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originator of the Land Grants and
Bounties to these Rail Roads.
In the face of this proof how can
Gen. Gordon claim that the Demo
crats are not partly to blame? No
wonder he objects to “education.”
TUB BOND PURCHASE.
A monument of audacity is the
Senators defence of the giving
away of $60,000,000 to the Bond
holders byway of Premium on
Bonds not due. He says Cleveland
did it to get the money into circula
tion. Very well:—but was there
no better way? Is it possible that
modern statesmanship could suggest
no fairer mode of distribution than
to give our Tax money to the class
which pays no Taxes ? The Senator
says that it might have been loaned
out to the States or to individuals
but there was no Law to that effect.
Precisely. But why couldn’t they
pass one ? It required the passage
of a Law to pay it over to the Bond
holders, and the Law was duly
enacted. Why could they not just
as easily have passed a Law dividing
it among the States or lending it to
individuals? The answer is easy.
They did not want to do so.
The Senator defends the lending
of our Tax money to the Banks
without interest. He says the Law
allows the President to lend our
Taxes to the Banks. I challenge
him to produce the Law. But to
proceed—he says Cleveland did it to
avoid a “sudden panic” and that in
twenty-four hours the “grip of the
money power was brokeil, the panic
arrested, confidence restored and the
people protected.”
This quotation shows quite clearly
that Senator Gordon does not know
wbat he is talking about. What he
says applies to a well known instance
when the gamblers in New York
had overdone the thing; were in a
“tight” for money; and asked the
Government to come to their aid;
and Cleveland did it.
What I was discussing was another
thing entirely. It was the habit
which Cleveland had during his
administration of favoring certain
Batiks with very heavy deposits of
Public Funds, free of charge, and
which they loaned at immense profits
to the people to whom .the money
rightfully belonged. I quote from
the Official Report of the Secretary
of the Treasury:
The amount of public moneys de
posited with National Banks on Jan.
1, 1887 was about $20,000,000
Daring 1887, it was increased until
in Octocber it was $31,767,478; and
in December it was $52,199,917. In
April 1888 the amount was $61,921,-
294—the highesfpoiut reached.
In the face of this proof from the
official record Senator Gordon’s
statement of how Cleveland put
$10,000,000 in Bank to break the
“corner of the money Kings” and that
in “twenty-four hours the panic
was arrested, the grip of the money
power broken,” etc., appears exceed
ingly foolish.
I quote further from the official
Report:
It is grossly unjust to the Govern
ment to grant the free use of its
money, while it pays to the very
parties thus favored, 4 and 4J- per
cent, interest on its Own Bonds
which are pledged as security for
the money thus received.”
“It is manifestly unfair to the
people to give the Banks the use of
their money for nothing, while they
are required by the Banks to pay
from 6 to 8 per cent, interest for it.”
This is what the Secretary of the
Treasury says. It sounds like mighty
good doctrine. But Senator Gordon
says it was put there to lower the
rates of interest. Condsidering that
these National Bankers were the
Money Kings who had the market
by the throat, does it not seem
strange that they were the men to
receive favors? Does it not look
just a little like hiring the wolves to
take care of the sheep ?
Taken up one side and down the
other, Senator Gordon is about the
funniest man I “ever went a-fishing.”
After scaring the children again
about the Force Bill; after accusing
me again of defaming the Democrats
who had opposed (hat measure; after
dilating on the Free Wool Bill and
forgetting to dilate on the Free
Silver Bill; after omitting to explain
why the Democratic majority was
afraid to attack the McKinley Bill,
or to report an Income Tax Bill, or
to take action on the Bill to abolish
National Banks; and after being
carefully quiet about the extrava
gance of this Congress, which ex
ceeds by $500,000 that of the Re
publican Congress, and which gave
ten and a-half millions to the Cities
for free delivery of mail« and refused
to give a red cent to the country: —
after all these these things, Sena-
THE SOUTHERN AIUANCE FAEMEK, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JUNE 28, 1892
tor Gordon closed his remarkable
address by telling the Tenth District
who it must elect to Congress. It is
b omewhat unusual for a Senator to
issue instructions to the voters in
this high-handed way, but it can be
excused on the ground that John B.
Gordon is a very unusual sort of a
Senator.
Now, to review this controversy
briefly.
J.le accused me of Falsehood—yet
disp roves none of my statements; of
attacking him—whejn I simply re
plied to his letter; of defaming the
Democracy—when I merely turned
on the light; of cowardice—when
all my aseerti’or.s were plainly made
and have been .firmly maintained ; of
trying to deceive—when he himself
was attempting 'to dupe the people by
reading extracts from two different
speeches on two different subjects at
two different times and neither of
them had any reference to the mat
ter we are discussing!
He did not deal fairly with those
people at Gibson. His speech was
misleading and deceptive. He wished
them to believe that he struggled
against the demonetization .of silver.
He did not do so: He wished them
to believe that he was advocating a
plendid plan of general financial re
liuf. He was not dding so. I will
tell the people in plain black and
white what Senator Gordon’s
plan was. He proposed that the
Government issue three per cent,
bonds and receive greenbacks in
payment. Then the Treasurer was
to take these greenbacks and buy up
the six per cent, bonds. That v as
the whole scheme; simple, self-ad
justable, double-acting,, consume-its
own-smoke sort of a concern. If
the man who gave his greenbacks
for three per cent, bonds got tired of
the bonds, he could nay to the Gov
ernment, “Look bore, let’s rue
back,” and the Government must
shell out those greenbacks. If he
concluded that, after all, the bonds
were what his soul yet.rned for, the
Government must hauid them over
again. This was Gordon's plan, and
it is so much like him that if it were
gifted with action aind .speech the
first thing you’d expect it to do
would be to thump itself on the
chest and begin an address with the
words, “My Countrymen.”
In February, 1874, Senator Gor
don (while Sherman’s Banking Bill
was under way) offered an amend
ment, giving $46,000,000 of ad
ditional currency to the National
Banks. From his speech on this
question he quotes a paragraph to
show the people of Glascock county
how desperately he was fighting
the banks. Why did he not tell
them he offered that amendment on
the very same day, giving the banks
$46,000,000, out of which they
would earn additional profits from
the people? “It did not suit his
purpose.”
Let me deal fairly with the Sena
tor. - At the time he offered his
amendment he said it was not what
he considered the best currency or
the best system. He claimed that
his convertible and reconvertible
bonds (already explained) was what
this country really needed. I do
not claim to be an expert on finance,
but I humbly submit to our readers
that the plan suggested by Senator
Gordon was just about the com
pletest method of turning this peo
ple over to the bondholder that
could be devised.
The extracts read by him at Gib
son to prove that he opposed de
monetization were taken from his
brief remarks on his $46,000,000
proposition in behalf of the National
Banks and from his speech against
the Resumption Resolution.
It may surprise the people of Glass
cock county very much to find that
Senator Gordon thus tried to impose
on them, but it is the literal truth.
MINNIE SHERMAN.
It seems 1 that I angered Senator
Gordon by calling attention to the
fact that his long civil career was
barren of results. - Had the assertion
been false, how easy was the proof!
Where is his bill to abolish National
Banks ? He has never introduced it.
Where are his bills to impose an in
come tax, to put the necessaries of
life on the free list; to refund the
cotton tax ; or to abolish any of the
special favors enjoyed by the privi
leged classes? He has not intro
duced them.
On the contrary, he is to be found
in 1876, eager to give $6,000 of the
public taxes to General Sherman’s
daughter. It will be remembered
that the Khedive of Egypt gave Gen.
Sherman’s daughter some magnifi
cent diamonds. Mr. Cummings of
New York tells me they were valued
at $60,000. The Custom House duty
upon them, he says, was $6,000.
The law was plain. Those diamonds
could not be taken out without pay
ing the tax. The tax belonged to all
the people. That was the general
law of the land and no exceptions
were allowable. What did Congress
do? Why, it made haste to give
Gen. Sherman’s daughter the $6,000
of taxes which belonged to the pub
lic treasury and allow her to have the
jewels free. In other words, the en
tire tariff system of the United States
was suspended as a favor to Minnie
Sherman. The bill for that purpose
was introduced by Mr. Morrill, of
Vermont; but Gen. Gordon, with
that effusiveness so usual with him,
announced in the Senate that he had
intended to introduce the bill himself
and he hoped that it would pass. So
it did—unanimously.
I merely mention to show how long
Senator Gordon has been a convert
to the doctrine of “equal right to all
and special privileges to none.” It
also affords another example of how
promptly our law-makers can act
when they really wish to do so. If
any class*of people can afford to pay
the lawful taxes, it is surely those in
high places. If any class of goods
can afford to pay the small duty of
only 10 per cent, it is diamonds. If
any special favors are to be granted
it surely ought to be on clothing and
such common articles of necessity.
If any class is to be exempted from
taxation it surely ought to be those
who are most heavily oppressed.
When we. were suffering from the
Jute Trust, in 1888, we were laughed
at when we asked a suspension of the
duties on jute bagging. Yet Minnie
Sherman’s diamonds went through
“as slick as grease,” and Congress
unanimously donated the great man’s
daughter $6,000 of the people’s
money. And among those Senators
most anxious to show his eagerness
to grant the “special privilege” she
asked, was Jqjin B. Gordon, than
whom “no man in this whole Union
has longer, or more consistently and
persistently, labored for the Reforms
and Relief which the people need.”
THIS SESSION.
To this Congress the Senator was
returned after a most painful canvass.
No man ever entreated votes more
earnestly and tearfully. In the
strongest words which ardent rheto
ric could suggest he consecrated his
services to the cause of his people.
How has he redeemed the pledge ?
We have been in session more than
six months and he has not introduced
one solitary measure looking to the
relief of the loyal friends who sent
himhft-e ; nor has he made a single
speech setting forth their grievances
and suggesting the remedies. For
nearly three weeks the great State of
Georgia haa no representation what
ever in the United States Senate.
Colquitt was away—triggering
around for that sweet-shrub of “pure
politics,” David B. Hill. Gordon
was away—nursing his bitter wrath
against a man whose only offenUe
was that he picked up the glove when
Gordon threw it down.
Grave questions affecting the in
terests ol Georgia were pending in
the Senate, but the majestic old com
monwealth had no Senator on duty
to guard her interests. A bill to
pension the battered veterans of the
Indian wars had passed the House
and only waited the action of the
Senate. Mr. Moses, of Georgia, was
its author. Many of its beneficiaries
had fought through the civil war, and
they were old and needy. Mr. Moses
found no Senator from Georgia ready
to go on with the bill, and after
waiting nearly two weeks had to go
to Senator Turpie of Indiana to take
charge of this Georgia measure.
Instead of being here attending to
the duties he is paid to discharge, Sen
ator Gordon finds it more pleasant to
canvass my district, denouncing me
without measure and dictating how
those people shall vote.
His charges against me merit no
attention and will get none. In every
speech I made as Cleveland elector,
as candidate for Congress and as
Congressman-elect, are the same
criticisms against the evil legislation
I now oppose. Some of the severest
arraignments of Democratic mis
management I have ever made were
delivered during my canvass. Every
body in the Tenth district knows it;
and that district also knows that
the crime for which I have been
marked out for destruction is that I
adhered to my campaign pledges
with religious fidelity.
But enough. It would have been
easy to have answered Senator Gor
don in his own strain. To have done
so would not have increased my self
respect, nor added any strength to a
cause which is holy in my sight. It
would have been easy to have raised
an idle laugh at his expense by many
an allusion which wVmld have stung
Senator Gordon and delighted his
enemies. The provocation contained
in his heated abuse of me would have
held me justified, perhaps, in the eyes
of the world. But I felt that such a
course were unworthy of me and of
the splendid district I represent.
Therefore I have not answered Sen
ator Gordon like a blackguard; I
have replied to him like a gentleman.
But while the work has been cour
teously done it has been thoroughly
done. If there is a single statement
or argument of the Senator’s which
has not been fairly met—let him
name it if he can. If there is a sin
gle statement or argument of my
first article which has not been forti
fied and held—let him name it if he
can.
The time when abuse in Georgia
could outweigh facts and common
sense, has passed away. The time
when the passions of the war could be
kindled into a flame to consume the
living issues of the hour, has passed
away.
The time when a statesman could
lead those people by stirring old
prejudices and ignoring the terribly
pressing grievances which now bear
them down, has passed away.
The time has come when the lead
er must explain his policy and his
principles; when he must redeem in
earnest work the pledges of his cam
paign ; when he must recognize that
the people know some things and
cannot be always deluded; when he
must show that the word duty has
some meaning for him after election
as well as before; when he must
show that he considers himself the
sworn agent of the people and not
their master.
Let no man doubt that this time
has come. Let no man doubt that
this change has come. And here is
one man who says from his heart of
hearts, “Thank God for the time and
for the change.”
Let discussions go on. The truth
will be plainer every day. Let “edu
cation” go on. Knowledge will be
more resistless every day. Let abuse
of us go on. The, motives for it will
become plainer every day.
Here is one man who does not
doubt the issue ; who has an abiding
faith«in the triumph of Truth and
Right; who does not believe that
Falsehood ever erected a throne
which was stable and firm; who be
lieves with all the zeal of his soul
that beneath this great movement of
the suffering people are the granite
foundations of Justice, and over it is
the smile of God. T. E. W.
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PEEK AT COVINGTON.
Saturday, June 18, Col. Peek engaged
in a joint discussion with E. F. Ed
wards, at Covington. Mr. Edwards
was the best material at hand for the
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Hays District —Dr. J. C. Anderson,
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Brick Store District—D. Mobley, M.
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Gaither District—H. McDonald,
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Brewer’s District—Dr. Noland, Bud
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Irwin’s District.—K. N. Smith.
Gum Creek District—M. Ellington,
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Wyatt’s District —Mr. Smith, Joseph
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Town District —W. F. Hayden and J.
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Delegates to Congressional Conven
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Delegates to Senatorial Convention:
D. Noland, Dr. J. C. Anderson, Bud
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J. C. Anderson, Chm’n pro tern.
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