, I am sorry to say. There is a club for everything now, and they
could accomplish a great deal of good if they were conducted properly. A
peculiar thing is that wealthy women are at the head of most clubs, just
the same as they fill the presiding chairs in the Daughters of the American
Revolution. I can not account for this, but right here we have the poor try
ing to emulate the rich, and there is no doubt the poor girls see these wealthy
women do things they think are all right for them to follow. The result is
that club girls are becoming degenerated and losing their womanly qualities,
—JFrom the Home Magazine, ¢
s M!bg
Personal immortalily g
, ...in the...
Light of Recent Science
By Dr. Donald Sage Mackay. Q
£ vt ~M§;
R B S the deeper facts of existence are being traced in ways un
-3 known in an earlier day, the man of science now tells us
that there is no scientific proof of the impossibility of lite
after death. The science of today does not undertake to
prove immortality, but neither does she deny it. With the
& newer light of recent research before her, she goes thus far
at least,andsays: “Scientifically, the doctrine of immortality
' J is not an impossible delusion.” Huxley, for example, in
3 one of his later essays has this so say: “If the belief in im
mortality is essential to morality, physical science has nothing to say against
the probability of that doctrine. It (physical science) effectually closes the
mouthys of those who pretend to refute immortality by objections deduced
from merely physical data.” This attitude of Huxley has found even more
distinctive affirmation in recent years from such men of scientific attainment
as Sir Oliver Lodge, John Fiske, Professors James and Munsterberg of Har
vard—all of whom have written sympathetically and hopefully of immortality,
not from the standpoint of the Christian believer, but from that of the unbi
ased scientist.—From the North American Review.
OUR PEOPLE AND THEIR EX-PRESIDENTS.
Whatever may be said of the in
cidents and developments of our
scheme of national life, it must be
confessed that its underiying idea
of actual popular representation and
control, so far as it means direct and
concerted action on the part of the
unified mass of American citizenghip,
is most consistently, if not exclusive
ly, exemplified in our chief ezecu
tive.
The judicial branch of our govern
ment is appointive, its incumbents
holding by a life tenure at their op
tion., The legislative branch is made
up of these who are separately chos
en by the votes of Congressional dis
tricts or by the legislatures of the
several States; and whether such a
condition was originally contemplat
ed or not, the fact is, that as a rule
the legisiative conduct of our Sena
tors and, Representatives in the Con
gress of the United States is very
largely controlled by solicitude for
the especial interests of their State
or district constituencies.
At the head of the Ixecutive De.
partment stands the President, in
whose selection all the voters of the
land concurrently participate. lln
this regard he represents more near
ly, than any other governmental
agency the sovereignly and will of
the American people.
The President Stands For All
It is unhappily true that our
presidential electorate scheme makes
possible the selection of a President
through the expressed individual
preference of only a minority of those
who vote. But notwithstanding such
an arrangement, affecting as it does
the sole opportunity of a choice of
national rulers given to our people
acting as whole, we have a contented
habit of extolling our government as
popular and representative, and ac
quieseing with equanimity in the de
clared results of a presidential clec
tion, if only it has been conducted
aceording to prescribed methods.
One of the distinguished traits of
American character is made manifest
in the readiness of our people to re
gard as patriotic duty the abandon
ment at the end of a presidential
canvass of the irritation of clashing
party preferences, and the substitu
tion in its place of a cheerful accep
tance of the outcome, and a sedate
appreciation of the faect that the
head of our nation stands for all of
us, bound to the undisceriminating
promotion of every American interest,
and inspired by an abiding sympathy
with the hopes and aspirations of all |
the American people, and a jealous
care for all their individual rights
and privileges.
The general prevalence amo us
of such a sentiment furninhhe
best and safest evidence that our
countrymen can be trusted with the
government placed in their keeping;
and it admonishes the President in
a most solemn way, that in an un
selfish consecration to their service,
every dictate of duty, honor and high
minded manliness commands that he
shall purge himself of all peity am
bitions, of all reckless self-glorifica
tion, and of all toleration of sordid
or inequitable scheming.
There Jies, however, beyond the re
flections which have to do with the
relationship between our people and
their President another thought
strikingly inspiring and impressive.
It grows out of the theory upon
which the presidential office is built,
and presents to the mind a plan of
manhood rule under which a sturdy
and independent people, grown to be
a great nation, with stupendous
power and with interests of world
wide importance, draws from the;
ranks of its aggregated -citizenship |
one of its members, who for an allot
ted time shall, on behalf of his fel
low countrymen, assume the func
tions and discharge the duties of the
great office which especially stands
for them. |
At his inauguration he receives no
crown save the trust of a confiding
people, and he wears no insignia of
rank save the robes of genuine
Americanism. The mandate of his
oflice requires of him obedience to
the charter of our government, the
enforcement of the rights of every
individual entitled to its protection,
and an unyielding assertion of our
nationality at home and abroad.
More Than the Oath of Office.
It is this spirit of our institutions
and this behest of his countrymen
that teach him his duty, even more
impressively than his oath of office,
whereby he binds his conscience in
these words: ‘I do solemnly swear
that I will faithfully execute the
office of President of the United
States, and will to the best of my
ability preserve, protect and defend
the Constitution of the United
States.”
‘What has been thus far presented
is only introductory to the considera
tion of a situation supplemental to
the presidential office, which gives
emphasis to the democratic senti
ment in which this office originated.
Reference has been already made
to the spirit of our institutions and
the mandate of our people, which
impress themselves upon our Presi
dent during his official term. But a
popular mandate not less imperious,
and an obresvance of the spirit of
our institutions not less obligatory,
require that at the termination of
his public duties he shall return to
the ranks of private citizenship—to
reassume the civic obligations be
longing to that position, and to take
up again the relationship which he
as a private citizen owes to the
affairs of American life, )
_ This is theoretically the place as
signed to an ex-President of the
United States; and such a supple
ment to presidential work happily
supplies a crowning exemplification
of the democratic principle permeat
ing all that is connected with the
presidential office.
It may be superfluous, but never
theless it is most gratifying, to note
how the private lives of eur ex-Presi
dents are made grateful and bright
by the generous attachment and spon
taneous kindness manifested toward
them by their fellow countrymen.
The American people are the best
people in the world; and the honor
and respect with which they follow
to his retirement one who has served
them in the highest office within their
gift, illustrate the innate nobility of
the American character. In the light
of these reflections, the biographer
of one of our ear!'y Presidents seems
to have unfortunately yielded to the
temptation of striking statement
when he wrote concerning the sub
ject of his sketch, that at the ex
piration of his term as President, he
“found himself that melancholy pro
duct of the American governmental
system—an ex-President.”
The Obligations of an Ex-President.
How can it be that our ‘‘govern
mental system” places the President
on the highest pinnacle of honor, and
yet decrees that as ex-President he‘
is but a “melancholy produect,”
doomed to unescapably sad condi
tions? lls there neither comfort nor
honor in .his release from exhausting
presidential labor and perplexity, in
the respect and esteem accordedl
to him by his fellow citizens on everyv
side, and the neighborly welcome
that greets him on his return to the
fellowship of private station?
The truth is, that our people, so
far from treating *heir ex-Presi-l
dents simply as relics of past hon
ors, seem disposed not only to be
stow upon them honor and respect,
but to continue them in service so
far as to interfere seriously with
their unrestrained resumption of the
occupations of everyday life. |
There is a sort of vague, but none
the less imperative, feeling abroad
in the land that one who has occu
pied the great office of President
holds in trust for his fellow citizens
a certain dignity, which in his con
duct and manner of life he is hound
to protect against loss or deteriora
tion. }
Obedience to this obligation, which }
can hardly be avoided, limits the ex- |
President in his choice of an occupa-l
tfion and means of livelihood, andi
preseribes for him only such work
as in popular judgment is not undig-‘
nified; and it also enforces a scale
of living on his part, frequently less
in keeping with his financial ability
than with popular conceptions of ex
presidential propriety.
But it is not the restraints to
which he is subjected as a mere de
positary of the people’s dignity which
remind him most directly that his re
tirement means something very dif
ferent from an absolute rest and
freedom from the people's service.
He is deluged with newly written
books—most of them indifferent or
positively worthless—and these he
is expected to read and commend for
advertising purposes. He is made a
target for all manner of pecuniary
solicitation, embracing all sorts of ob
jects, ranging from large endowment
funds and disinterested offers of
fabulously profitable investment to
pathetic and depressing appeals for
the relief of individual distress.
He is almost daily importuned to
join in the managzement of public or
semi-public enterprises which pro
fess to be useful or beneficent or
charitable. He is persistently urged
to make addresses on topics and for
purposes that are bewildering, and
at times and places that are impos
sible. His daily mail furnishes con
clusive evidence that his existence is
not overlooked by any class or con
dition of our people in any corner
of our land; and the visitors he re
ceives forbid the reflection that he
is only a ‘“‘melancholy product” of
our governmental system.
Washington, writing in 1797 of
his life of retirement in Mount Ver
non, after detailing certain other oc
cupations, adds:
‘‘And this being over, I mount my
horse and ride over my farms, which
employs me unitil it is time to dress
for dinner, at which I ravely miss
seeing strange faces, come, as they
say, out of respect for me. Pray,
would not the word ‘curiosity’ an
swer as well? And how different this
from having a few social friends at
a cheerful board! The usual time
of sitting at table, a walk and tea,
bring us within the dawn of candle
light, previous to which, if not pre
vented by company, I resclve that as
soon as the glimmering taper sup
plies the place of the great lumi
nary, I will retire to my writing
table and acknowledge the letters I
have received; but when the lights
are brought, I feel tired and disin
_clined to engage in the work, con
sidering that the next night will do
as well. The next comes, and with
it the same causes of postponement
and effect, and so on.”
Jefferson wrote as follows of his
household life as ex-President:
© “We had persons from all the
States of the Union, from every part
of the State, men, women and chil
dren—in short, almost every day for
at least eight months of the year
brought its contingent of guests.
People of wealth and fashion, men
in office, professional men-—military
and civil—lawyers, doctors, Protes
tant clergymen, Catholic priests,
members of Congress, foreign minis-
ters, Indian agents, tonarists, trav
elers, artists, strangers, friends.
Some came from affection and re
spect, some from curiosity, some to
give or receive advice or instruction,
some from idleness, some because
others set the example.”
Madison wrote, ten years after'his
retirement:
“I have rarely during the period
of my public life found my time less
at my disposal than since I took my
leave of it; nor have I the consolation
of finding that as my powers of ap
plication necessarily decline, the de
mands on them proportionately de
crease.”’
Some Who Remained Useful.
After his retirement from the
presidency, Jchn Quincy Adams
served in Congress with distinguished
ability and usefulness for nearly
eighteen years, and literally died in
harness. His biographer, referring
to his labor in the House of Repre
sentatives, wrote:
“In his conscientious way he was
faithful and industrious to a rare
degree. He was never absent and
seldom late. He bore unflinchingly
the burden of severe committee work
and shirked no toil on the plea of
age or infirmity. He attended close
ly to all the business of the House,
and carefully formed his opinion on
every question.”
It is written of Andrew Jackson
after he left the presidency:
‘‘He retained his popularity; hence
he was still a .power. It was still
worth while to court him and to get
his name in favor of a man or a
measure. Parton says that office
seekers pursued and pestered him up
to his last days. Politicians sought
to get letters from him which they
could use for their purposes.”
It can hardly be necessary to seek
furiher historical evidence bearing on
the obligation and service exacted by
our people from their ex-Presidents;
additional and conclusive corrobora
tion of such evidence is within the
observation and knowledge of many
persons now living.
The conditions which have been
detailed naturally lead to the in
quiry ‘whether the relationship be
tween the American people on the
one side and their ex-Presidents on
the otbher present an account alto
gethier evenly balanced.
Does the honor and respect or
even the personal affection generous
ly accorded by his countrymen, to
one who has retired from their high
est office, serve the purpose of com
plete acquittance on the people’s side
of the account? Unquestionably
from a sentimental point of view,
the honor, respect and affection put
to their credit are of infinitely more
value than any service that can be
performed by an ex-President, and
abundantly compensate for any re
straint exacted frfom him at their
behest. But how stands the account
in the light of the necessities of the
workaday world which hold us all'in
unyielding environment?
Mention has already been made of
the requirements by the people that
the conduet and occupations of their
ex-Presidenis should be so restricted
that the dignity of the pos'.ion they
occupy will be scrupulously main
tained. This suggests without argu
ment a reciprocal connection be
tween the curtailment of opportuni
ties of livelihood on one side and a
reasonable obligation of indemnifica
tion on the other.
What Francé Does.
Of course no precisely competent
evidence in support of this obligation
can be gathered from the conduct
of countries so different from our
own that the head of the mation is
retired only by death. The Republic
of France, however, presents a paral
lel that should not bhe overlooked.
Its President receives an annual sal
ary amounting to one hundred and
twenty thousand dollars, together
with sixty thousand dollars for the
maintenance and furnishing of his
official residence, and a like sum to
cover the expenses of travel and en
tertainment. This is decidedly in
the direction of securing a dignified
and unperplexed future support to
its ex-President.
} It is hardly to be supposed that
isuch an expenditure as this on ac
count of our presidential office would
‘accord with American ideas. Nor
‘need we mention, except to dismiss
them as out of the question, the an
‘nual allowances for the support of
‘ruling royal families in other coun
tries—amounting to upward of three
million dollars in both Great Britain
and Germany, more than two mil
lions in both Austria and Italy, and
upward of seven millions in Russia.
It is not so easy, however, to dis
miss from our minds the thought
that the American nation cannot well
afford to disregard entirely the con
ditions that confront its retired Presi
dents, nor longer to allow herself to
be accessory to the pitiful incidents
that have frequently cesulted from
such conditions.
Our national pride should be rude
ly touched when we read concerning
Thomas Jeffersen, after his retire
‘ment from the presidency:
“By degrees Jefferson bhecame a
poor man, and indeed worse than
poor, since he was involved in pe
cuniary embarrassments. Before
matters had reached this stage he
' had sold his library to Congress for
twenty-three thousand nine hundred
and fifty dollars.”
Although he expressed himself as
desiring nothing from the public
Treasury, he accepted pecuniary aid
furnished by private subscription,
with the pathetic statement:
“I have spent three times as much
money and given my whole life to
my countrymen, and now they nobly
come forward in the only way they
can and save an old servant from
being turned like a dog out-of
' doors.”
In a biography of James Monroe,
it is stated concerning the period of
his ex-presidency:
“Monroe throughout his later days
was somewhat embarrassed in his
pecuniary circumstances, and spent a
great deal of time in endeavoring
to secure from Congress a just re
imbursement for the heavy expense
in which he had been involved dur
ing his prolonged service abroad. It
is truly pitiful to perceive the straits
to which so patriotic a servant of
the country, against whose financial
integrity not a word was uttered, was
reduced.”
John Quincy Adams, a short time
before he retired from the presi
dency, and in contemplation of that
event, wrote as follows: -
“The income of my whole private
estate is less than six thousand del
lars a year, and I am paying at least
two thousand of that for interest on
my debt. Finally, upon going out of
office in one year from this ‘time,
destitute of all means of acquiring
property, it will only be by the sacri
fice of that which I now possess that
I shall be able to support my family.”
A Record of Distress.
We are told that when General
Jackson left Washington in March,
1837, at the end of eight years in
the presidency, he was compelied to
borrow a considerable sum to settle
his accounts of a personal nature—
mainly, if not aitogether, due to the
insufficiency of his official salary and
allowances, together with the current
earnings of his plantation, to meet
the expenses of the establishment he
maintained in the White House.
At one time his friends in Ten
nessee proposed to relieve him from
financial perplexities by private sub
scription; but he stoutly refused
their aid, and was in debt at the time
of his death.
It is said of Franklin Pierce that
when he retired from the presidency
his entire fortune hardly amounted
to seventy-two thousand dollars.
It is not necessary to intrude upon
the sensibilities of those still living
by mentioning other instances nearer
our own time, which add force to the
suggestion that, all things consid
ered, something has been overlooked
by the American people in the ad
justment of the accounts between
them and their ex-Presidents. Re
publics are not ungrateful-—at least,
there is no justification for making
such a charge against our republic.
But easy-going thoughtlessness is
quite another matter.
‘Whatever omission there may be
of fair and considerate conduct on
the part of our people in their rela
tions with their ex-Presidents ought
to be made good by a definite and
generous provision for all cases alike,
based upon motives of justice and
fairness, and adequate to the situa
tion.
The condition is by no means met
by the meagre and spasmodic relief
occasionally furnished wunder the
guigse of a military pension or some
other pretext; mor would it be best
met by making compensation, al
ready accrued or accruing, dependent
upon the discharge of senatorial or
other official duty.
If, in concluding this discussion,
a personal word is necessary or per
missible in view of the fact that I
am the only man now living whe
conld at this time profit by the ideas
I have advocated, I hope my sincerity
will not be questioned when 1 say
that I have deait with the subject
without the least thought of persomnal
interest or desire for personal advan
tage. I am not in need of aid from
the public Treasury. I hope and be
lieve that I have provided for my
self and those dependent upon me a
comfortable maintenance, within the
limits of accustomed prudence and
economy, and that those to whom I
owe the highest earthly duty will
not want when I am gone.
These conditions have permitted
me to treat with the utmost freedom
a topic which involves no personal
considerations, and only has to do
in my mind with conditions that may
arise in the future, but are not at
tached to the ex-President of to-day;
and I am sure that I am actuated
only by an ever-present desire thas
the fairness and sense of justice
characteristic of Americanism ghall
neither fail nor be obscured.—
Youth's Companion.
Silk Hats For African Dandies.
People who wonder what becomes
of old silk bats will be surprised to
know that, in England, at least, many
of them are shipped to Africa. When
silk hats get out of style the dealers
also have resort to the African trade,
which does not mind minor varia
tions in shape. 'The negro dandy is
thus enabled to appear in Bond sireet
headgear at perhaps a tenth of the
expense to which the Londoned is
put, if he wishes to be in the fash
ion.—Leslie’'s Weekly.
Last But Not Least.
A gentleman seeing a crowd of
boys running down the street, going
through all kinds of motions, could
not make out what they were play
ing. Far in the rear was a small boy
running as fast as he could. Thea
gentleman said, ‘“‘Little chap, what
are you playing, and why are you
behind?” ““Oh,” he replied, “we are
playing automobile, and I am the
smell.”’
e e e e e ee e ee e
The Largest Army.
History tells us of many large
armies. Ninus and Semiramis are
said to have had armies amomnting
to two millions of fighting men. The
army of Xerxes is said to have been
1,700,000 foot and 80,000 horse. We
‘are told that the army that Darius
opposed to Alezander numbered
1760,000.—New York American.
