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VQ B ‘V \l V.
From the American Monthly Magazine.
TIIS I.OVEit TO THE .STAIt LYKA.
<* \Vc agreed at our prirtiii", that whet ever wi ini -lit
be, every night, a a certain hoar, (Mr eves elviiiM be
h\e ! oti’a ((articular star ('lie first in the ceintcl'auon
Lvra ) an*i thus we might ho sure that the
euch were dwelling on the other.’*— Z/iary of an Ri
thusiast.
Blight star ! whose soft an J pencilled ray
Falls t-t mb ing over earth ami sea—
Far dearer than the flush cf day,
Is thy pale beam to me ;
For more than lettered sage can tel!,
May iti that quivering glimmer dwell.
perchance upon this lovely eve,
Another’s glance is on thee bent.
And tracks thv beam) until they leave
Her own fair firmament:
Then turning sadly from the view,
She whisper*—“ Is he gazing too ?
“ He promised (when he left me weeping,
To count the wearv widowed days.)
Still, when the ea th in dew lay sleeping,
On that pale star to gaze—
And that its changeless gleam should be
A type of his true constancy.
“ Rut time has withered leaf and blossom,
That wreath’d his youthful heart with mine,
An I now upon another’s bosom
Ilis hope and breast recline ;
And I, perchance, am left to moan.
And watch the weary night alone.”
And deem’st thou, dearest, that this heart
To thee can ever faithless prove ?
That time can rust the eliain apart.
Whose links are thoughts of love 7
Ah ! what avails the offered key,
To set the willing captive free ?
Like that soft ray, my love lives on,
Though rolling earth may intervene ;
And if, before the regal sun,
It glimmers all unseen.
Yet still the grateful shades of night
.Restore it to the longing sight.
An l so, bright star, thine orb 1 greet
With more of joy than words e n tell;
For there I know my glance will meet
With her’s I love so well;
The frailest thread by fancy spun,
May bind two yearning hearts in one. 11. 11.
TO PRIMROSES FILLED WITH MORNING
DEW. BV H. HEHRICK, 1648.
Why do ye weep, sweet babes ? Can tears
Speak grief in you,
Who were but born
Just as the modest morn
Teem’d her refreshing dew ‘!
Alas! you have not *
x?or felt th’ unkind
Breath of a blasting wind ;
Nor are ye worn with years ;
Or warp’d as we,
Who think it strange to see
Such pretty flowers, like to orphans young,
To speak by tears before ye have a tongue.
Speak, whimpering younglings ; and make known
The reason why
Ye droop and weep,
Is it for want of sleep ;
Or childish lullaby ?
Or, that ye have not seen as yet
The violet f
Or brought a kiss
From that sweet heart to this 1
No, no—this sorrow
By your tears shed,
Would’ have this lecture read—
" That things of greatest, so of meanest worth,
Conceived with grief, and with tears bro’t forth.”
THE LAND OF DREAMS.
BV LOVER.
There is a land where Fancy’s twining
Iler flowers around life’s lading tree—
Where light is eversof.iy shining
Like s.inset o’er a tranquil sea.
’J is there thoti dweh’st in beauty brightness,
More fair than aught on earth e’er seems j
’Tis there my heart Reis most of lightness—
There, in the lovely land of dreams.
’Tis there in groves I ofien meet thee,
And wander through the silvan shade,
While I in gentlest accents greet thee,
My own, my sweet, my conslant maid ;
There, by some fountain fair reposing,
Where all around so tranquil seems ;
We wait the golden evening’s closing—
There, in the lovely land of dreams !
flllt \vhf>n fh* tnur>l> r.r arrtKlj. ... n L: nO ,
Hath broken slumber’s sweetest spell,
Those fabled joys, of Fancy’s making
Are in my heart remember’d well!
The day, in all its sunshine splendor,
Leas fair to me than midnight seems,
When visions shed a light more tender.
Around the lovely land of dreams !
BEAUTIFUL EXTRACT.
* * * * The future was before me—but
hmv dark and cheerless! The deep vista of
years lay there, hut mortality prevented me
from taking a step towards its portal. The
w’heel of fortune was going round, and if I
but looked at the glittering plaything that en
circled the magic ring. I grew dizzy at the
uncertainty. Health, life, and fortune passed
gaily before me—but then came sickness, dis
appointment, death. The crowning joys of
life sparkled in the goblet—but a rude hand
dashes the unlasted draught from the lip, and
the wretch is tortured with thirst. Gav
flambeaux ache the sight with the joyous bril
liancy of light—but a rude gust sweeps
along the hall—the lights are extinguished—
and the distant echo of the cautious tread
deepens the darkness of the place. Young
pleasure dances in the palace of loveliness—
roseate Health crowns her in the maze—yet
the pestilence scowls upon ihe scene, and the
image of Beauty sinks into the earth with the
plague-spot on her cheek.
Advice to Ladies. —Ladies, always delight
ful, and not the least so in their undress, are
apt to deprive themselves f some of their best
morning beams by appearing with their hair
in papers. We give notice that essayists,
and of course all people of taste, prefer a cap,
if there must he any thing; but hair a million
times over. To see grapes in paper hags is
bad enough, but the rich locks of a lariv in
papers, the roots of the hair twisted up like a
drummer’s, and the forehead staring bald in
stead of being gracefully tendrilled and shad
owed !—it is a capital offence—a defiance to
th® Live and admiration of the otherssea
provocative u
cordingly declare the said war on paper, not
having any ladies at hand to carry it at once
into their head quarters. We must allow at
the same time, that they are very shv of being
seen in this condition, knowing how much of
their strength, !:ke Samson’s, lies in that gifted
ornament. We have known a whole parlor
of them fluttered off like a dove cote, at the
sight of a friend coming up the garden.
Leigh Hunt.
Life in JYete I ork. —Never ask questions
in a hurry.
“Tom! a word with you.”
“ Be quick then, I’m in a hurry.”
“ What did you give your sick horse t’other
day?”
“ A pint of turpentine.”
John hurries home and administers the
same dose to a favorite charger, who, strange
to say, drops off defunct in half an hour. His
opinion of his friend Tom’s veterinary ability
is somewhat staggered. He meets him the
next dav.
“ Well, Tom!”
“ Well, John, what is it r”
“I gave my horse a pint of turpentine,
and it killed him as dead as Julius Csesar !” !
“ So it did mine!”
Itiches corrupt the heart. For the last
twv> centuries, until recently, Spain and Por
tugal, have abounded in silver and gold and
precious stones, found in their possessions in
the New World. The inhabitants became
wealthy, idle, and corrupt. Stript of their
possessions, they are now impoverished, and
to a lamentable degree immoral. In Spain,
a civil war of the must bloody and extermina
ting character, has lieen raging tor years;
and it appears bv the official returns lately
presented to the Portuguese Cortes at .Lisbon,
teat during the lasi year no lower than 3 o.jl)
assassinations have been committed, and 7,-
•JtH t i ihhe; i- j.- Mercantile Journal.
IN SENATE.—CHEROKEE TREATY.
Monday, March 26, 1533.
Mr. Southard presented a memorial, ad
dressed to Congress and signed by ihe depu
tation of the Cherokee Lillians now in Vv asb
ingtotr, making representations and com
plaints in rtgatd to their situation under the
lute alleged treaty, and praying Congress in
some mode to inlerlere for their relit I.
Also, a memorial against the enforcement
of the treaty, directly from the Cherokee na
tion, with the signatures of 15,Gti5 persons ol
that nation.
Mr. S. moved that these memorials be
printed, and referred to the Committee on In
dian Atlairs.
Mr. Lumpkin said: Mr. President,l must
express my deep regret at the introduction of
this subject here by the Senator front New
Jer-ey, (Air. Southard.) Even to entertain,
and discuss this subject here, at this time, is
pregnant with much mischief- But the sub
ject being thus far forced upon the attention
of the Senate, I wish to give to it that direc
tion which wili be productive of the least
mischief, which will be, to lay the whole sub
ject on the table, with .an understanding that
it will not again be taken up by the Senate.
It is proper, however, that, before I make
this motion, I should ask the ear of the Senate,
j while I explain, in a brief manner, why the
I Senate should, in a prompt and decisive man
ner. put to rest all hopes and expectations of
the Cherokee people, that John Ross can ef
fect the slightest change in the determination
I of any branch of the Federal Government, to
execute the Cherokee treaty of 1835. Nei
| ther would I wish to make this motion to the
preclusion of other gentlemen who may de
sire to sav something on this subject.
Sir, this Cherokee treaty, which is the sub
ject matter of complaint with John Ross and
his friends, who are nmv in hearing of mv
voice, was negotiated hv a highly qualified
and competent delegation of die Cherokee
people, in tiie latter part of the year 1835. —
In the early part of die year 183(5, the treaty
was thoroughly discusseJ in this Senate, and
received its ratification in due form. More
over, the large appropriations necessary to
carry it into'effect were discussed in both
branches of Congress, in the face of the op
position of Mr. Ross and his political friends,
-..a leceived the sanction of Congress.—
From that time, the execution of the treaty
commenced, and lias progressed with as
much success as could be expected, under ail
the opposing circumstances. Mr. Ross and
his associates have not been able to keep
hack the intelligent portion of the Cherokee
people from acceding to the terms of the trea
ty, and becoming recipients under its pro
visions. Yes, Sir, nine-tenths of the intelli
jgent Cherokees have emigrated to the West
under the provisions of this tieatv, or are pre
paring to go.
Amongst the emigrants, von will find An
drew Ross, the brother of John, Thomas F.
Taylor, the son of Richard Taylor, who is
nowhere as one of John Ross’delegation;
and John Gunter, the brother of the Gunters
| who are now here aiding John Ross in his
j projects of mischief. Yes, Sir, the nearest
and most of the connections of these very
men have not only yielded to this treaty, and
are now settled in the West, happy and con
tented, hut have corresponded with me, and
assured me of their satisfaction with their
change of residence. Indeed, Sir, they are
now zealous friends of the treaty, although,
at the time of its formation, Taylor and oth
ers were violently opposed to it.
There is no difficulty in regard to execu
ting this treaty with the intelligent portion of
the Cherokee people, except what has been
produced hv this man John Ross, who claims
to be principal chief of the Cherokee people,
and his pliahle delegation now here. The
opposing Indians, now, are ignorant and un
informed, an.d tl ipso tirrmifl Unff vinro Itnv’o
..iireriniiv yielded, and have emigrated, but
for Ihe wicked and mischievous ope r ations of
this man John Ross, and his immediate asso
ciates.
Since the ratification of the treaty, I pre
sume this man Ross has spent more than
one half of his time in and about this place,
under the pretence of doing something which
would abrogate or change this treniv. Un
fortunately, he has been permitted to hold
too much correspondence with the Execu
tive officers of this Government, and received
too much countenance from members of Con
gress, which has been calculated to keep up
the delusion that the treaty would not be ex
ecuted without his consent or approbation.
Sir, I have been intimately connected with
this subject. I have been in a position, in
connection with the execution of this treaty,
which enables me to understand things as
they actually exist; and hut for this man
Ross and his aiders and abettors, these unfor
tunate Cherokees would now have been qui
etly enjoying the benefits of this most 1 heral
and beneficent treaty at their settled homes
in the West. Hundreds and thousnrds of
these people arc this day passively waiting to
receive the permission of Ross to leave their
present abode and go West. Whole neigh
borhoods of the Cherokees have repeatedly
made up their minds to yield to the treaty,
and commenced making their preparations
accordingly, when news would go from John
Ross and his associates here, that Ross was
negotiating anew treaty; and the present
j treaty was undergoing modification or change,
j and the Indians urged not to yield to tlie pre
jsent treaty or to the advice of the agents of
| the government engaged in its execution ;
(and thus repeated stojis have been put to
: emigration.
The countenance given to this delusion by
Congress men and those high in authority, is
fraught with the most serious evils. L threat
ens destruction and extermination to the
remnant of this once mighty race. The
twenty-third of May next, now less than two
; months hence, and these people, so far as
! Georgia is concerned, must go, and goquick
| !v. The citizens of Georgia hold grants lor
| the lands on which these Indians now reside
|in that State, and the grantees are legally
| authorized by the laws of the State, as well
las the treaty, to take possession of their lands
ion and after the twenty-third of May next;
‘and, sir, possession they will take, and the
j Indians will then truly he (breed out of house
! and home. Georgia and (lie Georgians have
long since been accused of having taken pos
session of all the Indian lands, houses and
: homes. But, sir, this was not true; it was
tone of the many slanders which have been
propagated to disparage the State which 1
have the honor to represent. We have treat
ed the Indians with all the kindness and fbr-
j bearanee which their interest required. But,
Sir, whatever conflict may arise after the 23d
May, Georgia must and will be speedily re
j heved from this long standing and vexatious
j perplexity. If the execution of this treaty is
longer resisted, whatever evil may ensue, lhe
j just responsibility is chargeable to this man.
1 Ross and his assoeiales.and not to mv constitu
ents or the authorities of the state which I rep
resent. So lar from avoiding, I would desire
the most thorough investigation of this treaty,
its execution, and every other transaction
connected with the subject. But, Sir, I will
never consent to any investigation which
shall retard the execution of the treaty, so far
as the removal of the Indians is concerned.
They must go or evil will come of it.
I have in mv possession various communi
cations from officers and agents of the Go
vernment, as well as other citizens, all going
to sustain the fact that the Indians will not
emigrate, so ‘long as this man Ross continues
to communicate (or causes it to he done,) ’.hat
he is doing, or expects to do, something here
(o change the provisions of the treaty. Front
‘he beginning, nothing but the fallacious hope
that tins treaty woo'd not be strictly executed
lies pr, vented the Cherokee people from v*ekl-
ing to it with great unanimity. Tins subject
is not now within the jurisdiction ofCongtes*;
it belongs to the Executive Government:
and if this treaty fails of execution, to that
branch of the Government l shall charge the
‘failure and shall use my best exertions to pie-,
vt nt the inlerl’eience of ti e Legislature—that’
branch of tiie Government to which I happen,
to he attached. Bui all the combined povv- j
ers of the Federal Government cannot abio-l
gate or change this treaty, without the con-j
sent of the Slates interested, and that consent}
will never be obtained. Honesty is said to he I
the best policy ; at any rate honesty is a duty.
Then let us not deceive, but save these jho
: pie, by assuring them that the trtaly will be
i executed.
I will forbear, as before intimated, to make
the motion to lay i: memorial on the table,
to offer to t ther gentlemen the privilege which
I have exercised myself, of submitting anv
remarks which they may have to make on
this subject. I shall not. however, consent to
give other direction to this subject than that
which I have suggested.
MERCHANT’S CONVENTION.
The following excellent resolutions were
adopted by the convention recently held at
Augusta :
1. Resolved .That a direct trade is the nat
ural channel of communication between na
tions, which (filer to each other the best mar
ket lor their natural productions; and that the
intervention of a third party must operate
as a tax upon the exchanges between them.
2. Resolved , That the Southern and South
western States of this union afford those stn
pies with with which are purchased nearly
the whole foreign imports of the country;
that they are the consumers of a large por
tion of these imports, and ought naturally
themselves to frnnish the channel through
which the exchange is made; that on no
occasion have their citizens been found inca
pable of maintaining themselves in fair com
petition with other sections ; and that the di
version of their trade from its natural chan
nels, must have been brought about by the
uneqal action ofthe Federal Government, or
bv the abstraction of our people towards other
pursuits.
3. Resolved That in the opinion of ibis
Convention such a state of things should no
longer continue; that the present condition
of the commercial relations of the country,
and Ihe disruption of the existing channels of
trade, afford an opportunity of breaking down
the trammels which have so long fetterd our
commerce, and of restoring to the South its
natural advantages; and that it is incumbent
upon every man, who has at heart the good
of his country, to lend his best exertions to
the promotion of these subjects and to estab
lish our trade upon a sound and permanent
bus’s.
4. Resolved. That this Convention is ful’y
aware of the difficulties to be overcome in the
prosecution of their enterprise; hut nothing
daunted thereby, and fully relying upon the
pub! c spirit and zealous co-operation of their
fellow-citizens,they are determined to advance
with untiring perseverance; and with that
view, do earnestly recommend the adoption
of the following measures.
1. That an effort should he made to afford
to the importers and purchasers at Southern,
seaports, the same facilities which are offered
elsewhere ; and with this view it is recom
mended that the Banks in the seaports should
immediately apply a portion of their respective
capitals, to the purchase of foreign exchange,
and to ihe procurement of credits or funds in
Europe ; and that they should afford the use
of the same to the importing merchant upon
a discount or collateral pledge of such good
patter as he may take from the merchants of
the interior, and that this accommodation
‘Rfilmled as wen upon paper■ having more than
six months to run, as upon that having less:
and that die Banks of the interior co-operate
by col ecting and remitting the proceeds to
such paper to the banks on the sea coast.
2. That with a view to the important sub
ject of equalizing the exchanges between S.
Carolina and Georgia, this Convention ear
nestly reccommerid to the various Banks of
the principle cities of the two States, or such
as may he conveniently located, to receive
the Bids of each other in their general busi
ness, and to adopt such arrangements for set
tlements, at short periods, as they tuny deem
suitable and proper; the Banks against whom
the balance should fall, to furnish funds for
settling the same, or to pay an interest of six
per cent from the period of settlement, and
that the Banks in the cities and towns of the
Atlantic States, make arrangements by which
the notes of all of them shall be at par its
each.
3. That the Merchants of the South and
South- \Y est, be earnestly recommended to
give preference to the importers in their own
markets, and that tliev afford them an oppor
tunity of fair competition with other sections,
by making their first calls lor purchases at
Soulhern and South-Western seaports; and
on the other hand, that, the Merchants at the
sea-ports shall, forthwith, sel about importing
such stocks of goods, as will ensure, at fair
rates, a supply to the demand from the mer
chants of the interior.
4. That an earnest and united effort should
he made to draw home the capita! invested bv
the South in Banks and Companies abroad :
and to employ the same, together with such
surp’us capital as exists at home, in mercan
tile operations; and that with this view men
of influence and character he earnestly invi
ted to afford the benefit of their example, by
entering into Limited Partnerships, under the
laws lately-passed by the stales of Virginia,
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Tennes
see and Florida.
5. That this Convention cannot but view
with deep regret, lhe neglect of all commer
cial pursuits which has hitherto prevailed
among the youth of our country, and which
has necessarily thrown its most important in
terests into the hands of those who by feeling
and habit are led into commercial connexions
elsewhere. This Convention, therefore, can
not too earnestly recommend the speedy adop
tion by ail their fellow citizens of measures to
introduce commercial education among our
youth ; to train them up to habits of business,
and thereby to establish a hodv of merchants
whose every interest and feeling shall be cen
tered in the country which has reared and
sustained them.
5. Resolved. That this convention is o’
.opinion that ihe establishment bv manwfnctu
j rers in foreign countries of agencies in the
chief southern porls. for the sale of the vari
ous articles export-d by them to the United
j States, would conduce to the restoration of
the direct foreign trade of the south.
6. Resolved, I hat a committee of five he
i appointed to prepare an address to lhe people
ot the Southern and South states,
urging upon them the expediency of giving
their hearty co-operation, in the accomplish
ment of the g-ent object of tiffs convention.
’ 7. Resolved. That when llffs Convent : on
; adjourns, ir shall adiourn to meet at. Augusta 1
on the third Monday in October next, and I
that a rnmmittee ofcorrespondence he nppoin-;
tpd, whose duty it shall he to take the proper
measures to enlist the feelings of the penn'e.!
.in 1 serum a cordial co-operation on the nart
‘heStates interested in the objects of this
Convention and to secure a full representation
from every part of those states.
Resolved’ That it is recommended to i
the members of this convention, to assemble
the citizens of their counties or districts and
P ! ae.o before thpni their proceedings, and time’
upon them lhe expediency of nmmQtinrr the
measures recommended hv tiffs convention. 1
and partieu’nrlv of forming Limited Partner-:
shins, under the laws lately passed by the!
southern states, as aforesaid. ‘ 1
SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLLMBUsT ABRIL 13, 1333.
AIR. LUMPKIN—THE CHEROKEES.
In another column, we have given the
remarks of this gentleman, delivered in the
Senate of the United States, upon the pre
sentation, through .Mr. Southard, of a memo
rial signed by John Ross and others, compo
sing a deputation of Cherokee Indians who
were on a visit to Washington, and who,
dissatisfied with the treaty of 1835, called
“ the Cherokee treaty,” were petitioning Con
gress on nehalf of their grievances. The
remarks of Mr. Lumpkin are wise, judicious,
and to the point. The Honorable Senator
| has spent much of his time in the midst of the
i Cherokees, and had also an opportunity of
j knowing them well during his executive rule.
His superior advantages of acquiring an ac-
curate knowledge of the habits and disposi
tions of this tribe, should entitle his opinion to
very high regard in Congress, as to the expe- j
dienev of their prompt removal. We are j
proud to notice that Mr. Lumpkin has, in a
manly and independent manner, pressed upon
the attention of Congress the propriety and
necessity of executing the treaty made with
the Cherokees in 1835; and well may those |
members, who it would seem have given an
gar to the murmttnngs of John Ross, feel re
linked bv the stern and indignant language of
our worthy Senator. It is undeniably true,
that the large 1 * and more intelligent portion of
the Cherokee tribe are well satisfied with the
treaty, and hold themselves ready when the
time shall arrive, to emigrate without uttering
a solitarv complaint. It is due to our Gov
ernment, and demanded by that good faith in
which she has ever fulfilled her treaties and
discharged her obligations, that they should
be emigrated without delay. It is also due to
the Indians, in the light both of justice and
mercy, that they should he taken away agree
ably to the provisions of the treaty. Their
great Father has provided a broad extent of
country for their use west of the Mississippi;
their neighboring tribes have all gone thither,
and are living in peace and quiet; the game
is all their own—the chase is uninterrupted
bv t!ie footstep ofthe white man, and in this
their native element they are happy. Then
let the remnant go. Why should they linger
on ottr borders to harrass our population?
and why should members of Congress, who
are ignorant ofthe troublesome and mischie
ous connections which are continually grow
ing up between this nation of Indians and
those of our population who are settled on
their borders, concert with a character like
John Ross with a view to prevent emigra
tion? The truth is, the Cherokees must re
move; the people of Georgia are determined
upon this subject, and will not waste much
time with Ross and his party, should they
prove stubborn and refractory. It is though,
there will be trouble with this people, and that
tlie Ross party will not remove without a
struggle. If so, it will be no Seminole cam
paign. Georgia volunteers will clear that
section of country with a rush.
If Mr. Southard can find no better employ
ment ! Siinotn ..tiu u..;.u otdies, man
that of presenting memorials signed by some
half dozen vagabond Indians, we would ad
vise him to unite with John Quincy Adams,
and petition Congress to exclude him forever
from her halls. Early impressions numbered
this gentleman, in our estimation, among “the
wise men of Gotham,” but his course upon
this subject excludes him from sue!) company
altogether, and exhibits him either swayed by
bigotry and superstition, or rapidly falling into
“ the sear and yellow leaf,” in which state the
mental fail wilii the physical faculties. He
contends with a mock gravity, that the Che
rokees are under the impression, that in the
provisions of the treaty they were materially
injured, and hence pray Congress for redress;
and says, “give the answer to their prayer
in a constitutional manner , and they will no
doubt be satisfied.” With due deference to
the sagacity of the distinguished senator, we
would ask if a treaty, deliberately formed and
solemnly ratified between a general govern
ment and a tribe of Indians within the juris
diction of that government, is not a constitu
tioned measure? And must the government
make a treaty to-day and unmake it to-mor
row? Must the executive of the nation give
virtue and efficacy to the laws, or must the
voice of a restless, dissatisfied Indian, bid his
nation go or slay ! We leave Mr. Southard
learnedly and eloquently to discuss these
questions; as for the citizens of Georgia, they
will be governed by a modus operandi pecu
liarly their own, should any portion of the
Cherokees refuse to emigrate.
We publish to-day another letter from our
Washington City correspondent, in reply to
an extract of a letter from the lion. Seaton
Grantland, which appeared in the Federal
Union, on the 27th ult. Mr. Grantland pre
tends to know who our correspondent is, and
makes a charge which we think improper,
uncalled for, and unfounded. If Mr. Grant
land knows who our correspondent is, he has
obtained his information ihrough some other
source than ourselves. We certainly have
not betrayed to him the confidence reposed in
us as public journalists, and no demand has
as yet been made, by Mr. Grantland, for the
author’s name.
! We cannot refrain from expressing our
’ surprise that Mr. Grantland should evince so
! much feeling, because one of his constituents
i .
I should think proper to exercise his undoubted
right, to make known to the people of Geor
gia, and especially the Union party, the then
apprehended, hut note positive, opposition of
Mr. Grantland to the Sub-Treasurv Bill.—
\\ ho do ibis the right of our correspondent
to cal! tlre attention of the people of Georgia
to the course pursued, or about to he pur
sued, in Congress, hv 3ny of his Representa
tives! Opposition to this inestimable right
comes with a had grace from a public ser
vant. The idea that our correspondent
wished to put Col. Towns out of the way. to
procure a nomination for himself, is too ab
surd to he entertained. The object of our
correspondent was, as he says, lo bring pub
lic opinion to hear upon the votes of Col.
Towns and Mr. Grantland. upon the divorce
of the Government from Banks a measure
most devoutly hoped fir bv the Union party,
to which Col. Towns and Mr. Grantland be
long, and to whom they are indebted fur the
high stations they now occupy. We think it
a verv strange thing indeed, that the people
of Georgia shall mR he made acquainted with
the conduct of their Representatives without
having a fuss about it, particularly upon a
subject so vitally important to their best in
terests.
We are at a loss to account for the feeling
evinced bv JYlr* GrsnlkiiKl upon ibis occi~
si,in. We can see nothing in the first letter of
our correspondent that sliouk! give otlcnce,
and least of all, to Mr. Graniland, who, from
his own shewing, was not misrepresented. —
The letter of our correspondent to-day, cor
rects the mistake ol Col. I owns’ opposition
to the bill, and gives him great credit for his
patriotism and promptness.
Col. Towns’ course will meet the approba
tion of the people of Georgia, and we hope
his devotion to the will of his constituents will
he duly appreciated at the Union Convention
to he held in Milledgeville, in May next. —
We call the attention of our readers to the
letter of our correspondent.
TROOPS RETURNING.
The U. S. steamboat Marion came to our
wharf on Friday last, having on board lfiS
Alabama Volunteers, whose term of service
had expired, and who were paid oil’ and dis
charged.
The Georgia Brigade, commanded by Gen.
Nelson, also passed through our citvon Sun
day last, on their way to “Camp Call,’* in
Hall county, where they will be discharged.
It was with a proud consciousness of credit
and honor to the State of Georgia, that we
beheld this body of men returning from a six
months tour in the swamps of Florida, and
the severities and hardships of the Seminole
campaign. Should they pass through Mil
led'reville on their wav home, we presume
that His Excellency Governor Gilmer will
read in their resolute and soldier-like appear
ance, that a simple veto can never keep from
the field of battle a chivalrous spirit, nor hin
der an American soldier from protecting the
helpless and unoffending. These are Geor
gia’s own boys—her gallant and determined
spirits, who, having girded on their armor,
ne’er throw it of}', until they have measured
strength with their foe, and battled for tiie
perpetuation of that liberty which was pur
chased by the blood of their fathers. These
are the men, who, unaided by their own
Legislature, travelled to bleeding Florida,
headed by the gallant Nelson, without money:
nor did 1 hey set a price upon their labors!
They were well received at head quarters;
they entered forthwith upon their arduous
duties; they traversed the woods and swamps;
they shed their blood ; and now they are re
turning, by order of the commanding officer,
i having discharged their duties as faithful and
| true soldiers. Go, volunteers, to your homes
land firesides, and may the broad banner of
liberty ever be over you.
A regiment of troops from North Alabama
likewise arrived at Fort Mitchell last week,
and were mustered out of service. They
! numbered about 1100 Many of them had
lost their horses and were obliged Jo foot it,
but they looked healthy and appeared in fine
spirits. Some of them told us in conversa
tion, that they had not felt to any great ex
” ihv ‘OOUI o us lliv liitlt <?,•• tl? I fict/ 11111 l
! not found any fighting to do in Florida, and
! perhaps not seen an Indian during their so-
I journ in that country ol hobgoblins and tc-r
----| rifle shows. Some of Uncle Sam’s boys will
! have to stick it out in that sickly region du-
S ring the summer—poor devils, how we pity
; them!
CO” Read the article taken from the Mont
gomery Journal, detailing the bloody affair
which took place in the streets of our sis'er
city a few clays ago. It contains wholesome
and pungent remarks, which should address
themselves with peculiar force to police offi
cers, and importers and venders of deadly
weapons,more especially that infernal, savage,
desperate weapon, called the Bowie knife,
whose invention must have originated in a
demoniac spirit, and whose use can never be
sought save by those who are cursed with
mania of mind.
COTTON ST ATE.A 1E NT.
Slock on hand, September 1, ‘ISOS bales.
Received from the Ist Sept, to
the Ist of April, - SB,fi93 “
43,501
Shipped, * - 32,119 “
On hand April 1, - 11.352 “
Hon. Joel 11. Poinsett. —We sincerely re
gret to learn, by Express from Washington
City, under date of April 6, that the Hon. Joel
R. Poinsett, Secretary of War, was at the
point of death. The loss of such a man
would be indeed a national calamity.
We also learn, from the Baltimore Chroni
cle, the death of Hon. Isaac M’Kim, Member
of Congress from Maryland.
Edward Livingston. —A celebrated histo
rian of the French Revolution, is engaged in
writing the life of this distinguished person,
whose reputation in this country as a jurist
was unsurpassed, and is said to stand emi
nently high in Europe.
Joseph M. White, Esq. is engaged in wri
ting a history of Florida from its earliest set
tlement. Should he bring it down so late as
to embrace the Seminole War, lie will surely
find himself puzzled to make a plausible tale
of it.
: Extract from a letter lo the Editors, dated
V\ ashington Cjtv. April 3d 1533.
Gentlemen : I have just seen the Federal
Union of die 27th ultimo, yvhich contains an
I extract of a letter from the Hon. Seaton
Grantland, in which allusion is made to my
letter to you of the Bth February last. Mr
Grantland is evidently nettled at being told of
his political sins, and has thought proper to
make personal charges against the supposed
j author of the letter in question. He pretends
to know who the writer is, and ascribes selfish
motives to him. He charges him with “as
sailing” Col. Towns, for the purpose of pro- ,
curing a nomination to Congress for himself.
Mr. Grantland is perhaps one of those wise
acres who “ can see as far into a millstone as
the man who pecks it. ,J and may know who f j
am, though lam at a loss to know how he
has arrived at the fret, unless you have viola
ted the confidence reposed in von as conduct
ors of a public journal, which I do not lor a j
moment presume. If, however, Mr. Grant
land was eertain of my identity, he should
have pointed me out in m equivocal terms, !
and not have made allusions, which might be
applied to another person. The innocent
should not be confounded with the guilty, and
lam not anx.ous that cithers should beat any
portion of mv burthens, however heavy. I
leave it to Mr. Grantland, and the puhltc, to
determine whether the course pursued has
been eilher fair or manly.
I think Mr. Grantland has mistaken his
man. I knoio that he has misrepresented rry
motives. I neither desire nor expect a nomi
nation for Congress, anil if I did, it would not
be necessary for me to assail Col. Towns to
procure one. ‘1 he truth is, as you know,
that Col. Towns has not a more sincere per
sonal or political friend than myself in the
State of Georgia. I have heretofore support
ed him with sincerity and zeal, and shall con
tinue to do so as long as his political conduct
shall justify it—farther than this I am sure
that Cpl. Towns himself would neither desire
or expect me to go. The real and only ob
ject of my letter to you, so far as Messrs.
Grantland and Towns were concerned, was
to bring public opinion in Georgia to bear
upon their votes upon the all-important sub
ject of the currency. It was generally report
ed and believed here, that these gentlemen
would separate from their political friends
upon that question. The fate of the
Treasury hill was considered then, as it is yet,
extremely doubtful in the house —a single vote
might perhaps turn the scale. I knew that an
overwhelming majority of the people of Geor
gia, and especially of the Union party, were
in favor of the measure, and that they expect
ed their representatives to vote for it. I took
it for granted, that every honorable man pro
fessing the doctrines of the Democratic party,
would either obey the will of his constituents,
when ascertained, or resign. I felt it my
duty to warn the people of Georgia in time of
the course likely to he pursued by a portion
of their representatives, in order that they
might have an opportunity, through the pub
lic press, or otherwise, to express their wishes
and opinions upon the subject. I felt then,
as I feel now, an unfeigned solicitude that no
member from Georgia should be found want
ing upon an occasion so vitally important to
the administration and the country, and I
sought, in a manner the least exceptionable,
as I supposed, to bring those who were con
sidered doubtful under the influence of public
opinion. lam happy to learn that my object
has been at least partially accomplished. It
is now understood here that Col. Towns has,
with a promptness and propriety which do
him infinite credit, yielded to the ascertained
wishes and opinions of his constituents, and
determined to vote for the Sub-Treasury biil
I trust the people of Georgia \vi I properly
appreciate and reward his highly honorable
and manly conduct.
I have failed, it seems, in my efforts upon
Mr. Grantland. He has not only avowed his
determination to disregard the wishes of his
constituents, but with singular arrogance, jus
tifies his course by charging ethers with in
consistency. The Union party of Georgia
will doubless place the proper estimate upon
this stale subterfuge of every political de
serter.
Mr n.... ; assuming to Know tin*
person of your correspondent, Iras thought
proper to insinuate that tie lias a “ certain
other letter, which, if made public, would
place him in a position which no honest man
would like to occupy.” If Mr. Grantland really
knows who 1 am, he shall have no farther ex
cusefor his pretended forbearance. He is here •
by invited, nay defied , to the publication of anv
letter of mine, either of a political or private
character, which I mav have ever written,
however it may have come into his possession
or power. His insinuation will be found to be
as unfounded as it is unmanly. Mr. Grant
land is a public servant, responsible to his
constituents (of whom l ain one) for his offi
cial nets, and whilst they shall continue to he.
as they are, legitimate subjects of comment
thronuh the puhltc press. I shall not be deter
red by threats, nr fear of persona I consequen
ces, from exposing his political errors when
ever he shall commit them.
Your’s, See.
For lire Sentinel and Herald.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES—THE
CRISIS—THE CURRENCY—AND THE
ItESUL I S.
Messrs. Editors :—ln times like the pres
ent it behooves every patriot and lover of his
country to examine well into the causes
which have produced the trouble and dis
tress which now pervade this once happy
and prosperous country. The great body of
the people, that is, the cultivators of the sod.
we all know, are still in a very sound and
i healthy state ; the great difficulty that exists
[is with the commercial world* It is conceded
| on all sides that there are two great political
parties, each contending for the mastery; on
one side is arrayed the Democracy of the
country, and on the other the Bank of the
| United States, and its supporters. The latter
| parly charge ail the present difficulties to
Gen. Jackson, and his friends, who so suc
cessfully fought against the monster, using
for argument, the inability of the Sub-Treas
j urv to carry on the Exchanges of the coun
try, and perform the functions of the Govern-
I merit. This, we have seen, was nothing more
. ’ . °
than imaginary; from tlie time the Deposites
were removed, by the Government, into the
Stale institutions, nothing was seen of its ef
fects; the Exchanges of the country were
j lower than at any former period during the
, time the Bank of the United States held the
[funds, the leading politicians and friends of
! the Bank saw and felt that all their predic
: tions had failed, that every thing was moving
;on prosperously, and with great satisfaction
! to the people ; anew project must he tried,
(having ascertained that the Democracy of
the Country, were riding triumphantly through
the storm which they bad predicted,) and die
famous bill of eighteen hundred and thirty
five, called the distribution of the Surplus
Revenue, was enacted, and with it the pros
tration of the whole commercial world ; a
hill that has proven more odious and ruinous
to the country, than any act since the foun
dation of our Government. Mr. Biddle, in
his letter to Mr. Adams, attempted to prove
that the Bank of the United States would not
have suspended specie payment, provided the ;
government Banks had paid him in specie !
Now what are the facts? Does not Mr.
Biddle and his Bank owe this Government
nine millions of dollars? and have the people I
forgotten his last report, when he had in eir- ‘
culalion and on deposile upwards of eleven
millions of dollars, and in specie to meet this
enormous debt only 2,000,300 do !ars; be
sides liis cashier, Mr. Jaudon, bad borrow
ed from Europe seven millions of dollars,
pledged to send them the coin in payment;
and does he not owe the State of Pennsylva
nia a bonus of ten millions of dollars, for his
charter? These arc startling facts; and his
Bank could have continued to pay specie
under these circumstances ! It won’t do; the
people cannot and will not be gulled !onir* r
upon this subject; it was currently reported
and stated as fact, that the day Mr. Biddle
suspended specie payments, that there were
upon the steps of his Bank a sufficient num
ber of demands to have taken ever} dollar of
specie in its vaults; and who does not know
the fact, that could the Bank have sustained
itself at tiiis crisis, that it would have done so 1
even if every dollar was taken, and that, too,
for the avowed purpose of getting a renewal
of its charter, hoping to enlist on its side the
whole nation, proving, as it would and could
have done, by such a course, its entire ability
to meet any crisis; but alas! Mr. Biddle
was doomed to the mortification of giving up
and acknowledging the fact, as well as the
other institutions of the country, his inability
to pay specie. What Bank in the country, I
ask, that is not more able to redeem its liabil
ities than the Bank of the United States ?
Answer, none! and nothing but its credit ha*
or can sustain it from total bankruptcy.—
What are we witnessing at tHs moment, at
our own door? Do we not see the Bank
I here belonging to Mr. Biddle, selling what?
| why the bills of the old Bank of the United
States (which Bank is not now in existence)
i at five per cent, premium for State Bank of
j Georgia notes. What is to be the issue?
j Fellow Citizens, pause, I say pause, a fearful,
precipice is before you ; how easy will it be
for the Insurance Bank to sell one million of
its paper for the notes of our own State In
stitutions; the Bank at Philadelphia has sus
pended ; no specie can be drawn from them
for this large amount, bu mark the result r
the moment your Banks in Georgia announce
the resumption ol’ specie payments, who
comes forward to sweep every dollar ? wiry
Mr. Biddle’s Bank : at and where does the spe
’ cie go ? to Europe, to fulfil his engagements
j for coin ! My God, feHow-citizens, it is ait
sinful crisis to come, but come it must ; you
will then see your own State Institutions
swept away like a torrent, which no power
can arrest. Then arouse ! buckle on your
armor! let every State Rights man see ami
feel that, there is n monster within his hnsi m
that, unless he is strangled, will prove more
destructive that) the fatal blasts of the dead'y
1 Sirocco.
ONE OF TIIE PF.OPLE.
P. S—The above article was written du
ring the panic last summer, but the author
thinks that the facts hold good at this period,
and therefore gives it to the public.
From the Southern Patriot.
THE SUB-TREASURY.
The present slate of the Sub-Treasury Bill
pleases neither its friends nor its opponents.
It will not be allowed to remain in the condi
*** it tvaa p rtteentet] f■ > tin* House. It is It
hard money scheme and it is not a hard mo
ney sheme. It divorces the Government from
the Banks, and yet does not divorce the Go
vernment from tire Banks. The receipt of
Bank paper lor the dues of the Government
has divested it of one of its specie features;
hut the ri'jlit to return this paper on the
Banks, ichenever and however the Treasury
pleases, I aves, in our opinion, in full force the
strongest argument against it as a ban! money
measure. It is o ‘comparatively of little con
sequence to the Banks it credit is given to
their paper, by receiving it in payments to thg
Government, if tie; power remains to with
draw their specie from them, according to the
public wants. A Government demand is es
sentially difit*rent from a Mercantile demand.
The Mercantile hodv have certain sympathies
with the Banks. Thev w'’ notard dare not
withdraw their specie from them, when there
is a profit to be made bv its exportation, and
the act when d< ne bv brokers is alfnost uni
versally unpopular. But the Government
cannot he under the same influences. Ifan
accumulation of §SOO 000 takes place at
Charleston, which must be transferred to N.
York, a ltd Charleston Bank Notes should he
at 3 [ter cent discount in New York, there
would he no option left the Government but
lo draw specie from the Banks and remit it,
to avoid this less.
Under the pan of the Government, if ru *•
t!nng hut specie was received in payment of
the public dues, as the sum in specie of bi -
tw en four and five millions would be con
stantly in transitu, this would firm no part of
the specie reserve of the Banks, and i’ even
placed tempura Niv in deposite with them, they
would he careful not to make it the basis of
discounts. But to compel the Government to
receive Bank Notes in payment of its dues,
with Ihe power, under anv circumstances, to
call for their redemption in specie would he
injuiions, if not anomalous in practice. The
j difference between a Government and a Mer
| canttle demand creates a distinction in fact,
\ ifibere is none in principle. To render the
| hill harmonious, therforo, ? its details, the di
l vorce. so far as the use of hank paper >s con
| serried, should lie entire and not partial, or it
! ought to go farther tbrui irt the bill which has
passed the Senate. The Bonks ought to be
! employed to transfer the public revenue if their
notes are received for public dues. If thee >n
nexion with them, in the use of their paper,
is sanctioned by law, there can he no incon
sistency in using their credit, to transfer the
public money from points where it has undu
ly accumulated to other points where it may
be required, paying them a commission for
the service. Their credit with each other it*
different parts of the Union renders this the
only proper instrument tar transferring the
public money, when it becomes ermpvtsary btf
hue to receive their paper in payments tv the
Government.
I he other hrs nclt of the hill, as it has passed
■ the Senate, providing far the receipt and safe
custody ol me public money bv public officers,
■accountable alone to the Government, lias
jour hearty assent. It is that branch of the
j divorce for which we are most anxious. The
| details of this part of the bill could he so mo~
| (tiffed as to obviate all objections, on the score
lof increase of Government patronage. Let
! the machinery of Receivers General or Sub-
Treasurers,with the titles which too ” nnv very
honest Republicans seem to smack of Monar
| chv, he given up, and the Collectors, tbp Ofli
| oers of the Mint and the Land Office Reoei
| vers, he constituted Receiving and Fishur
j sing Officers, in whose safe keeping the pub
; lie money shall be placed, with adequate
guards, allowing them an increase of salary
*to cover the additional risk and expense.
This wolttd remove the objection to the ap_
: piratits npcessarih connected with a separate
financial establishment. We would have been
iDefined to have favoured the Special Deposite
Plan, could we have seen in what manner the
Banks would be prevented from using the
public money, hut we cannot perceive this
dearly, under nnv system of checks that can
be devised,