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Bill Arp. Bill ia a great writer, but is now getting doty and petulant. He cannot Lear any Yankee criticisms, it makes him nervous and spiteful; however, the unique part of it is, he cannot find lati tude enough in the yaukeedomain, but comes back and gives vent to his spleen on his neighbors, and the Southern peo ple who propose to differ with him po litically. Bill, possibly has about run his race and now writes only to maintain his nervons equilibirutn, and to avoid an attack of hoppochondriasis, It was a custom among the ancients to but to death all their literary men when they grew old and peevish, for fear they might, through their acquired influence inculcate poisonous doctrine into the minds of the young. Tue Ancient gouls put a s op to this barberons and inhuman practice and placed them in assylums, and Anally, through the advancment in civilization, they were allowed to ruminate at pleas ure and pass out of existence from nat ural cutises. It is presumed that Bill Arp will be allowed to continue his writings, unmo lested, except it may be a few yankee criticisms, until he is called upon to pass in his checks for an entrance to the great unknown. Kranky Kolluiii. Honest democrats will read John Temple Graves’ letter and feel proud of his sturdy integrity and courage. * • * If a majority of the leading democrats of Georgia were actuated by the patri otic sentiments expressed by John Tem ple Graves, there would be no need of a People’s Party in Georgia. * * * John Temple Graves says honest dem ocrats believe the politics of Georgia is control* d by a ring of “gentlemen; keen, shrewd, active, ambitious politicians,’’ and that “a goodly number —if not a majority of the judges and s olicitors of Georgia—“ Monstrous thought” have wrapped their energies and thier polit ical future in this ring, and then he says, “they have a right to believe these things.” The Krauk says all honor to John Temple Graves: may his tribe in crease. The people nave a right to be lieve the truth, and the truth shall make them free; there is but one political home tor free men in Georgia--the People’s Party; honest men will come out from under the influence of the “Small ‘Yellowstone Kit Cowboy,’ keen, shrewd, active, unscrupulous, bull-doz ing, rotton egg gang who now control. * * * Before quitting tbe Constitution, let ns refer to its “yueer Case,” where is editorially said, in effect, that a sensible judge would regard a man who was so simple as to believe the campaign argu ments of democratic orators—Congress man Bynum, for iustanoe -as a fit sub ject for the asylum, for tbe weak-mind ed,” and that’s about the s:ze of it. # * • Ths fellow who sells out to you today, will sell himself out to the other fellow tomorrow, and with himself, he is mighty apt to sell every confidence you have reposed in him, and the only con solation yon have is in the well-grounded hope that his tales will not be believed even by the man who pays him to tell them—best plan is to let the d—l alone: don’t try to buy him, more especially, don’t pay for him in sacrficed friends. * * * Now that Congress is about to adjourn let us look upon “that picture, and then upon this;” that picture is the demo cratic platform; this picture Is the par ties application of it. Suffice it to say, it didn’t apply worth a cent; but it does remind us of the fellow who ordered his pants made bow-legged: The tailor obeyed instructions, but reversed the bows, and the pants turned up knock kneed. Consequently, instead of the ellow being able to stand and embrace and enfold every thing within the com pass of bis bows, he was compelled to walk wide and scattering to his own distress and the annoyance of everybody else. KeoreanizLug. Cairo, Ga., August 24, 1894. Mr M. D. Irwin: Dear Sir:— The Cairo Alliance has organized again, and has ordered Alliance song books. If you have them please send me price list. If yon have none, let me know where to get them and oblige. Very Respectfully, M. C. Kinky, Sect. The people of Cairo see now the importance of keeping up the Alliance. All other classes are organized and the farmers must stay organized or they will be the common prey of the organzed classes. If your Alliance has gone down, reorganize it at once. THE GIVING ISSUES, ATLANTA, AUG. 80, 189 4 . THE PROBLEM AT FALL RIVER, A very serious industrial struggle has begun at Fall River, Mass. More than 25,000 operatives in the great cotton mills at that point are idle—B,ooo be cause of a strike, the remaining 22,000 because of a lockout growing out of the strike. The organization of the em ployers is more compact than that of the employes, and when some of the latter struck the former promptly ac cepted the challenge and shut down their mills, throwing everybody out of employment. Just as strikers contend ing for their rights at some times inflict injury upon innocent parties, so these New Eagland manufacturers, protecting themselves by mutual agreement, are ready to expose wholly innocent persons to tbe pangs of hunger and cold. The contest grows our, of a question of wages, and, as is often true, there is a measure of justice in the position of both parties to the controversy. It seems to be a fact that the cotton man ufacturers are making no money; that some have passed their dividends during the year and others have paid dividends out of their surplus. On the other hand, no man at all conversant with the rate of wages and habits of life of the mill hands of Fall River cau regard a further reduction of their pay as any thing else than dire injustice. It would seem that in a situation of this kind investigation might properly be directed toward discovery of the agencies by which actual profits of the cotton manufacturing industry have been absorbed. Let the situation be studied minutely. Raw cotton was never so cheap) as now and the cotton planter of the south complains bitterly of his inability to earn a living. Tbe wages of operatives in the cotton mills were never so low—have, indeed, reached such a point that American operatives have been forced out and their places taken by Freucn-Canadians. Yet with cheap material and cheap labor the manufacturers complain, and apparently with justice, that they can not earn interest on their invested cap ital, Where does the trouble lie? Is this an industry which must be aban doned? Are the povercy of the cotton planter and the pepury of the mill op eratives essential to tne existence of tne manufactmer; and how much further must the reduction of their earnings go before the manufacturer can show a profit on his business? These are se rious questions. To charge the manu facturers with duplicity or the opera tives with exaggerated idea of the just rate of wages does not settle the problem. There is some element interposed be tween tbe makers of cotton goods— among whom we include the planter and tbe operative —and tbe final purchaser that absorbs all the profit whica should justly go to labor. Tribute to various monopolies accounts for mreh of the disappearance of reasonable profit un doubtedly. The gold standard had its effect. Certainly there is some factor in the problem at Fall River other than mere questions of supply and demand for cotton goods that merits scientific study. Here is the problem: If with cheap cotton and cheap labor the Fall River manufacturers cannot make a reason able profit what is the trouble ? And is there any hope that by making labor cheaper the situation for them all will be permanently improved ?—Chicago Times. The problem at Fall River is the great problem that tbe people must solve and that speedily or the Amer ican Republic will be a thing of tbe past. It is the problem that if rightly solved we will be a prosperous and happy people. Labor is the creator of capital and according to history, when it has been properly rewarded it has never revolted. When the creature becomes greater than its creator, the* the order of nature is reversed. A democratic editor thus expresses his inward feelings: Sing a song of six nickles Pockets full of trash, Over head and ears in debt— Out of ready cash. Heaps of flying collectors Busy as can be, Didn’t we have a sticky time— In eighteen-93 ? Grover in the white home Playing with the kids, Carlilse in the treasury— Cancelling silver bids. Congress trying all they can To make us still more poor, Ain’t we had a bright outlook— In eighteen-94? M. D. Irwin will speak at Norcross, August 31st Flowery Branch, Sept. Bth, 11 a. m. Clinchem “ “ 2p. m. Brother Corput Kelvin, Hon. M. D. Irwin. Pres’t. State Far mers’ Alliance, Atlanta. Ga. Dear Sir and Bro: —I find that the con dition of the Alliance is tuch that it will take much of the time of the chairman of the Finance Committee (which might be considered a committee of absolute control) to bring about that rehabilita tion of the Alliance which is so much desired by ail Alliancemen who still ad here to the original principles of the or der. Much more lime will have to be given the order by the chairman than I can possibly devote to it. I therefore feel unwillingly, constrained to tender my resignation, both as chairman, and as a member of the Finance Committee, and beg that you accept same, to take effect on the first day of September, or as soon thereafter as yon can select a suitable person to fill the vacancy. Iu resigning from the cirnmittee, I do not want to be understood as withdraw ing from active work in the Alliance, but to the contrary, tender you my eer vices at any and all times; to work when ever yon think I can be of benefit to the order, and can assist iu making your ad ministration a sncce-s. The A1 i ince (outside of political do minion) will always find a ready chain pionin'me. With best wishes pers n ally, and for the success of yonr admin istration, I remain, Fraternally yours, Felix Corput. Atlanta, Aug. 28tb. Hon. Felix Corput, Chairman Finance Committee: Cave Springs. Dear Sir and Bro: I regret very much your determination to resign as chairman of the Finance cimiuittee. The Alliance needs yonr services just, at this time, and I am gratified to know that we can command you. even though you do not feel that you can do justice to your self and serve as chairman of the com mittee. The order fully appreciates your splendid services in the past while in charge of its financial affairs, and will regret that you cannot sp ire the time to look after their interests for the present year. However, in accepting your resignation, I shall take advantage of your kind offer to do all in yonr power for the order. Accept my thanks for yonr kind words for the present admin istration, and I pledge you that nothing in my power shall be left undone to make this great order a success. Yours Fraternally, M. D. Irwin, President Georgia State Alliance. Wiiat is the Matter? Yes, fellow-farmers, this is a ques tion we should ask ourselves. It is a question we should turn over and over until we are certain we have arrived at the correct answer. That there is some thing wrong, yes, seriously wrong, is past doubting. We all know that we are hurting, yes, hurting badly, but where and how, with some seems to be the question. Oar would-be financiers and economists of the John Sherman school, tell us it is a matter of over production. That is, if we understand it right, our people all have more than they can consume offered to them, or uather, there is not a hungry man, woman or child in the United States. Oh, yes, they tell ns, that it was a mistake in opening up the west so fast by building railways and such like, thereby increasing onr power to pro duce beyond onr power to consume. Now, brother farmers, suppose we calmly and seriously diagnose our own case and see if that other fellow is right or not; see if he may not be interested in making us believe that we have got too much to eat and are therefore poor. Suppose we take a look back as far as 1870. Our products on an average were worth over three times what they are worth today and found ready sales. Now let us see how this over-production theory works. Then we had no hun gry tramps hounding our doors and sleeping in our barns—no, the tramps were not made then; we had no strikes and lockouts —no, everyone was at work at good wages and more wanted; no.v we have strikes and lockouts and men working at starvation wages and mil lions starving. Well fellow farmers, it does seem strange to us, at least, that our over production of the necessaries of life should produce snch a condition of affairs. It does seem straDge to me when you have to beg millers to buy your wheat at 50 cents per bushel, that at the same time there are millions of starving children; and when yon are coaxing some one to buy your wool at 15 cents per pound, there are millions suffering with cold, and when your beef hides will scarcely pay for taking them to market there are millions of women and children going barefoot. THE SITUATION !N ALABAMA. The It oh ii It of tho Rffcont Election Calmly and Impartially Set Forth by a Corre spondent. The Philadelphia. Times in a recent issue says: The patriotic citizens r.f every political faith will honor tho people of Alabama for their tri umphant election of the democratic state tick et. They will not specially rejoieo that tne democrats have succeeded, but they will hive thanks that tho democratic ticket received a great victory as the representative of law and order, of peace to the pooplo and safety to life and property. Birmingham, which is largely a northern city, and where the labor organiza tions were inflamed against the democratic party by a democratic governor sending troops to suppress their lawlessness, gave a majority for Oates over the combined lawless elements of that region, and that could have been done only by the cordial and earnest support of tho republican business men of Birmingham. If the Philadelphia Times has truly stated the facts, then its conclusions are true. But it is wholly ignorant of the facts concerning the election here in Alabama. The result of the election in Alabama determines who shall rep resent the state in the United States senate to make laws for the nation, and, in 1896, may determine the result of the presidential election of the same year, so every citizen of the United States is equally interested in the question of fair elections in this state. While Capt. Kolb, whether justly or unjustly, has been criticised as a dema gogue, he was nevertheless the candi date of the law abiding people,who two years ago took issue witli the organ ized democrats upon the question of “a free ballot and a fair count,” and was undoubtedly elected, but his op ponent was inaugurated governor. That issue was again made,and whether Kolb was elected at the late election or not, he was supported by the best citizens of the state. He may have been defeated. No one can tell, as the elec tion returns from the black belt coun ties do not show anything except the will of the ballot box stuffers and the officers who appointed them. The comities which returned majori ties in favor of Kolb are known as the white counties, where v.*ute men are engaged in agricultural pursuits, ex cepting Jefferson (in which is situated the city of Birmingham), and Walker (a coal mining district), and Kolb’s ma jority in these two counties confined is less than two hundred. The two precincts where there are more miners (Pratt Mines) and more men (Bessemer) than in the balance of Jefferson county gave Kolb majorities, at Pratt Mines 107, at Bessemer 180, while nearly all the agricultural precincts gave him majorities also as they did in other counties, so his strength is not repre sented at all by the lawless element mentioned by the Times. According to returns Kolb carried thirty-five counties by majorities aggregating 16,- 158, thirty-three of which are almost exclusively agricultural, and to say that these people are lawless is a slander sent broadcast to the world by organized democrats and the press, which is no doubt believed by the Times and many good people of the north. Neverthe less it is a malicious slander of the ma jority of the white voters of Alabama, by the minority who are kept in power by fraudulent election methods, and by slandering all people, parties and factions which oppose them. Oates carried fourteen white counties (ex cluding Madison, where whites and blacks are about equally divided and which gave Owtes a majority of 1,433, but fraud is also charged in this coun ty, the black precincts being returned for him) by majorities aggregating 4,- 643. Among these is Mobile, where his majority was only 800, and where the election, as in most of the other white counties was fair. Tbe counties of Barbour, Greene, Perry, Autauga, Marengo, Sumter, Russell, Clarke, Hale, Monroe, Wilcox, Lowndes, Montgomery and Bullock, with an aggregate white vote, estimated at one to five of population according to the census of 1890, of 22,- 271 and a colored vote estimated in the same way, of 67,808, have been returned for Oates by majorities aggregating 33,959, 11,718 more than the entire white vote of these counties. Lowndes county was returned for Oates by a ma jority of 4,634, while the entire white population of that county is only 4,563, his majority in that county exceeding the total white vote by 3,722. Dallas county returned for Oates a majority of 5,627, while the total white vote of the county is only 1,403. Wilcox re turned a majority of 4,496 for Oates, while the total white vote of that county is 1,150. These figures show clearly that Oates’ election is tbe result of negro votes, actually cast or of votes stuffed into the boxes which were never voted by the electors. When it is remem bered that representative republicans from every county in the state met in the city of Birmingham on the 29th of March and adopted, by unanimous vote, a resolution advising republicans in the black belt not to register or vote, and when it is remembered that eopies of registration lists were applied for after the time for registration had passed, and when it is remembered that such application, or even an inspection of the list was denied the applicant, and when it is remembered that the Jeffersonians were domed one inspec tor or manager of election, in violation of the plain mandates of the law, in many precincts in the black belt, the conclusion is inevitable that there was gross fraud. In addition to these facts many affidavits have been made showing that the number of persons entering the polling places in various precincts in the black belt to be much less than the majorities returned for Oates, and in many instances his ma-. jorities exceed the number of voters in the precinct. Many people in tbe north ask why the white people of north and south Alabama submit to such methods. Let me ask why do the people of the north submit? The result affects them the same as it does the people of Alabama. But for such practices Alabama would ; have republicans, populists and demo crats in congress to make laws for the nation. But for such methods Alabama would, in 1896, elect five republican and six populist, or six republican and five populist electors to cast the vote of this ota.e ii ..ie next pi..: idem, and vice president of the United States. I hope the Philadelphia Times will make a thorough investigation of the vote of Alabama, and then, and not in til then, pronounce judgment as to which of the tickets represented law and order and which represented law lessness and disorder. As the constitution of the United States guarantees to every state a re publican form of government is it not high time that congress should appoint a committee to investigate the Alabama methods? The people of the north and west have been invited to come to Alabama. If they accept the invitation and locate in white counties they become neigh bors of the supporters of Kolb. They of course do not want lawless people for neighbors. Then where will they locate? Will it be in the black belt where, according to the teachings of organized democracy, the great major ity of the law-abiding citizens reside? When they have done so they will find that the negroes outnumber the whites in the most law-abiding districts, if Oates’ majorities are to be tbe test, eight to one, and in some instances in pre cincts where the negroes outnumber the whites three hundred to one. The more negroes in a precinct the greater has been Oates’ majority throughout the entire black belt. The stuffers in the black belt carry their precincts by whatever majorities they wish, and the returns from these black precincts overturn contrary ma jorities in other portions of the black counties. These black counties are carried by such fictitious and fraudu lent majorities that it is impossible to overcome them by any honest vote in the white counties. So the state is carried democratic. The state thus carried casts the electoral vote for president, and thus the stuffers in the black precincts are the masters of us all. The organized democrats have tried to ward off the blow which public opinion here has thrust upon them for practicing such methods, by falsely ac cusing the Jeffersonians with fraud in counties in which tic • have couti il of the election machinery, but in every Kolb county, excepting Lee, his ma jority in tiiis election has bee: reduced below the majority given him in 1892, and then the organizeel democracy had control of the election machinery of every county in Alabama excepting Lee and three others. The Age-Herald, of the 10th of Au gust, says that the negroes in white counties voted for Kolb. The Times says the most intelligent negroes voted for Oates. Is it reasonable to suppose that the negroes growing cotton in the black belt where there are few whites for them to come in contact with are more intelligent than the few in the white counties where they are con stantly thrown into contact with in telligent white people? —Birmingham (Ala.) Cor. N. Y. Tribune. John Temple Graves. We publish on our first page a letter from the pen of Hon. John Temple Graves. Mr. Graves is a democrat of national reputation and a man whose sincerity cannot be questioned. His charges against the methods and ten dency of his party are not new ones. They have been made and established by the democratic press of the state. These charges are serious and it is the duty of Georgia to cast her votes with her eyes open. If the people sustain such methods with their ballot, then republican government is a farce and the liberty of the citizen is an irredescent dream. If the people endorse such a combination as Mr. Graves charges, it destroyes forever the power of the bal lot and places the people in the hands of unseiupulous politicians and tricksters without hope of emancipation. We do not believe that the pet pie are ready yet to see the judiciary be smirched with the dirt and filth of a political scramble for spoils. We have an abid ing faith in the intelligent action of an aroused people and when they see this thing as Mr. Graves presents it, parties will sink into ineirnifi .rnnee and the people will rise in iheir might and with their ballots hurl these “small men” from control. Let ns hope that they will see it even now as it exists. If so we have no fear of the results. Send us a club of five yearly sub scribers at 75 cents each. It is your ■paper —fights your battles and you must sustain it. Subscribe for The Living Issues. 5