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EDITORIAL. RAGE The Atlanta Georgian the home pappr
Our Rights, All Our Rights and Nothing But Our Rights
The Administration's second note to Germany is notable
« for its self-restraint and pacificatory tone—which is to say, it is
„ notable for its sanity.
1 President Wilson has neither forced a quarrel upon a nation
2 desirous of remaining friendly, nor has he withdrawn any de-
* mands which the United States had a recognized right to present.
From the beginning of this controversy The Georgian has in
sisted that our Government should stand for Our Rights, All Our
Rights and Nothing But Our Rights.
I In the main this note, the first to be signed by Acting Secre-
“I tary of State Robert Lansing, conforms to this principle.
I The Georg ian has urged that the note r.hould be pacificatory
eoi i
in tone.
In fact, it is eminently so.
* M
The Georgian has insisted that there were matters involved
in the case of the Lusitania that could not be determined off-hand
Cu
€1 by the dictum of the United States, but must be left for future
discussion.
The note in fact opens the way for further consideration of
’ ID every mooted point.
Intetf
The Georgian protested against anything that should savor
H of an ultimatum.
The note invites “assurances" but does not close the door
,,»■ upon arguments. Nothing further removed from ultimatum
in tone or substance could be imagined.
The Georgian said recently:
It is announced on behalf of the Administration that the ,
•J, note on its way to Germany “by no means closes the way to
- ending the question by peaceful means.”
1 Hi We hope this is true. It certainly ought to be true. It
it* would be one of the great crimes of history for any note to be
I indited bv the United States which would close the doors to
as
peaceful negotiations over a question of national rights upon
£ which even loyal Americans hold two opinions.
[> Hit It is unjust for the United States to demand of Germany
!' M I
H B 8 the surrender of her right to prosecute her war upon the ocean
in the only way left to her. lint that the refusal of Germany to
make this tremendous Concession should be even thought of as a
1 cause for our declaring war ought to he unthinkable.
®u3 It is quite obvious that this note is not at all what Mr.
f Bryan’s action seemed to suggest.
. | It is equally obvious that it opens the way to temperate dis-
»
cussion of all points at issue.
I It employs no word or phrase that can be construed as a
Phone
peremptory demand that Germany abandon at once and for all
* her submarine attacks upon the commerce of the Allies.
* On this subject the note merely seeks to suggest the more
2!<t
j““U humane and generally accepted methods of such attack.
On the contrary, the paragraph which touches upon the
Ttriw:"
COVC
Vexed question of the “war zone” does so with such tactful sug
gestion of German good faith that it may well be quoted as illus-
trative of the conciliatory phraseology of the whole:
cSi
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an 4
T
Oordv*
“The Government of the United States can not admit that
the proclamation of a war zone from which neutral ships have
been warned to keep away may be made to operate as in any
degree an abbreviation of the rights either of American shipmas
ters or of American citizens bound on lawful errands as passen
gers on merchant ships of belligerent nationality. It dons not
understand the Imperial German Government to question those
rights. It understands it, also, to accept as established beyond
question the principle that the lives of noncombatants can not
lawfully or rightfully be put in jeopardy by the capture or de
struction of an unresisting merchantman, and to recognize the
obligation to take sufficient precautions to ascertain whether a
suspected merchantman is in fact of belligerent nationality or is
in fact carrying contraband of war under a neutral flag.”
/
'OUR £W ffPll OUR
mirm (0 rammi
ights: 'tjmms:
AND NOTHING »UT
OLM? WOLFMAL RIGHTS.
Vs-»
That this paragraph should be followed by a request that Germany give assurances
that her position is as understood by the United States is but reasonable. In connection
with the reference to the representations made in the note of May 1 5, it seems to consti
tute a milder restatement of the case in a way that may offer a graceful method of retir
ing from those paragraphs of the first note that were harsh in verbiage and untenable in
purpose.
It is notable that President Wilson once more bases his contention upon the broad
ground of humanity. Of the original demands made by the United States he says that
this Government ^
“relies in these representations upon the principles of humanity, the universally recognized
understandings of international law, and the ancient friendship of the German nation. ’ ’
We yield to no one, not even to the President, in our devotion to the principle of
humanity.
It is in the service of humanity that The Georgian has fought against such a presen
tation of the American case as would provoke war—for war is the negation of all hu
manity.
The President is right to protest in the name of humanity against all the inhumane
acts of this war—not against only a few which have impressed themselves especially
upon his conciousness.
But he must remember that when we intervene diplomatically we must T ave the
rights recognized and stated by international law in mind.
Every day, every hour, in this savage war the principles of
humanity are being violated by every participant. This is the
deplorable fact that exists and which the people of the United
States would gladly do away with if they could. But in moving
effectively as a government to prevent such acts we must have a
recognized right to intervene. Our action must be based upon
defined and accepted principles of international law.
If we confine ourselves to these recognized rights, and seek
to defend only our rights as neutrals, we may, and probably will,
establish ourselves in such a position of justice and authority that
we may hope eventually to help materially in bringing this war
and all its inhumanity to a conclusion.
But if we take an extreme, a biased, or in any way unjusti
fiable position, we shall only be regarded as a partisan, and not
^8 an unprejudiced arbitrator.
Apparently the Administration policy is not far from the
program outlined by Mr. Hearst in this signed editorial:
“LET US STAND FIRMLY IN DEFENSE OR OUR JUST
RIGHTS, EVEN THOUGH WE MUST MAINTAIN THEM BY
FORCE OF ARMS, BUT LET US NOT PRECIPITATE THE
COUNTRY INTO AN UNNECESSARY WAR BY GOING BE
YOND OUR OWN RIGHTS AND DEMANDING THE PRIV
ILEGE OF DICTATING TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES IN MAT
TERS WHICH HAVE NOT YET RECEIVED THE DEFINI
TION AND SANCTION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW.”
Our just rights are not difficult of statement. So far as
rights at- sea are concerned they are succinctly set forth thus in
the same editorial:
“We can not require that German submarines shall cease to
attack British ships or French ships or Italian ships, but we can
demand, and stand ready to enforce the demand, that German
submarines cease to attack American ships.”
But prior to that time The Georgian thus sharply defined
the limitations upon the United States’ right of interference:
“We have a right, and it is our duty, to question Germany
forcibly and with determination in regard to the attack upon the
Gulflight, in regard to the attack upon the Cushing, in regard to
the avowed policy of sinking merchantmen in the war zone
around the British Isles without proper investigation of their
nationality.
“These are questions in which Americans are interested—
profoundly, anxiously, vitally interested.
“But we have no right to question GERMANY’S USE OF
SUBMARINES IN HER WARFARE UPON BRITISH COM
MERCE.
“It is no possible business of ours whether Germany sinks
British ship with torpedoes, with mines or with gunfire.
4 ‘ These are not matters between America and Germany, but
SOLELY MATTERS BETWEEN GERMANY AND GREAT
BRITAIN.”
The President’s note leaves the Administration in a position
—if it chooses to take it—of basing its future contentions purely
upon these absolutely defensible and tenable rights. To that
extent the President is to be congratulated. And if he will main
tain that position in the future both the President and the coun
try will be doubly fortunate.
Mr. Bryan, whose precipitate retreat from the Cabinet was
supposed to portend a peculiarly intemperate and provocating
note, is left in a most embarrassing position.
How it could have been possible for him to sign the first note,
which was threatening, and refuse to sign the second, which was
mollifying, must ever remain a mystery.
The American people ought now to be able to look forward
to the proper assertion of the rightful demands of the nation in
stead of the extreme and unreasonable demands of the original
note, now deliciately set over, if not indeed fully eliminated.
With such a statement of our case which shall assert Our
Neutral Rights, All Our Neutral Rights and Nothing But Our
Neutral Rights, we may expect a peaceful and just settlement of
the pending questions.
The German nation, for its part, must realize that such a
note as this second note embodies and expresses the united senti
ment of the American people, and will be maintained by every
man of our citizenship.
Woman Suffrage to Aid S*ate and Nation
I AM a believer in woman suf
frage. While I am opposed
j to proceeding by an amend
ment to the national Constitu
tion. because I think it a matter
which the fepreaentative States
should determine, I am, neverthe
less, fully committed to the belief
that woman suffrage is not only
right In theoi'y but beneficial in
active practice.
We have had woman suffrage in
my State for more than twenty
years I entertain no doubt that
tendency is all for the good—
r the advantage and benefit of
politic generally. I am
sure that none of the evils
By WILLIAM EDGAR BORAH
and none of the tendencies which
the opponents of woman suffrage
so often prophesy and seem great
ly to fear have resulted from suf
frage in our State. On the. other
hand, I can see much good result
ing from it.
Of course, woman suffrage Is
not a panacea for all the ill? of
the body politic; it will not elimi
nate all evils or prevent all bad
practices. There will be incompe
tent officers, corruption in office,
unwise legislation so long as the
human race lingers on the hither
side of the millennium.
But, woman suffrage is, never
theless, a distinct substantial step.
in my judgment, toward the les
sening of the evils and bettering
the conditions of politics. Her in
fluence in oolitics, like her influ
ence in every sphere of life in
which she moves, is for the good.
Both Just and Wise.
1 feel quite certain that those
who have closely observed the
effect of woman suffrage through
a number of years \\ill pronounce
it both just and wise. I am equal
ly sure that If the question In my
State were left to th,e male vote
alone woman suffrage would be
continued there.
I saw’ a statement the other day
that in thos>e States where woman
suffrage prevails the better class
of women do not take part in
politics and do not vote, while the
more undesirable or w’holly unde
sirable do take part and do vote.
I am sure that this is not true.
While speaking about the ques
tion of not voting, allow me to call
your attention to the fact that in
a late Presidential election In one
of the most populous States of the
Union, a State where woman suf
frage is now up for consideration,
more than 100,000 voters remained
away from the polls.
Investigation disclosed that the
greater portion of those who re
mained away were but*lness men
who could have voted w’ith but
little inconvenience, living In
thickly-settled communities—no
such shameless betrayal of the
duties and obligations of citizen
ship, even proportionately, can
be charged to the “better class”
of women In any suffrage State.
If I had my w’ay about it I
w’ould forfeit a citizen's right to
vote when through no reasonable
excuse, he failed to meet this
prime obligation of citizenship.
That would be far more sensible
than to make the right to vote
depend upon sex.
Will Not Condone Wrong.
You may argue until dooms
day that women are no better
than me and have no higher
Ideals and w’ill vote about th»*
same way, yet a political gather
ing will Inevitably act upon the
theory that It Is not safe to reiy
upon the woman to condone «
wrong or ratify a questions*
transaction.
Permit me here to my in »hi*
connection that while aa good
women as live are sincere.y op
posed to suffrage and whi.e men
disinterested and patriotic are op
posed to suffrage, and most sin
cerely so. yet it is nevertheless
true that every evil and vicious
Influence in politics is opposed to
woman suffrage
I There vu a time in the history
of Kov+rnmtntt when it was not
so important that women be per
mitted to vote, for the busin**.* of
the government was largely that
of defending by tor'*. against op
posing fo** H a business of
th** Mt*te 4 ,r, the**- days is far
oth erwise Th-re . r ’ phase of
our Ilf-, practically no
< of * t g Into whJchthe
* doee no* Strode and shout
wr > , y ' ' * does rot obtain.
V*es r 4 *•%* •»*% N*w Arise.
A -r r* #- very '/m'eiy*.hie ques-
' ? * row ret* *d Jr: * he domain
# Tne O ;e«f'on of the
- f and educatioa of
the child, the sacred circle of the
home and family, birth, education,
marriage are looked Into, super
vised, directed and molded by
the State. Everything in these
days for weal or woe feels the
impress of politics. Nothing Is
too sacred or too small for the
Htate’s consideration, and in its
la*t analysis practically all great
questions of to-day are moral
questions.
Politics has, therefore, entered
Into woman's domain, usurped the
place which once was euPP°* e
to be practically under her do
minion. and why are women un
der such circumstances, denied
the most potent
effertuatlr.g results In P • ■
the ballot? .
The supreme question I
lna with the tremendous obliga
tions which shall rest upon that
citizenship.
And I maintain that In the
question of the rearing of citi
zenship, In the making of the laws
and especially the customs and
practices which shall shape and
mold the lives of the citizens, we
can not. we dare not. deny our
selves the wisdom, the Intuition
of woman, and under present
conditions she can only make that
wisdom and intuition effective
through the ballot.
It Is woman's duty to be there
and it Is man's duty to give her
the most effective Instrument of
warfare when »he goes there.
Give her the ballot It will net
degrade her and she will not dis
honor It It Is the only really ef
fective Instrument of political
warfare.
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