The daily press. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1894-1???, July 04, 1894, Page 2, Image 2

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2 THE DAILY PRESS. PUBLISHED EVERY DAY EXCEPT SUNDAY. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION : Daily Edition, One Year ._ $6 (Kt “ *• S , Months 3 00 ** “ Three Months 1 50 The People's Party Paper. One Year 1 00 invariably in advance. ATLANTA, GA., .11 I.Y 4. 1594. “XZS77/V 7 0 8 77.7’ 7/ /.'.\N. With peculiar reverence the peo ple of Georgia loved Alexander 11. Stephens. They knew that Toombs was a brainier man, but they felt that Ste phens was the safer more careful, more thorough, more far-seeing. They knew that Ben Hill was a better talker, but in the rushing stream of his glorious eloquence they found less depth than in the quieter current of Shephens’ statesmanship. Our fathers looked upon the Sage of Liberty Hall as a prophet. He saw the future of railway de velopment, and he pushed the West ern and Atlantic through the mount ains of Georgia to tap the trade of the West. Ile saw the horrors o’ Civil war germinating in the wild talk of Secession, and he did his utmost to thwart Calhoun and Rhett, Yancey ami Toombs. He saw the deadly evils which would enter the Democratic party when it left its own principles and its own leaders and accepted the prin ciples of New York and the leader ship of Horace Grecly. So deeply was the old warrior moved by this fatal blunder that he went forth into all parts of the State, battling against the false creed which had crept into our ranks; and he spent bis fortune in trying to main tain a Daily Paper in Atlanta to teach the people the true princi ples of Thomas Jefferson. That he failed to arouse public at tention: that he failed to stem the tide of mistaken policy; that he was unable to prevent Jefferson's party from being captured by the Northern and Eastern leaders who, under the name of Democrats trample under foot all Democratic principles, is no discredit to Mr. Stephens. But the fact that he saw the peril which threatened his people ami which has now brought them to the very brink of political ruin, is a wonderful proof of his unfailing power to “look ahead.’’ In 1879, Mr. Stephens occupied a ~Wht ih CongresS, —in jthe lower House. The “Crime of 187.3” had by that time become fully known. Its blast ing influence was beginning to be felt. The question of destroying the silver money of the nation was un derstood by a few, but not by the many. Mr. Stephens grasped the whole situation ; described the evil and prophesied the desolation which would fall upon the country when those who schemed to make a corner on g >ld should succeed in t heir con spiracy. In another column we present to our readers the important parts of Mr. Stephens’ speech. Note what he says about the coun try drifting to ruin, without knowing it, just as the sleeping dog floated down the river on the haystack T. E. W. 7; ier )• /:OD i■ rea d this. Let us make it a matter of honor to sustain our Daily Paper. It belongs to the whole Party and is devoted to the service of us all. Those who have paid §6.00 in a 1 vance, and those wh > will now do so, will get the Daily Paper one year and half a share of stock in the Com pany. If those who have pajd six dollars uSM aeud five more they will get a full share of paid-up stock (§10.), en-’ titling them to a vote in the manage ment. They get also the Daily Pa per for one year. If you have not subscribed to either the stock or to the paper, send us eleven dollars and we will send vou certificate for Ten Dollars in sto.-k, and also send you the Daily for one year. Those who have paid §5 on one share of stock can send us six more and get certificates for ten dollars in stock and also get the Daily for one year. But stick to the text, now. This •aeans just what it says—and no more. Ifdoes not mean that you can pay $22 aud get §2O in stock and two copies of the Daily. No. It means just what it says : that you cau pay up §ll right now now and get §lO in Stock and one copy <>f the Daily for one year. Why do we do this? Simply to make it possible for the poorest man in the South to own a share in his paper and to have a voice in its man agement. Comrade, join the baud 1 EDITORIAL NOTES. If the Government owned and operated our national highways as it should'do, the great strike which now psrayzes domtste commerce would never have occurred. Nobody ever heard of a strike in the Government mail service. The melon growers of South Georgia whose property is rotting on the side tracks when it ought to be speeding to market should bear in mind that the wl ole trouble lies in the false system of allowing private individuals to control the public r. a:s-the national channels of trade. If the G ivernment were run ning the railroads there would be no strikes. Who ever heard of a strike in the Government Custom House service? ♦ ♦ ♦ Col. Milton A. Candler, declines a joint debate with Colonel Livingston Co). A. O. Bacon declines a joint debate with Col. L. F. Garrard. It would seem that pugnacity is putting on a fine polish of prudence this season. # ♦ • The reason why Hon. IL S. Turner disappointed the Democrats in his Opera House speech is that the job he undertook verges on the im possible. Judge Turner is mentally a very big man but the the task of defend ing Cleveland is still bigger. Judge Turner says that ho would vote for free coinage of silver at 20 to 1 “as a beginning.” Does Judge Turner think that sys tems of national finance can be work ed over as farmers work a cotton crop—a different plowing for each change of weaker? This idea of experimenting on free coinage, and of changing from one ratio to another “as a beginning,” is a striking proof of the confusion which falls upon a modest statesman like .fudge Turnir when he runs for two offices at once. * * * If Col. L. F. Livingston came ■swooping down from Washington just spoiling for a fight, what’s to hi oder him from getting it out of Col. B. M. Blackburn? I am willing to make any reasona ble guarantee that Col. B. M. B. will be found with his spurs on, and his lance ready. * * * 'kuA Ute - -Colonnl Livingston knowfrirho to challenge. That’s one of the reasons he gave no dare to Co'. B. M. Bia kburn. If Colonel Livingsto i really hun gers for combat and will call at the shop of Colonel Blackburn, my opinion is that he will get the best specimen which the display counter a fiords. * * * The Sugar Trust which is a private trust is still having a gay and licen tious time with those pompous frauds who ta d that “Public office is a pub lic trust.” Sugar and Cleveland honesty meit into i ach other uncoutrolable sweet ness. * » » In Georgia the Court House rings which knocked General Evans out, are still endorsing Cleveland Sugar Trust and all. In Kentucky they are endorsing Breckinridge. No wonder that .Judge Turner’s speech showed a disposition to sag and flag ami rest itself. The right was very hot—and so is the situation. * W 4 The Atlanta Journal seems very much disgusted because the Pops of Randolph county put a negro Popu ] list on a committee of arrangements. If the colored brother in question I had been a Bishop the Journal would i probably have made no complaint. The Atlanta Democrats who 1 wanted $200,000 of the people’s tax j money for the Atlanta Exposition put a negro on their committee and used him for all he was worth. But then he was a-bi<hop. The Journal ought not to be too bard on us. We can’t all be bishops. If a colored bishop is good enough to go on a Democratic committee surely a colored farmer or school teacher or preacher ought not to create a panie when he gets on a Populist committee. « • « If it is wrong to put a colored j man on a committee, or a delegation, ' then a bishop is as much out of I place as a layman. Being a bishop doesn’t change race I or color nor any question dependent I thereon. After live months work the Dem ocrats in the Senati laid out the Me. I Kinley bill by passing another which . differed from tin obnoxious bill only I in degree. THE DAILY PRESS: ATLANTA GEORGIA: JI I.Y 4, 1894 ALEXAXDEK 11. STEPHENS. His on Silver in the House of Representatives June 187I>. The trade-doliar was declared by law a legal tender for the payment of debts in the sum of §5, just the same as subsidiary silver coins were. There was an obligation on the part of the government to take 'them. Since then the trade-dollars Lave been demonetized. Yet they are afloat in the country, ami the honest laborer is reciving th.m. How the trade dollar became demonetized the gentleman from IHinoise [Mr. Sprin ger] and the gentleman from New York [Mr Cox] have just explained. But the faith of the government never could be obliterated by that act of demonetization. The statute just read declared, and the faith of the government is pled ged, that the trade-dollar should be one of the coins of the United States. .Now, I am not here to designate anything as a cheat or a fraud. The trade-dollar was demonetized in 1876. Ido not know how it was done. But before that time there had been coined and issued several mi.lions of trad dollars. The faith of the country had been pledged that these millions of trade dollars should be received in sums of §5 for the payment of debts. All I have to say, all that the friends of this bill say, is that the government should redeem that pledge, should keep its faith, should take up these trade-dollars and exchange them for other silver dollars cf 4121 grains. The government will make 7} grains on every dollar by that operation. Whom will it hurt? No one. Whom will it benefit? It will benefit the honest, toiling, laboring millions. There is hardly a class in society that it will not benefit. The merchant, the banker, the shopkee per, the traders, the laborers; almost every class of the community wil be benefited by it. The government of the United States has issued this coin; it bears upon its face the stamp of the government. The poor, ignorant laboring-man seeing that stamp of the government upon it bc’ieves that it is a coin of his own country, and relying upon that stamp takes it in payment of his debt. When he comes to pay his debts, when he comes to pay his tobacco tax -yes, the poor humble black man who lives as a tenant upon my farm, when he goes to pay his tobacco tax with that trade-dollar which has upon it the stamp of this government is re tused. Is that not wrong? 1 do not care who may have this trade dollar. lam no respecter of persons. Whoever takes it, the honest laborer, the banker, the shopkeeper, the fer ryman, whoever takes it should have it. redeemed by the government. That is enough about this bill, ex cept some of the amendments which 1 wish to refer to. There are •“iLmxpther things, hpw_- ever, to which 1 want to refer very briefly. Some gentlemen have argued that if we pass tins bill we will have twenty-eight million of these trade-dollars returned to us from China. By adopting an amend ment which is to be offered to the bill, no one need apprehend any such danger. But lam free to sty, that I wish it would bring back all the millions of trade-dollars that are now in China. It is said there are about twenty-eight millions of them there. I would say to every silver coin afloat with the American eagle on it, “Homeward we want you.” But how is it going to eff ct any sucn result? Do you suppose that a Chinaman will bring over here 120 grains of silver and give it to our government for 112.} grams? Never or hardly ever. [Liughter.j The Heathen Chinee is hardly “child like” enough for that. He will never do it or hardly ever. [Renewed laughter.] What I Bring over here from China 1211 grains ot silver in order to get 412.1 for it from our government? No, sir. No, sir. Even the Heathen Chinee will see that that will not pay the expense of the operation. 1 wish that could be done. I will till you that I am not afraid of the silver glut that frightens members so much. 1 want all the‘silver that we can get. The trade-dollar is now un der discussion 1 know. But upon the general silver bill, which is now in the other branch of Congress, and which was here before us a short . time ago, I will say that I wish we could obtain all the silver bullion in the world possible and coin it into silver dollars. Now, Mr. Speaker, five or six years £.go there were in the world about §8,000,000,000 of meta! money— gold and silver—which lave been the money of the world from a peri od long anterior to Herodotus, long anterior to Grecian history—which were the money of the world even long before \he time of the patri archs. Os these §8,000,000,000 of me al money §4,500,000,000 were sil ver, the rest gold. What was dene bv those nations that demonetized silver? At one fell swoop they de posed from its functions more than half of the metal money of the world. Then began monetary revolutions. What has been our business history since the United States adopted the policy? Why, sir, the first year fol lowing demonetization here there were upward of seven thousand fail ures in this country with upward or JOOO.OOVjOOG liabilities; the next yeas upward of nine thousand of the stur diest houses in the country t’aile i with near §2**0,000,000 of liabilities; the next year there were upward ot eight thou.-a id failures with near $200,0(.'0,00o liabilities; ami the last year ten thousand failures and up ward with a still larger amount of h- abilities, over s2trt),'bO,OUO. From 1874 unt> ’be close of last . j year thirty-six tbor-and houses con- I sidered the staunebst in the country, faded with liabiliies amounting to ; over 180V,000,00(L almost one-third ‘■ of the pub.ic deb of the United States. What was’-he cause of this? The gentleman froa Ohio [Mr. Gar field] entertained .i» the other day ’ with an interesting description of a scene that he witnesed on the Ohio River of a hay-stSk with a dog fast ' ; asleep upon it fitting down the ' river, while the dg was totally un ' i conscious of the flod or his danger. ’ It seem to me th t many people of i this country are fi ating down upon ’ this tremendous tie of ruin, and are just as unconscion- as ’hat sleeping ' I pointer, setter, terier, hound, or cur ( as to what has.hajbened. [Laughter and applause.] I dinot know whether the dog in qae-iti<u was a pup or a grown-up dog; bu they say, and I ’ j believe it is true, nat it takes a pup nine days to gt its eyes open. Some people, wm are going down upon this flood with their eyes ’ closed, may requir nine years to get their eyes open ; >ut they will see the truth after awil ■ A large part of the cause of thee disasters was the striking down as currency of more ’ than half of money of the I world. But it is said wemust await the ac ’ | tion of European nations. This is what we were tod yesterday. Sir, I I perdict a changt in the policy of ’ European nations n this regard. I I venture to prediutthat by the next meeting of this (ingress there will be such a tide n favor of what i is known as our siverbill that it will ■ sweep everybody in this country, pretty much as lie haystacks were swept down the Olio river. [Here the hamner fell.] Mr. Stephens. 1 trust 1 may be allowed a few monents more— The Speaker. n he chair is aware that members deiie to hear the gen tleman from Ge< gii, and he will proceed if no gentleman objects. The chair hears n> objection. Mr. Stephens, dr. Speaker, I say as an American flat for us to await the action of a Eirupean conferened upon a change oF.he relative values lof geld ami siler is chimerical. Why, sir, we have a debt which wi‘l forever prevent it- We have a debt of over §2,200,((Ml,000 which by the terms of the contract is to be paid in coin of tie standard value existing at the tine the debt was contracted. At tlat lime the gold ' dollar contained 258 grains and the silver dollar 412} grains. Now, the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Mc- Lane) said yesterday that he was in favor ot bnnettai money. Nearly everybody on the ether side of the House, have said the same. Now, if we are to have bimetl.ilic money, th it is, if we are "to have both silver I and gold as money, this standard I must be prep(ved. We cannot • -Suppose i we increase it as was proposed by i the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Kimmel] to 460 grains. That would i increase the pupiic debt about 11 per cent, and virtually add over two I hundred million dollars increase on the public debt. 1 have not made out exact figures. Suppose the silver 1 dollar should be increased to 485 grains, as another gentleman [Nir. G arlield ] suggested ; that would be an increase of the public debt to the ' extent of 19 per cent., or ovel §400,- 0(10,000, with an annual increase of in crest of about 516,000,000. Can J t 1 is country do anything like that? 5 We must consider it as a fixed, im ] mutable fact that we cannot increase the weight of the silver dollar until at least the public debt is discharged. Tha - debt must be discharged, every dollar and every cent of it, in good > faith according to the contract. The j I stand ird silver dollar when that con tract was made was 412.1- grains. Therefore I say it would be chimeri -1 * cal for us to join in any European monetary conference to change the • present standard of the legal-tender dollar of the United Slates. Such 1 a proposition is preposterous. Next as to the great difference be tween gold coin and silver bullion. That is the bugbear throughout the whole controversy; it is all in refer ence to the present price of silver bullion. Some gentlemen said our bill (the silver bill that passed the House the other day) was in favor of the bullionis's; that it was a specu lation of tne bullionists. On this view I wish now to make a few re marks. Why is it, Mr. Speaker, that there is a discrapency between the silver dollar, the trade-dollar, and the gold dollar today? That is the great quesion. My own opimon is if we pass this bill today, and our silver bill passes the Senate, six months will not elapse, ninety days will not elapse, beore they will be about as near together as they ever were before. What brought silver down? Youdegraded it. You deprived it of its money'quality, its debt-paying power. You left it purely as a com modity passing for its intrinsic worth. Silver, when it was demonetized, when it wa< thus degraded, was 2 or 3 per cent, above gold. [Several interruptions here occur red which, as they were not relevant io the main question under discus sion, are here omitted.J Mr. Morion. I understood my friend from Georgia to express the opinion that within six months after the passage of this bill the bullion value of the sia>dard silver dollar will rule between 2 and 3 per cent, of that of the gold dollar. Am I right? Mr. Stephens. Ves; and the pas sage also of the silver bill which is now in the Senate. 1 said it would rise within 2 or 3 percent, not of the bullion value but of the real bona fide, gold value; up almost to an equality with it. [Other like interruptions are again omitted for like reasons.] Mr. Stephens. This bid stops the coinage of the trade dollar. It pro- - vides for taking up all those which are now in the country, and which are producing so much distress among the people, and on account of which they ask relief. A. vety few words more only. There is one other subject to which I wish to allude, and that is the op position which was ma le to the silver bill which passed the House some time -ago, on a count of the profit which the bullion-ho’ders would make by bringing in the silver bul lion to be converted into coin. It was said that the amount of bullion in a si ver dollar of 412} grains was worth eighty five cents, and the bul i lioaists would make fifteen ecnis profit on each dollar. I kne w that many hon s people opposed tbi< bill on that ground. We c anged the bill in that particular. But if the Sen ate should restore it as it was at first reported to the House I should like it bett'-r. Suppose the m ner should make fifteen cents on evety dollar of his bullion, would that hurt any body ? Mr. Marsh. Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a que-t'on? Mr. Sie ihens. Certainly. Mr. M rsh. If the Government should make fifteen cents on the dol -1 ir, would that help anybody? Mr. Stephens. Not much; neither the Government nor anybody else. The Government makes by wha'ever adds to the prosjierity of the coun try. Suppose that there were one hundred million dollars’ worth of' sever bullion, and that we had un limited free coinage, which I am in i favor of, but which the bill that we ' passed the other day does not ex- ! aetly carry out. Suppose that the ! owners of that bullion should make fifteen cents on every dollar’s worth ] of it, who would be hurt? That is i the question. Would the Govern ment be hurt? No. The Govern-’ ment would convert it into silver coin j and issue it or certificates for it. The Government w ould lo.«e nothing, I though the bullionists would make 15 ; per cent, on the amount. That would add so much to the general wealth of the cou.rry. Who wool 1 be injured? Nobody. The bul lionists woul 1 be ben‘fitted. Wiio else would be bem-fitted? Every n a i who owns a dollar of property in this country would be benefitted . by it by a rise in his property. Mr. .Marsh. Will the gentleman permit me to ask him another ques tion ? Mr. S < phens. Certainly. Mr. Mar.'h. Would not the silver dollar be worth just as much in the hands of the laboring man if the gov ernment should make the difference between the bullion value and the i legal tender- vahie; irinlend -sf the bul liorust or the miner makifig it? Mr. Step he us. Just a< much, ev ery bit and no more. But I would offer an inducement for the coinage of silver bullion. We want the bul lion ; we want the silver; we want the money. Hence, as I said awhile ago, I would call out, ‘Ho! every man who has silver bullion, b ing it to this country and have it coined.” We want to offer an inducement to bring it her ■. Ti .it is the difference, and a veiy wide on-, if we give an inducement of fifteen cents profit on the dollar, then the bidders of the silver bullion lio n all countries wi l bring it nere, not otherwise; and our I own miners will have a new impulse given to i heir energy and industry. Mr. Marsh. Does the gemleman think it necessary for the govern- I ment to give rhe holders of the bul lion 15 i er cent, profit in order to induce them to bring their bullion here for coinage? Mr. Stepbins. We give them nothing; we do not give them that profit. They mike it. Let me il lustrate: S me vears ago there was a great drought in my section of the state of Georgia. Corn was scar.e, and it went up >o §1.75 a bushel. A few- holders of the corn were making a great profit on it. An enterprising young man in my town got together a sum of money, say, for illustration, $3,000, went up to Indiana or Illi nois, or some place out west, and bought corn at, I think, about sixty cen s a bushel. The freight and ex pense upon that corn was such that, laid down in the village where he lived, it cost him one round dollar a bushel. He offered it lor sale at a dollar and twenty-five cents a bushel and in thirty days made 25 per cent, upon his investment. Bat every man in the country that was buying corn made fifty cents on the bushel by that operation. "Who avas injured by it? Nobody but the corn holders. So in this case. The bullionis’s might by enterprise make at least 15 per cent, anff all be benefitted but the gold-holders. Editor’s Note :—The bill under consideration provided that the Trade Dollar should be retired and that I.egal Tender silver dollars should be issued in its place. This law went into effect. The law to which Mr. Stephens alluded as “Our Silver Bill” which *‘we passed the other day etc.,” was the Biand act of 1878. By the “Crime of 1873,” the Legal Tender silver dollar of Jefferson h>d been dropped from the coinage. It was outlawed. This was the act which John Sherman "sneaked” through Congress at the bidding of England. By the Bland act of 1.878, to which Mr. Stephens alludes, the silver dol- lar was azain recognized as one of our lawful coins and the government was directed to coin not less than §2,000,000 of them each month. Mr. Stephens said this law did not go far enough to suit him. He wanted free and unlimited coinage at the old ratio. He said that to change the ratio would injure the debtor —would add to his debt. The more silver you compelled him to put in a dollar the harder you made it for him to meet his obligations. The Biand act of 1878 stood as the law until 1890, when the Senate passed a “free coinage” bill. The House failed to agree; and the “con ference committee” agreed on a bill striking out free coinage and provid ing that the government should buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver per month and coin it into dollars. This was the “Sherman Law” of 1890. This law was denounced as a “makeshift,” because it stopped short of Free Coinage. The Democrats were elected in 1892 to repeal this “makeshift” and give us Free Coinage. They repealed the makeshift but gave us no coinage at all. They have stopped making silver dollars at all. Thus the Democrats have landed us back to where John Sherman had us in 1873. THEY WERE AFRAID. We clip the following from the Washington Post: “Watson,” said a Democratic mem ber. “is as cunning as a fox If he got half a chance he would make such a speech as would bring disaster upon us in every doubtful precinct in Georgia. Pence and Simpson and the rest of the Populists would set their whole cleri cal force to work franking copies of it to every voter in the State. I know Watson. He is one of the shrewdest politicians in the South, young as he is. We all know what kind of a speech he is capable of making. Give him the floor, eh? Not much.” Here is an honest confession that the reason Mr. Watson was not al lowed to defend himself before the jury rendered their verdict was that the Democrat bosses were afraid. . They knew he would put the facts of that sworn testimony, taken in Augusta, where the people could get hold of them. As the matter now stands there is no record of the case which goes be fore the general public. Not a New Thing. W. T. Stand says of Coxeyism in England: “Journalists laugh at Cox eyi m The laboring people sympa thizes, and in the end it-is th i la'tsr who wilt prevail. We are not un famihar with similar petitions in boots in London Lazarus showed his sores in Trafalgar square, and the unemployed tranued their shoes off their ieet in 1886-87 demonstrat ing their desire for work. London newspapers, with one or two excep tioi s, scoffed and flouted the agita tors The metropolitan police broke up the processions and cleared the s pare am d the cheers of Dives and Ids myrmidons. John Burns and Cuiiiiingl am Graham were flung into prison, and for a time there was peace, the peace and silence of the grave. But in two short years Lon don elected its first couu'y council and John Burns fresh from prison became the most influential member of the new governing body. The men at Trafalgar square became the rulers of Spring gardens, and the greatest movement of our time in the direction of municipal socialism is being conducted at this moment in ■ the name of the London council by the representatives of the army of ] discontent which bivouacked at the base of Nelson's column only seven I years ago.” Judge Hines’ Appointments. Georgetown, July 6. Cuthbert, July 7. Dawson, July 9. Cochran, Julv 12. Barnesville, July 14. Conyers, July 17. Covington, July 18. Grovetown, July 21. Austell (Friday night), Rome, July 23, at night. Brunswick, July 28. Tifton, July 31. Americus, August 1. Fort Valley, August 2. Milledgeville, August 4. Athens, August 6. Lexington, August 7. Watson and Hines’ Appoint ments. Birnesville, July 14. Grovetown, July 21. Brunswick, July 28. Tifton, July 31. Americus, August 1. Fort Valley, August 2. Milledgeville, August 4. The Dahlonega Signal says: “We are reliably informed that Mr. James Head, one of the members of the Democratic executive committee of Lumpkiu county savs he expects to vote for Judge Hines. Mr. W. J. Burt, another member of the com mittee, is quoted as saying that he did not expect to cast his vote for another lawyer. Os course this de cision wi 1 not help Judge Hines, but it will be sad news to some of our Democratic lawyers of this county, who are offering their services to the ! voters.” Grants of Public Money for Pa rochial Schools. A campaign is being waged 3t the doors of congress against those it. m» in the Indian appropriation bill pro viding for the support of parochial schools. The opponents of tne ap propria’i* ns tor school, tinder church managem nt claim that they- I .i'-e a la ge number of menibe -of the horse pledged to fight the g nts when the bill is b r orght up. Jh -y represent that durlnj he > ast eigb.t years a tctal of *',3 16,416 has been oiven to tae Roman Catholic schools out of §3,66*,951 appro >riated, ;>nd that the proportion given to the C.itlioii: scho Is is steadily in •red ing eince the Congr 'gatiem 1, Me h odisi, Presbyterian an 1 E~s opal churches have withdrawn their ap plications for funds. The whole amount asked for this year is paid to be nearly §4(K>,OOO, io be distributed among forty-five Roman Catholic echo- Is. The par ticular items in the bill which con gressmen are asked to oppose are for the fol’owiog schools: St. Bonuaee, Banning, C t l ., §12,500; Holy Family, Blackfeet. Mon’., §12,500; St. John’s, Collegeville, Mmn., §10,000; St. B-nedict’s, Stearns County, §IO,OOO ; St. Paul’s, Clontarf, .Minn., §IO,OOO ; St. Ignatius, Jocko, Cal., §45,000; St. Jo eph’s, R nssalaer, Ind., §B,- 330; Kate Drexel, Umatilla, Ore., §9,000. A Story of Shame Unparalleled The American people are not yet prepared tp believe that Congress will consummate the infamous bar gain with the Sugar Trust. The na tion is not yet prepared to believe that a majority of Congress will consent to a plot for handling over to the sugar monopoly from §40,000,000 to §80,000,000 from the pockets of the people, while sweeping American wool out of existance and striking a crushing blow at American woolen manufactures. It is utterly useless for a few Mugwump organs willing to sanction the Sugar Trust betrayal because it was dictated from the White House, to attempt to divert attention from Senato ial corruption. What are the facts, as known to the people? The president of the Sugar Trust had interviews with Secretary Carlisle and with certain Democratic leaders in the Senate. According to Mr. Havemeyer’s own testimony, the Sugar Trust had been a liberal con tributor to campaign funds, and there is no doubt whatever that the Democ racy was the beneficiary of those contributions. It is known that the Sugar Trust made such an effective appeal to the Cleveland administration and certain Democratic Senators that Secretary Carlisle himself dre w a sugar schedule giving the Trust a gift of from §40,- 000,000 to §89,000,000. The appeal must have been powerful indeed to secure such an enormous concession at the expense of every family in the land ; but a monopoly with a profit of $12,000,000 or $15,000,000 an nually can make powerful appeals. The Trust apparently knew, for some reason not yet explained but possibly concealed in the testimony Mr. Have meyer has refused to give, that it had the administration in its grasp, and it proceeded to obtain control of Democrats in the Senate by methods that are sufficiently familiar. The bargain was struck and the tele graph thrilled with the orders of Senatorial speculators in sugar. The sugar schedule was singled out for a deferred date, obviously in order to permit the Sugar Trust to make an enormous additional profit at the ex pense of the people and of the treasury. Under this schedule this year’s crop of foreign raw sugar will come in without pay ing duty to the government, but the amount of the duly will be charged to the consumer in increased cost for the relined sugar. The Sugar trust could readily import sugar enough from this year’s crop to supply the refiners for two years to come, and thus make a double profit of about §80,000,000, while the United States treasury would be without any revenue whatever dur ing that period, and the people would be forced to pay an increase of 40 percent for their refined sugar. Such is a brief review of tfie shameful episode m the legislative history of the United States. Such is the detestable scheme which will be carried forward to consummation if the Sugar trust and its senatorial agents can accomplish their aims and place the yoke of their abom inable bill upon the necks of the American people. After a most favorable comment on the speech of Judge Hines at Howard’s Academy, the Jonesboro News adds : “We had the honor of meeting Mr. Hines and talking with him at some length. He is indeed very pleasant, and in all his discourse there was not a word of slang or abuse for Mr. Atkinson or any one else, he didn’t seem to be made that way. He will speak in Jonesboro some time in the near future, but could not fix the date at this time, but he will be here aud the News will announce the same. Two gentlemen were discussing the subject the other day, and one said that Governor Tillman’s posi tion put him in mind of an expres sion made by ore of the Augusta ward heelers while the taking of tes timony m the Watson-Black contest was going on. Ha said it would amount to nothing; that it was like bringing suit against the devil and h■ Iding court in hell. The great labor strike will furnish a good subject for a spread-eagle Fourth-of-July oration.