Newspaper Page Text
4
JLATON GALLS HARDWIGK
PEOPLE'S FOE AND ENEMY
0 RS PARTY'S POLIGIES
Governor Slaton gave out a card
Wednesday in which he again raps
Congressman Hardwick severely for
b ¢ position on the parcel post, and
in which the Congressman's intense
hostility to the currency legislation
effected by President Wilson s
shown to have been confined not alone
to caucus, as Mr. Hardwick has sald
it was, but was evidenced openly,
and an the floor of the House,
The Governor rebukes Mr. Hard
wick for dragging the private and
personal family matters of the Gov
ernor into the gubernatorial cam
paign, but contrasts his attitude sat
{sfactorily with that of the Congress
man, nevertheless,
He also goes after his opponent
“hammer and tongs” for his opposi
tion to the tax equalization law.
Entreaty and Apology.
The Governor's card, which is de
cidedly one pf the most Interesting
and “saltiest” of the campaign thus
far, reads:
Mr. Hardwick's iast letter, though
&till rebellious about the parcel post
Jaw, is an entreaty and apology from
beginning to end.
When I first charged him with
heing an enemy to the parcel post, he
admitted !t, and deflantly declared
he yet was opposed to it, This seemed
to establish him as a fighter, and his
friends declared that he never backed
down. ]
Mr. Hardwick wrote deflant letters
to the ¥armers' Union, stating he
awas against the general varcel post.
The system he favored, the system
the express companies 2avored, was
one that only allowed tmnsportation
of parcels on one rura! route. For
example, parcels might be carried, in
his opinion, from CGreenshoro to Si
loam, or Siloam to Greenshoro, but
not from Siloam to Unjon Point or
White Plains—much less than to any
o‘her part of the State or to another
Stiate. A Democratic Congress, over
h!s obhjections and those of the ex
press companies, favored the parcel
post svstem over the entire country.
Express Service Better Now.
The farmer or merchant in any part
r" QGnorzia, on any rural route in|
{*sorsin. could have opened to himj
" murkets of the nation without Jet
¢+ hindrance from the express com
fories, I a farmer wighed to re
r'soe a broken part of his reaper, it
conld be sent to him by parcel post
from the factory at an expense of §
corts instead of flly'enta or $l, which
the express company would charge.
Mr. Hadlwick begrundged the saving
to the farmer, and wishes to secure
the immense profit to the express
company,
Yesterday a gentleman told me he
sent articles by parcel post to his
children in the country for § cents
when the express company would
have charged him 305’ cents. While I
am no enemy of the express compa
nies, and 1 wish them well in thol
Fighiful discharge of their functions,
yet it is the subject of universal re
mark that the service of the express
companies and their courtesy to the
public have wonderfully improved
since the parcel post law,
Lest it be said that I misrepresent
Mr. Hardwick’'s position on the par
cel post law, I quote his own words,
written less than two weeks ago, as
follows:
Mr. Slaton insists, with great
gusto, that I was opposed to the
general parcel post. He {8 slmply
thrashing out old straw agaln. 1
took my position on this ques
tion before the people of the
Tenth District in the heated elec
ticn of 1910. In an open letter to .
“TIZ" for Puffed-up, Burning,
Sweaty, Calloused Feet
and Corns.
>
,«’\"’.“:':“v My feet
) (. Jun'ache
or
2 e«
\ D
R N\
'.\’ ",‘
A o
£ 3 4Q
4 B
8
A 7 N
\~s‘
a 4
L A o
e 3
{ Y
X your poor, suffering feot
8 rem Walking when you try t
wri i yvour wns away from the
! } f vour shoes, when shoas
P nd feel tight, when feet are
& i sore, chafed—don't exper!-
rent st use ~ "TIZ Get instant
! { 'z puts peace In tired
o ng, painful feet Ah! goow com
f e your shoes fee Walk five
nile feet won't hurt you, won'
; ~ ' : “z' ‘.‘: ' :-ul, : -A~, smelly feef
pesd “TIZ” because it’s the only remn
edy that draws 1t all the polsonaus
exudations which puff up the [fes
and cause foot tortur I 1 1h
only remedy that takes pair LT
soreness right out of corns, callouses
and bunions
Get 2 25 nt box of “TIZ” at any
druggist or 'ii';-.‘n“nnnt Btore Get g
whole vear's foot mfort for only &
cents, Think of it}
There's more truth than poe
try in the fact that I finish your
&lms in 8 hours.
The *Co-Op,"
S 119 Peachtree Street.
the peopte of that district, dated
May 26, 1810, and widely distrib
uted among the people, I sald:
“l favor a parcel post limited
to the rural routes upon which
the parcel originates,
“The general purcel post seem
ed to me to he open to several
gerious objections, and 1 think
S 0 yat,
Mr, Hardwick's Reasons.
“First, 1 do not consider that it
fs any part of the business of
the (iovernment to engage in the
business of a common carrier, to
transport either persons or prop
erty for hire
“Second, we had conferred on
the Interstate Commerce Com
misslon, by the Hepburn bill, full
power to regulate the charges and
practices of the express compa
nies, and it seemed to me this
was the real way to control them,
just as we control the railroads,
“Third, I feared that if we in
stalled the system In as large a
country as ours something might
happen just about like what the
Senator from Florlda (Mr. Bryan)
recently claimed has happened,
or I 8 threatened: ‘We get our
mail by freight and our freight
« By mall’" |
This I 8 the difference between us:
I advocate the interests of the citl
zen; Mr. Hardwick advocates the in
terests of the express companies,
It is well to call the attention of
the citizens to the fact that the' par
cel post, now established over Mr,
Hardwick’s objection and without his
vote, is beneficlal to every man,
woman and child in the nation. .
. Internal Protective Tariff.
The country or city merchant can
order through its agency, and 1t mil
itates against the business of no one.
Mr. Hardwick’s position would estab
' lish an internal protective tariff in
favor of the express companies. In
his letter he savs the express compa
nies did not deliver along rural ruotes,
and therefore he favored the limi
tations te the specific rural routes of
the parcel post. Why does he feel
called on tfo guarantee the express
company nprofits or by law secure
them business to the damage of the
citizens? ‘
But since Mr. Hardwick wrote that
letter stoutly maintaining his positiqn
he has bheen ahout the country and
nas felt the coming storm. He has
heard from the people. His t'rlonds“
have rushed about him and told him
the tmpending disaster if he did nol,
recant. He wrote two weeks ago, in
reply to my attack, that he still dis
apnroved lh‘ general parcel post law |
now in forcetand passed by a Demo
cratic Congress and approved by
President Wilson. [ replied that if he
thought that way, and he were eleat
ed to the Senate, he would be com
pelled under his oath to vote to re
peal it or amend it, and certainly he
would be counted among its enemies,
Now, after a week's further ab
senca from Congress, and Y?urms‘
from the folks, he backs and says
graciously he “’H not attempt to re
peal it, but will abide by the action
of & Democratic Congress in overrul-
Ing him and the prior Republican
Congress.
Doesn't 1t oceur to the people that
It he had lived among them, instead
of sojourning so long in Washington
away from them, he would not have
committed the initial mistake? Is not
his argument against Congressman
Fleming, who yreed experience, and
whom he beat] possessed of some
force, now that sympathy with the
peonle and their needs is more neces
sary than that experience which.
makes a representative advocate ex
press companies ratler than his con
stituents? i
A “Transparent Ruse.”
Don't lei us get away from the
plain question by the injection of flat
raté and zone theories, This is the
primitive and transparent ruse of the”
politician. Mr. Hardwick was against
giving the people the heneficent use
of the governmental agencies which
they supported because it hurt the
express companies. I am in favor of
it. Thw more Mr, Hardwick explains,
tha deeper he gets in the mire the
more he will have to explain—the
more he will have to recant-—to regret
-and to suffer.
{ _Then, as tp the cnrrxnc.\- bill: Mr.
Hardwick says he was in “hearty
Isympa(hy with {ts purposes” Only
! he opposed it.' Save me from such
*hearty sympathy!”
Just this time last year there was a
panie and mowev could hardly be
borrowed on any security. lividence
hefore an investigating committee
disclosed a despotism greater than
that in Russia.
Georgia was a prey to this oli
garchy. The nation, and its progs
perity were at the mercy of selfish
interests. Business was stagnant and
laborers were out of employment,
President Wilson and his leaders and
advisers urged this law as a relief. It
established territorial independence.
It became a law. Observe the differ
ence between now and last summer,
Fcug}ht President, He Says.
While President Wilson was fight-
Ing with all his power for the cur
rency bill, Congressman Hardwlck
fought him on the floor of the House,
not in caucus, in the following lan
guage:
THey (the Democratie mem
bers) outvoted us, and here I am
as my friend from lllinois would
| say, ‘hog-tied,’ but for the sake of
my future reputation, and to
‘ make my present position plain, 1
| want to put myself on recerd
here, sayving publicly that I am
not responeible for this thing. 1
do not like and did not help to
frame it.
He favored the express companles
on the parcel post and opposed Presi
dent Wiison and the Democratic par
lt,\' This currency bill renders avalil
able at once ten million dollars for
i farm joans
{ Why did he favor the money power
and opposa President Wiison and the
!!,‘wmm‘rntio party on the currency
bill? What confusing, technical spe
!mu.‘ pleading does he offer on this?
! The resuit is that he is again found
lon the side against his constituents.
His conduct offers another argument
why long absence in Washington with
a gentleman of his maKe-up has
demonstrated that sympathy with a
|p(~op!e through: living in their midst
is superior to that experience which
gives a place on the Weights and
Measures Committee and the Com
mittee on Rules, an absence from
‘which for three months has worked
no harm to anybedy,
y Slaton's Aid for Wilson,
~ Mr. Hardwick says he is a warm
friend of President Wilson, 1 ven
ture to suggest he is the thicker of
the two.
We have the following story from
good authority:
When a man was left naked by the
robbers and one passed by and the
other helped him, the question as to
who was his friend was answered,
Mr. Hardwick opposed Mr, Wilson
on the currency and parcel post prop
amitions
What did T do for Mr. Wiison?
IP'our vears ago Mr. Bryan carried
Georgia by 12,000 over Mr, Taft, With
Mr. Taft and Mr. Roosevelt. in the
fleld against Mr., Wilson, the result
was feared. As Governor of the
State, and sgtandard bearer of the
Democratic party, I made the neces
sity of Mr Wilson's election the key
note of my speech before the Macon
convention Ileft a sick bed to speak
for him the night hefore the election,
I contributed all the influence and
power 1 porsesged for hig success,
and he carried the State by 60,000
majority. ‘
I did not do it by myself. [ simply
alded, And, above all, I have not
besn an obstacle in his path for real
progress and reform. 1 have not been
a reformer In name and a rourtfonary!
In fact, nor a friend of the interesis
whenever an issue aroce between |
them and the people. |
Family Connecticns. :
1 think family matters are foreign
to the contest hetween Mr. Hardwick
and myself. If hig relations are now
contribating. or have contributed in
the past. 1o s political advancemen!,
I have no eriticism to make. I thlnk]
it would be to his advantage, because
he then would be under ohligations sa
nobody except them for ( rancial ald.
1f myv relations are so fortunate as
Mr. Hardwick states in ! s speeches,
their property is in land. subject to
ohgervation of the Tax Receiver and
contributing like the property of
every farmer to the school children
and pensioners of Dade as well as
(linch Counties, They own the farms
in Troup and Harris and Meriwether
Countie nn which they and 1 were
born. They would value my good
name more than money and would
prefer faithful service in high official
position to their own. pecuniary in
terest,
When the status of Gcorgla on the |
fncome tax question was in the ha}-“
ance and the vote was a tie, I left'
the chair in the Senate 1o cast my
deciding vote,
When the finances of Georgia de
manded rehabilitation, 1 recommend- |
ed an Inheritance tax, and never hn\'e}
I heard a word of criticism. They
would condemn me if 1 voted w!!‘n’]
the expresa companies against the
people, or advocated the money trust f
contrary to the public weifare, or had
my sneeches printed for the F‘ede.rull
Refining Coripany at the Government
printing ofMce.
Hits Sugar Record.
If thelr prosperity enables me to
run for office without being under
financial obligations to those desiring
# return in the form of legislation, I
leave it to the people of Georgia
whether they are hurt,
Ought Mr. Hardwick to have ap
pealed to prejudice and the meanoer
passions of human nature by refer- |
ving to family matters foreign to the
controversy ?
Mr. Hardwick constantly speaks
about the sugar committee and his
gervice in reducing the price of sugar.
To one who knows the facts this s
laughable. : ‘
That committee never made any
recommendation whatever. In the cn
tire report free sugar ls not men
toned. The faullure to make a rec
ommendation was the subiect of comn
ment in Washington at the time,
Nothing but a mass of evidence
was being taken, which could have
been done by one stenographer anl
u questioner. There were trusts m |
both sides. |
The sales manager of the Federal
Refining Company was, according to
Mr. Hardwick, on the same side with
him |
i S G
In his speech at Jefferson Mr.
Hardwick said the money paid by the
sales manager was for printing evi
dence taken at the hearing. In the
daily papers three weeks ago he said
it was to have speeches of the sales
manager printed. To the New York
newspapers he sald in 1913 that it
was to publish speeches of his (Mr.
Hardwick) with which the sales man
ager was “)_luued.
ax Equalization.
1 will pay for it if Mr. Hardwick
will print the tax equalization bills he
introduced in two separate Legisla
tures, For complicated and drastic
provisions, expensive in operation
?nd harsh in execution, they were the
imit.
Tax equalization has served a use
ful purpose if it did nothing more
than call the attention of the people
to the fact that every appropriation
takes money from their pockets. It
has heen worth while in impressiag
the lesson of economy on the legisla
tor., When Mr. Hardwick .lived :n
(ieorgia, . *onomy may have been ap
preciated b Lim, but it has become
hateful since he lived so long In
Washington, In Georgia a citizen may
aecasionally escape his just propor
tion of the taxes. But not so with
the [federal Government. Evecy
mouthful we eat, every garment we
wear, the houses we live in, increase
In cost with every dollar appro
priated by Congress. The money must
be raised, d since the money is not
theirs, a Mlhx;nn dollars may not count
much with the Congressman whose
long absence from home has made
him forget how a dollar is made. Mr.
Hardwick sends to the people of
Georgia at a cost to the people of
$4,000 “The Observations of Hon,
Thomas W. Hardwick on Various
Questions Between 1901-1912." Who
wanted to see them or authorized him
to impose this political burden? Ife
did the same thing with a speech he
delivered at Savannah. No wonder
the people can not send their letters
at 1 cent postage if a Congressman
aspiring to be Senator sends such
matter at public expense. No won
der the Congressman would like to
exclude parcels from the post in or
der to send his campaign literature
free. Mr. Hardwick has been away
from Congress practically all the time
since April 4, except two days In
'which Speaker Clark wrote his pat
ronizing letter, expressing the hope
that the shoo-fly incident would not
interfera in Georgia politics,
No Right to Pay.
- What right has Mr. Hardwick to
draw pay for work he is not doing?
In Saturday afternoon’s Journal 1 ob
serve that Congregsman Witherspoon
refused $B2 pay for four days during
which he was absent, in conformity
with an old law forbidding an absent
Congressman to draw pay.
Every time he speaks I wonder how
many in the audience feel inclined to
ask him if it were not better to first
comply with the simple rules of right
conduct by staying at his post of
duty, for which he voted an increase
from $5,000 to §7,500 instead of talk
'}l‘.g about remote political problems?
| Were it not better to show he is in
dispensable by remaining in Wash
[inx(on than to declare to the people
THFY. ATLANTA GEORGIAN AND NEWR
Brown Hits Unions
As Breeders of Riot
Reviews His Attitude
of Hostility, Scoring
Hoke Smith as Friend
of Labor Leader Com
pers.
Governor Joseph M. Brown gave
out a statement Wednesday, in which
he reviews at length his attitude co
ward organlzed labor in Georgia, as
that matter touches his Senatorial
candidacy against Senator Hoke
Smith.
The Governor enters into a discus
sion of the Augusta riots, which pre
cipitated his first public statement
hostile to unlon labor, and defends in
detail his actions at that time as
Chief Maglstrate of the State.
Governor Brown's card, which is
written in his usual vigorous style,
reads as follows:
To the People of Georgla:
“By their fruits ye shall know them."
Why s it that a man jeopardizes his
fife by taking the fob @ labor union
striker has vacated? Why ls that the
reverse does not hold?
The answer embodles the difference
between class preference with anarchy
and obedience to law; between the at
tempted dominance by a class and the
democracy of equal rights,
In my previous communications on
the subject of labor uniong 1 have in
dlcated that noi only are they the ben
eficiaries of anarchy, but that some of
their own members are the active agents
of amrchy, and that this is not with
the knowledge merely, bhut with the
open approval of their leaders, hence
that labor unionism I 8 not only the un
disguised enemy of equ;lltr under the
law, but that it is mmunt{ endeavor
ing to establish class dominance over
all the other people of the State, and
that this has gone to the extreme of re
qulrlnfi their members to yield to their
union label allegiance against the great
seal of the State,
1 have also stated that, as the labor
unions in Georgia are federated and
affiliated with like labor unions in other
States and nationalities, their acts are
its acts, hence that all must be consid
ered together.
1 deem the best {n‘oof of the deciara
tlons thus made to the adduction of
concrete examples, extending from
ocean to ocean, which show members of
the labor unions to be dynamiting busi
ness housges and even homes, with wom
en and children, and wounding with
brickbats or shooting down non-union
workmen, peace officers of citles and
States, and even members of the States’
mlilitia, ete. |
Glves Sample Cases. 1
This is lawlessness pure and simple.
Neither the State nor the national Gov
ernment tolerates it in other individuals
or other combinations of people. I ask:
Why are the labor unions alone al
lowed a free hand in their process of
anarchy? ‘
I will add that, a few months ago, the
honorable Secretary of Labor, in Presi
dent Wilson's Cabinet, in an address to
the labor ‘unionists, practically ad
vanced the doctrine that, it capital does
not vield to ‘“labor’” what “labor’
chooses to demand, the State has the
right—of course, if “labor” instructs the
State to do so—to annul capital's title
to property, the ciear inference being
that it may be divided among those
who comprige “labor.” In other words,
“labor"” already has a fee simple right
to the job when once it gets it, but
whenever it gets ready it will appro
priate the property as well as the job.
Dispensing with further comments on
lnwlessness, the distinctive and too often
the predominating feature of labor
unifonism, I now call your attention to
the following examples of its exercise,
drawn from the daily press within the
past few months, If this list of lawless
deeds by labor union members seems
somewhat tedious in number, etc., the
following extract from the proceedings
of the last annual meeting of the Fed
eration will prove that I have scarcely
skimmed the surface:
“Reports from sixty-elght national
and international organizations and lo
cal unions affillated with the federation
show that there were 968 strikes, in
which 234,828 workers were involved.”
Kitling of Officer.
T.et us now begin with an example
which proves that the labor unions have
used the symbhol of the protecting pow
er of law as a cover for usurpation of
rights and brutality, vie:
“Carbon Hill. Ohlo, July 19, 1813 —
Three thousand coal miners. all mem
bers of the United Mine Workers of
America, in a procession, headed by a
band and the American flag, to-day
marched to the Hawthorne and Flood
wood mines at Forest Junctlon, four
miles southeast, and removed 100 non
union miners, Two non-unionists are
sald to have been severely heaten.”
Our Government has been spending
milions of dollars and sacrificing val
nable lives for the purpose of elimi
nating Huerta for insulting our flag in
Mexico. Has Attorney General Mcßey
nolds taken any steps toward calling
the United Mine Workers of America
to account for doing the same In Ohio?
Let us now note the killing of offi
cers of the law by labor unfon members
who struck on & farm, viz:
“Sacramento, Cal. August 8. 1918 —
District Attorney Manwell and three
other men of Yuba County, including
Sheriff Voss and Deputy Sheriff Rear-
Jon. wera shot and killed to-day and six
others w%\mded. including two women,
when the Sheriff's posse endeavored to
quell a hop pickers’ riot at Durst's hop
field in Wheatland.
Attack on Sheriff,
“A special train, carrying five com
panies of militia, has left here at mid
night for Wheatland. The militiamen
are equipped with 100 rounds of ammu
nition to the man and three days’ ra
tions.
“According to reports, the hop pickers
held a meeting at noon to-day and for
mulated demands for increased wages.
All were employees of the Durst ranch,
which lies partly within Wheatland
township. Durst and Constable Ander
con attended the meeting. When Farmer
Durst refused their demand the men
became abusive. Anderson sought to
arrest the leader, but was disarmed and
beaten."”
Then follows the account of the sum
moning and arrival of the Sheriff's posse
‘nd the attack upon the Sheriff by the
strikers, who beat him into unconsclous
ness. Several shots were fired Into his
body, killlne him as he lay upon the
ground. The deputies charged and a
volley of shots was exohlnmsl with the
casnalties above reported.
1¢ labor unionism succeeds in its de
sign to organize the negroes In Georgla,
he can not be done without?
When he charges that my speaking
to the people of my State on the law
of tax equalization, its provisions and
Its operations is slmilar to his con
duct in leaving his post of duty at
Washington in furtherance of his
personal ambition, T make no reply,
but submit the question to the people
of Georgia. I made these speeches
before Senator Bacon's death, and
conspicuously in Macon, when I an
ticipated the attacks which gselfigh
interests might make on a just law,
and 1 recognized the errors into
which good people might fall by lack
of familiarity with its provisions,
is got the foregoing bloody recital a
type of what may be expected on any
farm In any county In Georgla any
| day? a
“Calumet, Mich., August 3, 1913.--At
Baltic, on the south range, three men
attacked a sentry and gave way only
after he had run a bayonet through the
arm of one and a companion soldier had
fired over the head of another.
Troubles In Michigan.
“Calumet, Mich., August 29, 1813.—A
mob of angry women attacked a party
of non-union men at the Chnmglon
mines to-day, hurling stones and other
missiles."”
“Calumet, Mich.,, August 30, 19183.—
State troops stationed at the Wolverine
mine were called on to-day to protect
a rrty of deputies from an attack by
a large number of copper mine strikers
and women The soldiers rescued a
mine foreman, who was attacked by
strikers, who took him from a street car
and were beating him when the militia
arrived. Strikers and women &t the
¢hampion mines resumed their attacks
on the non-union men to-day."”
“Lansing, Mich., Setpember 8, 1918.—
A’ conference with Governor Ferris was
held this afternoon by C. H. Moyer,
&residem of the Western Federation of
iners, and Clarence DS, Darrow, one of
the miners' legal advisers.
“Darrow said he thought the Governor
was {un,med in sending the militia to
the strike zone.”
“Calumet, Mich., September 19, 1918.—
While on picket dutfy at the Isle Royale
copper mines, before daylight this
morning. Randolph Harvey, a militia
private, was shot from ambush and
wounded in the arm."” ‘
“Calumet, Mich., September 28, 1913.
At the Superior copper mine a detail of
militia escorting men to work® to-day
Was ‘elted with eggs and other missiles
by women." |
“Calumet, Mich., October 8, 1818.—
James Pollock, a de%uty sheriff, was
killed this morning by copper mine
strikers at the Isle Royale mine, near
Houghton. He was shot in the back of
the head and attacked with clubs br' the
{mrty of ten men and died an hour later.
>oliock had incurred the wrath of the
strikers by vanquishing six of them in
a fist fight a few days ago."”
“Five women were arrested at the
Baltic mine this morning for attacknig
and badly beating a non-union work
man." > \
Use of Dynamite, \
“Calumet, Mich., October 18, 1813.—
An attempt was made to-day to blow
up Keweenaw Central train’ taking 42
mine guards to the Mohawk mines. A
section of the track was blown out.
“Following the explosion several hun
dred strikers surrounded the train. They
werse in a threatening mood, but trouble
was averted by the arrival of a force of
{)n.c»\imed troops, who pushed the crowd
CH.
) Of course, if these lg:n on the train,
'or any of them had been killed labor
unionists would have said: "It served
‘them right!” But if the soldiers had
been resisted and had shot any of the
strikers, the shooting woald have been
denounced by labor unionists as mili
tary murder,
“Calumet, Mich., November 11, 1913 —
A large boarding house, the roomlng
‘glnce of ten mine guards, was wrecke
by a dynamite explosion early to-day,
Besides the guards the proprietress and
her son, daughter and maid occupied the
“house.
~ “Every room in the front part of the
structure, a two-story building, was
wrecked.”
“Calumet, Mich., November 17, 1913 —
A parade of strikers met non-unlon men
‘going to work at the Quincy mine to
day and stopped them. l);?udel sta
tioned along the route ordered the strik
ers to move on. They refused. A shot
was fired from the strikers’ ranks which
struck Deputy Sheriff Harry DBarker in
the abdomen. He returned the fire, the
buliet hitting John Trochia, who 1s al
leged to have fired the first shot. A
general fight ensued.”
Rifle Bullets Siay.
“Calumet, Mich., November 28, 1913.—
An attempt to-day was made to wreck
the home of a deputy sheriff at Ah
meek. This was frustrated by the time
ly discovery of a burning fuse attached
’ to three sticks of dynamite.”
“Calumet, Mich., December 2. 1§13.—
The homé& of a non-union workman at
tx‘\_e Quincy mine, in tne copper strike
district, was badly damaged by dyna
ite gnrly to-day. The kitchen was
shatt®fred, but members of the famlly,
although thrown from their beds, were
not hurt.”
“"Calumet, Mich., December 7, 1918 —
Arthur and Harvey James were Kkilled,
ahomus Daily was fatally wounded and
ary Nicholson was serfously wounded
by rifle bullets fired before daylight to
day Into the apartment house in which
they lived. The three men were work
ing In the mines. All the victims were
in bed when shot. Dalily died to-night.
‘The murders aroused great indigna
tion throughout the strike zone and
mass meetings were held in different
places to-day condemning lawlessness
and urging all law-abiding citizens to
unite in glving peace officers assistance
in restoring normal conditions.
“The strikers held meetings and
speakers exhorted the men to stick to
the Federation of Miners and be pre
\pflrl'd to defend their homes from the
raids by offfcers.’
A later dispatch sald that several ar
rested strikers confessed to having done
the shooting.
Medlation Falls.
“Langing, Mich., December 31, 1913 —
Clarence Darrow, counsel for the West
ern Federation of Miners, said to-day:
‘ln my mind the militia {8 needed in the
coper country to-day more than ever
before.
"Houghton, Mich., Jaguary 3, 1914.
Efforts to end the strike bf copper min
ers by conciliation failed ln-nlg?n‘ The
rock that split the negotiations and
| shattered hopes of peace was the ques
tion of recognition of the union.
| It was simply a case of asking us to
| burden ourselves with an organization
whose history is one of violence,” sald
¥. W. Denton, of the Copper Range
Congolidated Company.”
“The employ!ing interests suggested to
Mr. Densmore, of the Department of
Labor, that a secret vote of the men on
strike, if pm?er!y safeguarded, would
show & majority of them in favor of re
turnln;“ to work outside of the union
fold. "hen thig was broached to the
Federation men there wes an immediate
refusal to submit the case to such a
test."”
“Houghton, Mich., January 8, 1914 —
After a conferencé with the mine men,
Governor Ferris met a delegation of non
union workmen who came to ask State
proteciion. They told the State Execu
tive that they weve swbjectpd to dally
threats snd abuse from the strikers
They sald they had no use for the West.
ern Federatlon or any other union.”
Rmtm*l Renewed.
“Houghton, Mich., January 14, 1914.—
There was renewed rioting in the village
of Ahmeek to-night and a clash between
deputies ard strikers.
“There was fear of further trouble to
right, one officer having been attacked
while pltromnf his post last night after
the streets had been cleared.”
“Iloughton, Mich., January 15, 1914, —
In Calumet, heart of the strike district,
Lawrence Calne, a deputy, suffered a
shattered arm when he was shot from
ambush, Calne had heen complaining
witness in several cases against the
Moters,”
“Calumet, Mich., February 7, 1914.—
SUMMER RESORTS. SUMMER RESORTS.
OCEAN VIEW HOTEL
PABRLO BEACH, FLORIDA
On the Atlantic Ocean, seventeen mlies from Jacksonville; facing the fineat,
smoothest and broadest batning beach in the workd. The summer climate Is
cool and comfortabie, to the surprise of our patrons from other Rtates, who
have an idea that it is hot because in the South Water temperatures are
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benefit from surf bathing.
W, H. ADAMS, Owner and Manager.
Rates: 52.50 ta 8200 o dav. $l2 to $12.00 a week. Weekeend rate. $4.50,
Fifteen striking mine., employees were
arrested to-day on a charge of rioting
fn connection with an attempt made re
cently at Ahmeek to prevent non-union
men from going to work. It s alleged
that the strikers refused to disperse
when ordered to do so by mounted
guards, and that they attacked the po
lice, beating one policeman severely.”
I have gone to some length into the
records of the labor federation's strike
in the copper region of Michigan, I
have shown that it was characterized
by the dynamiting of the houses of non
unfon workmen, wherein women and
children were sleeping, by the brutal
beating of some non-unijon men and
officers of the law; by blowing up rail
road tracks before approaching trains,
and by the atrocious murder of othef
rion-union men and officers of the law.
1 have shown in this and other pub
’M!xd lJetters that this rebelllon to law
‘and¥that in Colorado were fomented and
financed by the federations of labor.
‘ Foreign Strikers’ Acts.
I now call your attention to the fol-
Jowing names of the soldlers or other
officers, etc., who o’)poserl or were &s
-'saulted by these oreifn gtrikers in
‘Michigan, viz: Randolph Harvey,
James Pollock, Harry Barker, Arthur
and Harry James, Thomas Daily, Mary
Ie‘l(;.holson. F. W. Denton and Lawrence
aine.
Now contrast these with Yanko
Terzich, Heimer Mikko, Eino Wiitaneu,
Anton Pechauver, Nester Sustimeani,
Yalmer Lam?l. Nick Cnch, Mitar
Uamala, Kamilo Abitanno, Hjalmar
Jalonen and scores of other names
equally uncouth of the foreign -mke?.
‘Which would the average Georgi n
tie to, the first group whose members
were abiding by or defending the law,
or the last group whose members were
applying the 'frucen of anarchy under
the name and in the form of a labor
union strike? Let me here lnter{jec&
this question: If the labor federation
have enrolled thousands of foreigners
and brought them into open rebelllon
to law In Michigan and Colorado, what
may be apprehend that they will do
with the hordes of negroes in Georgia,
since they have affiliated with them
and openly declare thelr intention to
organize them to demand higher
wages, ghorter hours of labor “and bet.
ter worklnr conditiong?"”’
I deem it unnecessary to ask space
in the papers or to take the time of
readers in the presentation of fifteen
instances which I have of labor union
lawlassness in Colorado, which include
the murder of non-union workmen,
peace officers of the State and/the
dynnmmnf of mining property, the
burning of two United States post
offices and the firing upon railroad
traing carrying passengers; and which
include the accounts of open battles
with the State's militia by the labor
fedglrnlon’s “army,"” comrosed of men
of “twenty-one nationalities.”
Strike. Violence. .
And I deem it unnecessary to copy
the accounts of attacks upon police of
ficers by striking garment workers in
Philadelphia, September 15 and Novem
ber 23; upon de%\ty sheriffs by strik
ing smelters in Tacoma, Wash., Janu
ary 5; the fatal woundln{ of Deputy
Sheriff Harry Lucas by striking min
ers at Colllers, W. Va., February 13;
the dynamiting of a forge shop by
strikers at Carbondale, Pa., November
23; the strike by the fabor union men
on the street car lines in Indianapolis,
November 1, which resulted in assaults
upon the police and citizens and such
general lawlessness and murder that
the entire national funrd of the State
was brought to Indianapolls to secura
the enforcement of the law. This strike
was followed, December 1, b¥ a strike
of union teamsters and chauffeurs with
the usual accompaniments of destruc
tion of progerty and killlngs, which
was end&l by the responsible citizens
who forced the labor union-sympathiz
ing mayor to restgn and installed a
mayor who with them put down this
rebellion to law by the labor unions.
I close this recital of deeds of law
lessnesg with the following:
“PITTSBURG, March 30, 1914—A
freight train crew on the Monon?lhel&
division of the Pennsylvania railroad,
attacked by a mob of 500 men to-day,
were rescued by the police before flying
stones and bullets found marks It was
the most sertous of the series of dls
turbances that characterized the strike
of wrainmen on the division during the
night."”
Occur l"’u‘loqflcall{i
“Flying stones and bullets” used by
these striking trainmen against the
men who wera. serving the %‘eople on
this public utility, on which they were
refusing to serve! And it Is the safest
of propositions that, from President
Samuel Gompers down to the lowest
officer of the labor unions, thers will
come not one word of deprecation of
these attempted acts of felony by their
followers, or of advice to them to ab
stain from such acts.
Now, fellow citizens of Georgia, let
me call your attention to the fact that
these and other like acts of violation
of law, many of them involving federal
laws, have been perlodically occurring
while Senator Smith has filled his
present seat. The authority of the
fuvemment has been openly brought
nto contempt by a class, and with
that contempt of law have come de
struction of property and murder, with
it have come inconvenience and damage
to millions of citizens of the United
States. And yet Senator Smith has not
only Introduced no bill to curb this
lawlessness and protect the Yubllc, but
he has not even raised his voice to
rebuke f{t.
Attack on Smith, ,
Samuel Gompers said in & publle
speech shortly beforsa Senator Smith
took his seat that in him organized
labor would always find “‘a dependable
frienff.”” llf a man’'s publie course is
any criterion by which we may judge
of his preferences, we can not escape
the conclusion that Samuel Gompers,
the foreign-born president of the for
eign-controlled labor federation, de
scribed Senator Smith correctly,
Instead of courageously facing those
who flout the law - and damage the
basic rights of the people,,he has pre
ferred to travel in the path of least
resistance. Instead of shining with the
clear brilllance of an original and li
luminating thinker, ;he has preferred to
be a satellite and merely reflect the
light from the sun of Woodrow Wilson,
forgetting that the light of the sum is
milllons of times greater than that re
flected from any star.
My countrymen do ou want a
weathervane or a mirror ¥or your Sen
ator? Do you want a chameleon, a
sycophant or one who dodges an issue
or evades facing the people? If you
do, you certainly do not want me.
JOSEPH M. BROWN.
Marietta, Ga., July 21, 1914,
AN OLD ESTABLISHED
DENTAL OFFICE.
Reduces Prices on All Dental Work,
The Atlanta Dental Parlors, corner
of Peachtree and Deecatur stragts
have reduced thelr prices on all plate
work for the next fifteen days. Best
set of teeth that money can buy for
$5. None better. This is our regular
$lO set. We have also reduced our
price on hest gold crowns to S3.—AD.
VERTISEMENT.
HARRIG LEAVES
BOVERNOR AAGE
CTILL MIXED
Director of Census Quits Contest
“to Give Time to United
! '
States Office.’
The retiremgent of Director of the
Cepsus Wllllam J. Harris from the
race for Governor of Georgia appar
ently has not served particularly to
clarify the politicai atmosphere.
Opinion varies as to what effect, if
any, it will have upon the fortunes of
the remaining three candidates, and
as to which ons the bulk of the Har
ris strength wlll go.
At the headquarters of Randolph
Anderson the opinlon s advanced
that the withdrawal of Mr. Harris will
greatly strengthen that gentleman,
particularly in North Georgia, and
that Harels’ friends, in view of the
somewhat bitter fight between the
Direetor of the Census and Judge
“Nat” Hajris, of Macon, will now
swing to Anderson. :
The friends of the judge, however,
express no particular alarm at this
suggestion. At “the Hardman head
quarters a big slice of the Harris vote
is being claimed, too, as it is stated
that many of the more extreme pro
hibitionists, who originally were for
Harris, now will go to the doctor.
Mr. Harris’' eard of withdrawal was
given out in Washington, and is very
brief. He states that he found the
work of the Census Bureau so heavy,
upon returning from Georgia to
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iy ;:Nl '. coaches to Cincinnati flflf‘lht:,o and electric h:‘:mpped with
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ATLANTA, GA.
Washington srently, that he was
confronted with the fact thot ':0
either must retire at once from the
Federal job or quit the race for Gov
ernor,
Both the President and the Becre
tary of Commerce urged him not to
quit the Census Bureau, and he de
cided upon that course.
Mr. Harris' card of withdrawal
reads:
“To the People of Georgia:
“I withdraw from the race for Gov
ernor.
“On my return here, I find that the
work of the Census Bureau has accu
mulated during my absence and will
require my presence here for several
weeks.
“The President and Secretary Red
fleld have requested that I continue
my present work, and a large number
of Senators and members of Congress
have, in writing, petitioned that I re
main, stating that I could be of serv
lce to my State and entire country in
my present position.
“I wish to express to all my friends
in Gecrgia, who have so kindly given
me their support, my grateful and
lasting appreciation. In taking this
step I wish also to say to those gen
tlemen who have opposed me in the
campaign that I entertain only kind
feellngs for them.
*“WILLIAM J. HARRIS.”
CASTORIA
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