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Weekly southern opinion. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1868-18??, June 02, 1868, Image 1

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WEEKLY SOUTHERN OPINION. VOLUME 1.1 THE POLICY OF THE SOUTH. As time elapses, and new and entirely unexpected legislation on the part of the Congress at Washington, bears down upon the people of the South, as their con dition, both political and social, becomes more and more they begin to ask what course' they should pursue in civil and political matters; what gener al policy they should adopt, in order to procure for themselves those rights and privileges which J,hey, as citizen? .of the State are entitled to, and at the same time secure the safety of our Republican insti tutions ? In order to secure this end, the people of tile whole country must recognize the fact that the strength and durability ofour in stutiohs rest upon the voluntary submission of the people to the Constitution and laws of the land. If the whole people of the country do not recognize this fact, no con cession on the part of the people of the South, short of absolute political slavery, and social degradation will ever satisfy the party now in power, or the people of the North, who, by their silence, give a tacit assent to the acts of usurpation which have characterized the whole Radical adminis tration. The true policy of the South then is for its people to be governed by tliecir sumstances that surround them, and take every advantage of these circumstances. Tlie actions of the Radical party have clearly proven that that party has no re spect for the Constitution or the laws made in pursuance to its provisions, and that they are determined their die turns shall be the ruling law of the land, and that they will reject no man who does not bow in humble obedience to their behests. This being the case, it . does not matter how devoted the people of the South may be to the Constitution, and to Republican Government, they will not be allowed to take any part in public affairs or in the moulding of circumstances around them, except their action be in con formity to the wishes and interests of that party. The demands of the Radical party are so infamous in their character, so di rectly in conflict with the provisions of the Constitution, that if the people accept them, they surrender everything, and are pow erless, and will be taunted in after years with having violated the Constitution, and having been the instruments of their own degradation ; and if the propositions are rejected, the Radicals will still try to make an excuse for keeping up their military despotism. Georgia has partially accepted their proposition through the treacherous infa my of men whom she had trusted and hon ored, and the yoke is now upon the necks of her people. They have now but one course of policy left, and that course is to get power. They need not he particular about the means employed; what they want is power, the means of saving the re public as a republic, before the traitors who are now ruling it shall have swept away every vestige of liberty. the South, then, understand what its true policy should be: Compromise an affil iation with the Northern Democracy in any honorable way that will give them the pow er, and wrest the country from Radical rule. Let every man go to work with this object in view, and use every means with in his power to accomplish it; and if we «in, then will be the time to consult about what our policy should be. Only a Lie. —The story telegraphed over the country that the train in which General Logan passed York, Pennsylva nia, a few days ago, had been stoned, with the intention of assassinating the afore said -Rig Injun,” of the Impeachment bu siness, turns out to be ail a lie. The Rail road officials at York say that there was no rioting there, that no stones were thrown, and the whole story is a base fabrication, not having the shadow ol tru h. Our friends up North cun judge from this aftair about how fairly the people of the South qre represented through their papers. If a Radical and a Democrat, ora Democrat and a negro have anv persona) difficulty, the Jacobins herald it before their people of the North, “as a fiendish at tempt on the part of rebels to assassinate a loyal citizen.” We are sorry that such a lie should have been circulated at the ex pense of the good people of York, for the town and county gave three thousand Democratic majority last year. Ex-President Pierce’s letter, in which he names General Hancock as a suitable Democratic candidate, is endorsed by the New Y r oik Herald. "It shows,” says the Herald, “that the calm retirement of Concord has been conducive to sound and satisfactory thinking. Pierce does well to put that soldier’s name prominently before the Democracy; for he is the only distinguished name of the war he can center on with any hope of success, and he is one of our few "rent soldiers who has also the mind of a statesman.” Wueat Chop ofGkop.gia.— We are told, says tlie Macon Telegraph, that between Macon and Atlanta,on the line of the Macon and Western Railroad, wheat is a great deal injured by rust. North of Atlanta, how ever, it is represented to be very fine, and the yield will be abundant. Clear out tlie old crop and' prepare for the new. Down with your prices, for there is enough and to spare. THE DUTY OF THE PEOPLE. Tlie Government of the United States has been a government of the people, in which all the people anil flUttic States had Constitutional rights. Tpirenmstitutions of the country were republican. War came; the practical relations of a portion of the States tlie General Government were suspended, tlie government of tlie States that were in rebellion were abdicated, and they were without any legal government. Tlie war ended, loyal State governments were established, and the people of those States stood ready to perform their duties as citzens. But a political party was in power that was not satisfied with ■ such a willing and immediate aequiesence of cite late Yflnirgents to the authority of the Government of tlie Constitution. Tficy know that war, with its terrible accom paniments, bad taught the people of the South to love the old Government and its institutions. In all the Northern States these old in stitutions are still preserved; the people there enjoy the same freedom and privi leges they did before the revolution, and are protected by tlie same constitutional guarantees that have protected them since the formation of the government. The ab solute despotism inflicted by tlie ruling party upon tlie people 'of the Southern States does not reach the people of the North, lienee, to them,the doctrines of that party do not appear as objectionable as they do to our people. But to the people of the South their rule is despotic, and if they cannot make their friends in the North feel tliis fact and aid them in the great struggle, they must go to work manfully and help themselves. Although the Southern States are now ruled by the iron hand of despotism, tlie republicrn institutions of the country are not entirely destroyed. In most of tlie Northern States, the right of citizens as well as States are respected. With the whole people the memory of tlie bless'ngs of the old government still live, and we believe that the masses desire to return to the government of the old Constitution. How shall they do it ? is the question asked- Certainly they eannot be blind to the consequences which must inevitably fol low the continuance of the liadieal party in power. Judge its future by its past. It lias, by force, set aside the rightful govern ment in ten States, and placed them under military rule; it has taken the control of the elective franchise from the States, and placed the whole mu r fin the hands of a party ol politicians; it has compelled the people of tlie South to repudiate a debt which they were willing to pay; it has made itself an inquisition to spy upon the private affairs of tlie citizen; and it lias utterly disregarded and violated ever}- pro vision and guarantee of Hie Constitution. We say the people cannot be ignorant of these faets. Rapidly, under their rule, the republican institutions of tlie country are passing away, and out of their ruins is growing a despotism, under which the peo ple have but one privilege and that is to pay taxes. If the old Government is .worth pre serving, then the people have a duty to perform, in making a mighty effort to change the rulers of the land, and place in power honest patriots, who love liberty more than they do power. Tlie people of Georgia owe tins duty to their posterity, and to tlie cause of human liberty every where. Let every candid man look over the record of tlie Radical party since the close of the war, and see if lie can find therein any act that does not conflict with tlie principles of tlie Constitution. Then let them read tlie Platform adopted by that party a few days ago at Cnieago, and see what it contains that any honest citizen of Georgia can endorse. Honest, Union, liberty loving men of all parties, we ask you to look into this matter candidly, and we know that your verdict and your vote will be cast against Radicalism and ruin. Gov. Brown's Chicago Speech. —We find in Gov. Brown's paper, Mrs. New Era, his Chicago speech corrected by himself. This reminds us of Mr. Douglas’ speech made at New Orleans in 1800. and repub lished, after he had corrected it, at the North. The speech was tlie same, Mr. Douglas said, but they read very different ly. In sixteen of our daily exchanges we find him as having said: ‘-Let him (Bul lock) be inaugurated, and they will adopt tlie Constitutional Amendment, and then let them elect Senators and receive us into Congress, and give us the control of the State Government and its patronage, which we fought for and won. and which we must have if we succeed in this con test.” We believe this report to be tlie cor rect one. for we find the'Rudieal papers and all the reports, although made by dif ferent men, agree. But here is what he says lie said: Let them be inaugurated; let them or ganize, and we will adopt tlie Constitution al Amendment. They will then elect Senators, and you ,-hould receive us back into Congress again. Give us what we have won, and ive will succeed in this con test, and roil up a majority for Gen. Grant in November next. He saw tli t the Chicago speech, as de livered there, would not be just the thing, so he modified it to suit what he thought to be the views of tlie people of Georgia. ltW"The Hill of Georgia looms up mag nificently and grandly above all mists, black, blue anti brown ! ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY MOENING, JUNE 2, 1868. THE RADICALS ON REPUDIATION AND taxation. The Radical Jacobin Convention at Chi cago may have represented some of the best intellect of that party, but they failed to get any of the “intellect” on the Com mittee on Platform, for we cannot imagine that men of any sense, no matter how great knaves they might lie, would allow such a silly attempt at political trickery to be palmed off upon the country as a pro duction of theirs. But the articles of that platform which mean, and do not mean something, are tlie Fourth, Fifth and Sixth. If they thought such a transparent effort at trickery would delude the people, tuvq evidently beliexed the masses lobe magnificent specimens of the “Damphool” 'species. It is a miserable' abortion of an attempt to deny their responsibility for the infamous wrongs -that have been inflicted upon the people. Article Fourth of their Platform says: “It is due to tiie labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized, and reduced as rapidly as the-national faith will per mit.” “It is due to the labor of the nation,” etc. Who made the present tax system ? Tlie Radical party, the very same men, with but few exceptions, who now constitute the Congress ol the United P:-i ■?, and who constituted and controlled the Convention that adopted tliis resolution. Why did they not “equalize” tlie taxation at the time of the enactment of the law, so that the laboring men of .lie country should have their due? Why do they not change the law now. as they are in power? Can any laboring man lie deceived by such a flimsy profession of interest in his welfare, when lie knows that the Radical party made tlie tax law which now op presses him, and that they being in power now, take no steps to relieve them! “And,” the resolution reads, “reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit.” Ttiat sounds all very nice, but how does tlie Radical platform propose to bring about this reduction'? Read tlie sth reso lution and see: 5. The National debt contracted, as it lias been, for the preservation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption, and it is tlie duty of Congress to reduce tlie rate ot in terest thereon, whenever it can be honestly done. There it is. Is it to “be extended over a fair period for redemption?” Instead of paying it off in the same kind of currency that the poor working men are compelled to take, they propose to extend the time of taxation over a long period of years, and make the working men pay tlie interest in gold at seven per cent. The same section reads: “and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon, when ever it can be hon stly done.” If Congress can reduce the rate of interest, it can refuse to pay any interest at all, and the Radicals know it. Tlie Congress can it- rally change the payment of the interest from coin to currency; but tlie Radical party oppose any such measure, as they know it would lift a burden from tlie hands of the over taxed poor man. And now they put in their argument for continued Gold Tax. The sixth resolu tion declares: That the best policy to diminish our burden of de -t, is to improve our credit, that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long as repu diation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or suspected. How will they improve the public cred it? Have they not bad control of tlie Government for eight years? Have they not made every law creating and bearing upon the public debt and the public credit in any way? There is but one way that they can improve the public credit, when the debt is nearly three billions, and that is to impose still heavier taxes, and pay off the entire debt. They know that they cannot lawfully change the rate of interest now being paid on the national debt, and they deny any in tention of in the third resolution, when they say “we denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime, and tlie national honor requires tlie payment of the public indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not only according to the letter , but the spirit of the laws under which it was contracted.” Tliis is a broad dsclaration that tlie present rates of interest shall not be changed, nor shall any portion of tlie present infamous system of taxation be repealed, but it shall all be enforced. What then was tlie use of resolving that the rate of interest and taxation ougtit to be reduced, when they declared that it should not be, if they re main in power. Let us now make a summary of what is contained in these four articles of tlie Flat form. Article 3 declares that the present rate, of interest on the public debt shall not be reduced, that it shall he paid in gold, and that the time for making tlie payment shall not be extend*!. Article 4 says it is due to tlie labor of tlie country that taxation should be reduced, but they don’t promise to reduce it, from the fact that they want to carry out the “letter and spirit” of the law under which was created the cause of its being im posed. Article 5 declares that Congress ought to extend the time of payment over a period of years, and reduce tlie rate of taxation, if they can do it honestly, but as they had previously declared that no change in the present law would be a enme, they have an excuse for paying no regard to this de claration. Article 6 declans that the best policy to diminish our debt is to improve our credit; and as tlie 3d article declares that the debt shall be paid according to the terms of the contract, i. o. tlie present law, we see that it proposes no relief. We do ask the public to accept our de- ' Auctions or opinions as to the meaning of this ambiguous platform. Let every think ing, honest man read it, and make his own deductions, and if he does not see the du plicity interned, we have no more argu ment f@r bin£ The whole platform is one of the strongest arguments against radical rule that wc Save ever road. OjiGA>.Tjf?G.~"Th:. -Fetivocracy rrf DeKalb are organizing and preparing for action. Ben Hill Democratic Club, at Woodville, in that county, on tlie 25th, organized and passed a resolution requesting the Central Executive Committee at tlieir meeting on the 28th, to select some suitable person to compile and prepare for publication a full expose of tlie Unparalleled frauds perpe trated in the latfc election by the Radical faction in thislState, and having confi dence in the ability and integrity of ,T. It. Sneed, late Editor of the Macon Telegraph, they recommend him as the man for the position. Major E. Y. Clark, of this city, has been invited to address the Club at its meeting on Wednesday evening, June 10th. ./" The Nashville Union and Dispatch tells the following good one: “A negro preacher holding a protracted meeting in Henry county having called up tlie peni tent sinners to the anxious seat, got him self down in tlie straw to labor with them. Finding the burden of sin hard to repiove from the soul of a stalwart cullud man, of huge dimensions, he very generously slip ped his hand in his pocket and relieved him of the hindering cause, in the shape of a pocketboek containing about thirty six dollars in greenbacks. He was sen tenced to tlie penitentiary for ten years, but is now running at large, having been pardoned by his Excellency W. G. Browu low. He alleges that he took the pocket book for fear the man would lose it in the straw, aand forgot to give it back to him.” Senator Wade. —Tlie New York Post, (Rep.) referring to the vote on impeach ment, says: The only disgraceful vote cast oil Saturday was that of Mr. Wade, who, with a reckless abandonment of decency and proprCfy, voted for conviction, and for his own elevation to the Presidency, when it was believed by himself and the other i.pporters of impeachment thatcon vict!" . •mid be obtained by only a single vote iVe shall be surprised if Mr. Wade's course in this matter does not drive him out of public life; it has certainly lost him the respect and confidence of all impartial minds. HTSTThe character of the Chicago Con vention, and we may add, of the whole Radical party, is fully represented in W. G. McConnell, delegate from* Louisiana, and Foster Blodgett, ’delegate from Geor gia. The former was arrested at Chicago for stealing 8.730, from an old man at Mat toon, Illinois, 18G5, the latter was arrested in Chicago for attempting to incite a mob to take the life a peaceful resident of Savan nah, Ga., in ISiiO, causing said citizen to lose a quantity of valuable papers. Fine representatives, these, of the “God-and morality party!” Never Said “Nigger.” —Tlie “Black and Tans ” at Chicago didn't have a word to say about tlieir colored brethren exerci sing tlie voting privilege in the Northern States. The colored people should not submit to this. They are as good as the leaders of tlie Radical party; and no Rad ical should claim for himself any right or privilege which he would not be willing to accord to liis loyal and intelligent col ored supporters. Mrs. Mary E. Bryan. —We are pleased to learn that Mrs. Mary E. Bryan is now en route from Louisiana to Florida and Georgia, on a visit to her relations. Her friends and admirers in Georgia, and especially those in Atlanta, will extend to her a warm and cordial greeting. We understand that she contemplates publish ing a work while here. From her ac knowledged ability as a writer, its forth coming will be looked to with eagerness, and hailed with delight. New Humorous Work. —We learn that Davie Longshore, Black Smith, designs publishing a humorous work, finely illus trated, entitled “Dave Longshore’s Gaities and Gravities.” A large number of the articles orignally appeared in the Macon Telegraph, illustrating tlie late Convention in this city. Mr. Lonsliorc resides at Li thoria, we understand, and though a bril liant writer, is rather an eccentric genius. Affray. —The Rome Courier of the 2Gth says Lewis Thompson and Billy Hicks had a difficulty on Saturday night last, some four or five miles east of Rome, which re sulted in the latter shooting the former twice with a revolver, one ball taking ef fect on the side of tlie head and the other in the foot, which is said to bo the most serious wound. Nashville is so full of “dead beats” that the hotels are compelled to resort to the ticket system at meals. LETTER FROM CO 1.. O ASK 11,1., lie Can’t Swallow tlie Radical Plat form. Col. E. Hulbert, Tresident 11 Central Grant Club-of State of Georgia:” Dear Sir: Allow me, through you, to tender my resignation as Secretary of the above named club. “A decent respect to the opinions of mankind,” constrains me to present, through you, my reasons for withdrawing from said club. “Principles, not men,” should be the motto of every patriot of America. That part of tlie Chi cago platform particularly referring to tlie South, I cannot endorse, nor properly char acterize the humiliating position of those men from the South who voted for it. Time •alone will discover to them the depth of thelT riSa-nmlng Rnp.” Gen. tTvsitnrs ’psSt record gave assurances that lie would never accept so harsh and proscriptive a platform. I had it but a few days ago, al most from his own lips, that lie would sanction no party denying to tiic States the right to regulate their own internal af fairs. Tlie first declaration of principles! by the party nominating him strikes the dagger to the heart of Republican liberty, and pledges the Government at Washing ton to prevent Georgia, in the ftiture, if She chooses, from conforming her Consti tution to that of Ohio, New Y ork or Mas sachusetts. The perpetuity of “the States lately in rebellion,” as organized under the military bills, is regarded “as the duty of tlie Gov ernment to sustain.” As well blot out our State lines and inaugurate at once a con solidated despotism. I can take no man upon such doctrine, not even Gen Grant. Nothing I have ever done has pledged me to this. Does it not look a little odd to you, my dear sir, and did not you feel strangely in winding up that Convention, after the work I have referred to. by an endorse ment of “the great principles laid down in the immortal Declaration of Indepen dence ?” Having been a member of the Chicago Convention, and having endorsed its plat form, may I not say truthfully that you declared that you are not the “equal” of a Northern Radical? Have you not asserted it to be the duty of Congress “to prevent” you and me from enjoying a Constitution al right? Did not such transitions re quire “sharp and quick” work? None but a well trained party mind could stand it. The second declaration of principles sets up one rule upon the question ot'suffrage for the North and another for tlie South. The Congressional rule for tlie South “must be maintained.” while “all the loyal States can do as they please upon the second subject. Georgia admitted is Georgia enslaved. The States though re constructed are not equals. Though the 14th article becomes part of tlie Constitution of the United States, Georgia is forbidden, if she should desire it, to take the benefit of its provisions. Another resolution, in substance, de clares fealty to party tlie test of loyalty. Ashburn had more magnanimity than has the late Chicago platform. Ashburn desired the removal of political disabilities from everybody. The Chicago platform would relieve only Radicals. i have conformed in good faith to all tlie demands of the military bills. I am, therefore, entitled to reconstruction full and complete, if a Republican promise is worth anything. I can humiliate myself no more unless compelled. None but those “deaf to the voice of justice and con sanguinity” can ask more. Tlie negro made the Republican party—the negro will kill it. The hair of the dog, it is said, is good for the bite; therefore, the Demo cratic party has been charged witii tlie at tempt to destroy the Union, so may it be the mission of the American Democracy, in the providence of God, to restore Con stitutional Union, if it ever comes? May 1 not say of tiie Radical party “we have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by tiie ties of our common kindred, to dis avow these usurpations ?” But the cry is “No mercy but to a Radical. He that be lieveth in radicalism shall be saved, and lie tiiat believeth not shall be damned.” From such a loathsome picture, I turn hopefully to the American Democracy, and in tlie name of my suffering country I cry—save or we perish. When I announced for General Grant for President, he was considered by all parties a Conservative man, and incapable of duplicity. Ilis late controversy with tlie President is before the country and his action in that controversy disappointed the country, yet pleased the Radical party; for they found a man, after their own heart, who would hesitate at nothing, for party ascendency. Grant has degenerated. Ambition has demoralized him. He is not the man lie was, when he met General Lee at Appo mattox Court House, and returned him his sword. He is not the man he was, when he took his Southern tour, passing through this city, after the surrender, and reported to President Johnson, of the spirit of the South, that — all's well. No such man could endorse the Chicago platform. Sir, when Brown, Hulbert & Cos. first embarked for reconstruction, under the Military Bills, B. 11. Hill told us that re construction meant radicalism—that loy alty meant radicalism —that no concessions would answer but concessions to party.— i We denied it. The Radical party has proven INUMBER 14 Hill a prophet, by '“Hilling his prophecy, and we ought to own up. The negroes in tlie next Legislati? vc " not vote for a Senator who is against tlieir holding office, and hence, in Chicago, Brown moves up to a full uch. radical ethics, and pronounces for political equality. Don't blame me for not going that far.— I never agreed to. The military hills don’t require it. There are other very objeetlouai matters in said platform, but if what lias been pre sented does not justify my action to you and your political associates, you would not " be persuaded though one arose from the dead.' 1 Excuse me to the Club, I can not be a party to such transactions. . rci'SonalljYlil'owVi7l).SUert A Cos. have my regards, but politically, may the Chica go Platform and all its advocates soon come to grief. Your obedient servant, V. A. Gaskill. A Reconstructed (Georgia Rebel in Distress. From the Chicago Tribune (radical,) May 2 !.; Upon the heels of the session of the Na tional Convention of the Republican party, Foster Blodgett, Esquire, a delegate to the Convention from the State of Georgia, was arrested. The arrest was made in a civil proceeding instituted in the Circuit, ('oiirt of this county by one Janies Grangle. who has within a few mouths been admitted to practice at the bar of the Stated Illinois The bail was fixed in the case at five thous and dollars, which amount of real estate security Mr. Blodgett, being a stranger in tiie city, was unable to furnish, and hr. therefore was compelled to remain in the custody of the Sheriff. Mr. Orangle sues Mr. Blodgett in an action on tlie case for damages,.assessed by him, at tlie modest sum of one hundred thousand dollars. The affidavit on which the capias issued, stripped of all its technicalities, say - that during the month of February, IsGO, tlie plaintiff Orangle, being a resident of Sa vannah, Georgia, went to tiie city of Augus ta, in the same State, for tin? "purpose of collecting some debts against a firm by tlie name of Turley, Gray A Turley, ami that the defendant incited a mob to oiler vio lence to him. It is alleged that about tiie Othday of February tlie plaintiff arrived at Augusta and stopped at the United Stales Hotel, and tlie defendant, maliciously con triving to ruin him and bring ldm inio public scandal, to prevent the coll. ti ion of the debt and to put his life in jeopardy, represented him to be an abolitionist who ad come to Augusta to stir up the negroes j servile war. The result, It is charged, was that a large number of persons called j upon him at his room, and ordered him to | leave the city. A second visit, under tile i like circumstances, is charged to have been j in like means incited, and itiScharged HinE | at this time the order was accompanied by ; a threat that his presence there on the next day would be rewarded by hanging, j A third notiiieation of the same nature it is I sworn was given, and it is charged tiiat at i least at one of these visits the defendant was present. On the following morning, it is averred, at about two o’clock, the plaintiff was visited by a crowd of people, who broke in the door of his chamber, being incited by the same means, took him from his bed, and led him down stairs to a gallows widen had been erected for him from tlie balcony of the hotel. Prior to the act of leading him down stairs, tlie affiant states that a rope was placed around the neek of Mr. Orangle, as though there was not only the my ins, but the intent to hang him. From this I difficult position he was rescued by tlie j police of the city, who conducted him to jail, the mob in the meanwhile making j’way with his valise and its valuable con tents. | It is further alleged tiiat on the lOtii day ! of tlie same month, Mr. Blodgett contriv j iug to injure, Ac., tlie plaintiff, appeared j before a Justice of the Peace, and there i accused him of being an inciter of .-erviie | war, an abolitionist, and an abolition lec turer. Sometime after that there was mi examination, followed by an acquittal, which was not, however, followed by re lease, but by plaintiffs being taken-ti) tin* office of Mr. Blodgett, as Mayor of Au gusta, when he, Blodgett, spat in liis face, kiched him and beat him, and incited.'the bystanders to like acts of indignity. In Consequence of all this, Orangle charges that he was compelled to leave liis home at Savannah, to his great loss. The case come up in the Circuit Court, yestex'day, upon a motion to quash t e capias writ. The motion was based upon its general want of sufficiency. * * * Judge Pollard, of Georgia, stated that probably it would make but little differ ence what the bail was fixed at, inasmuch as his associate upon the delegation was a stranger here. He desired to know if the Court could, under tlie statute of lUinois receive and consider counter affidavits. He stood ready to prove tiiat the whole statement was false, in so far as it referred to tlie defendant, and that, on the contra ry, Mr. Blodgett, being an origipial Union man, rescued the plaintiff from violence offered him by a mob at Augusta, as well as that the defendant came into disrepute by reason of this and similar acts, in viola tion of the then public sentiment of bis section of country. Tlie Court suggested tiiat sucli an in quiry was more proper upon an applica tion to discharge under a writ of habeas corpus. Further proceedings will, in ail proba bility, be taken this day. if the records of the courts have not been closed until Mon day. The Judges of the Supreme Court, it is understood, will not sit, and Judge Wil liams has left the city. The Crops. —ln a conversation with sev eral planters from different sections of the county, we learn that the cotton crop is seriously injured, especially on the low lands. Good seasons may yet bring it out, but there is no doubt that it will fall very far below what was anticipated at the com mencement of tiie season. The corn crop is looking and doing well.— Eufau.a News. irgTFroni every section of the country J around us we hear encouraging accounts j from the planters. Corn and cotton both j look well ; and tlie negroes left pretty i mil h to themselves by the carpet-baggers who do no now want their voles, are j working much better than they did last | iY&ti —Mima Messenger.