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STATE OF THE TREASURY.
The following message wa3 transmitted to
Coa<*ress on Thursday, Iron) the President ot
the fruited States, by Abraham Van Uuren,
his private Secretary:
To the Senate and House of representatives: j
I submit to the consideration of Congress a j
statement, prepared by the Secretary of the j
Treasury, by which it appears that the U. I
States, with over twenty-eight millions in de-:
posite with the Stales, and over fifteen mil-;
lions due from individuals and banks,are from
the situation in which those funds are placed,
in immediate danger of being rendered una
ble to discharge, with good faith and promp
titude, the various pecuniary obligations of
the Government.
The occurrence of this result has for some
time been apprehended, and efforts made to
avert it. As the principal difficulty arises
from a prohibition in the present law to re
issue such Treasury notes as might be paid
in before they fall due, and may he effectu
ally obviated by giving the Treasury, dining
the whole year, the benefit of the luff amount
originally authorized, the remedy would seem
to be obv.ous and easy.
The serious embarrassment likely to arise
from a longer continuance of the present state
of things,induces me respectfully to invite the
earliest action of Congress to the subject
which may be consistent with a due regard
to the puhhc interests.
May 10, 1833. M. VAN BUREN.
TnKAicav Department, May 10. 1833..
The undersigned would respectfully submit
to the President the following statement con
cerning some fiscal embarrassments which
are likely s<xm to happen, unless averted by
early legislation.
It has been usual for the Secretary of the
Treasury, except in the annual report on the
finances, and in replies to special calls or di
rections by either House of Congress, to give
information respecting all matters which ap
pertain to his office, through letters addressed
to the appropriate committees. For some
months past, and on several occasions, that
mode has been pursued in respect to these
threatened embarrassments, by giving to the
Committee of Ways and Means such infor
mation concerning them as the public exi
gencies and a seasonable foresight seemed to
require. Some suggestions anil facts con
nected with them have likewise been intro
duced into reports made to Congress. But
the relief desired having not yet been grant
ed, and a longer omission to provide for the
emergency having a tendency to impair pub
lic credit, to ihe great prejudice ol contract
ors and workmen, as weil as of pensioners,
the Army, Navy, and many other classes, the
undersigned deems it his duty to apprize the
Executive also of the impending difficulties,
in order that he may lake such further steps
as appear proper to promote a failhlul dis
charge of the pecuniary obligations of the
Government.
The peculiarity in the present condition of
the finances can be very briefly explained.
It has arisen, not from any actual deficiency
which has yet occurred in the amount of re
ceipts anticipated for the year: not from any
excess of appropriation which has yet been
made for either ordinary or extraordinary ob
jects ; but from a prohibition to use, for the
E layment of the public dues, what is required
y law to be received for them.
In the act of October last, authorising the
issue of Treasury notes, they were made re
ceiveable at any time for those dues, but
were expressly forbidden, after such receipt,
from being re-issued in discharge ot claims on
the Treasury. From this circumstance, coup
led with the protracted failure ot most of the
banks to resume specie payments, little has
of late been received for revenue except
Treasury notes. Over five arid a half mil
lions of them have already been paid in,
though none fall due till about the Ist of No
vember next. As these cannot he paid out
again, or others in their place, till the restric
tion before mentioned is modified, it has fol
lowed that a great portion of the receipts of
the year have thus far been entirely useless
for aiding to defray the large expenditures
charged upon it, and resort has of necessity
been had to the emission f more Treasury
notes under the original act, until ihe whole
amount authorised, except $216,802, has
been exhausted.
The only other means available to meet
the public engagements, with the exceptions
as to trusts and the Mint, detailed in a special
report on the condition of the Treasury to
the House of Representatives the 26th of
March last, are reduced to about $347,432.
These constitute an aggregate of five hun
dred and sixty-four thousand two hundred
and thirty-four dollars thus available, instead
of a balance of from two to six millions, which
it has generally been considered wise to re
tain on hand, in order, with the aid of the
concurrent revenue, to insure punctuality,and
guard againet the embarrassments incident
to fluctuations and other contingencies.—
During the present year, however, the re
venue has been paid in Treasury notes to
such an extent, that only about one-fourth of
a million, monthly, has been received from it
in money, so as to assist in discharging the
current expenditures. These last, on an
average, have been over two millions month
ly, and in April nearly three millions.
As more than four millions of the Treasury
notes are still outstanding, and the banks
generally have not j 7 et resumed specie pay
ments, it is probable that a great part of the
revenue will, for some time to come, be paid
in a similar manner. Under such circum
stances, and when it is considered that large
sums due from the postponed customhouse
bonds, the banks, and the Slates, are not yet
payable, and that no power now exists except
In Congress, to recall the deposites from the
latter ; there is no reserved fund to resort to,
or any other authorised means by which the
wants of the Treasury can he supplied, it is
manifest that the Department is exposed
weekly and almost daily to be deprived of
the whole of its available means, and the cre
dit of the Government to be injuriously af
fected, both at home and abroad.
Congress could readily avert these results,
if approving the course suggested in the last
annual report on the finances'. It could re-’
move the prohibition to re-issue the notes
which may be or have beer, prematurely paid j
in and redeemed, and where they have been
cancelled, permit others to he issued in their 1
stead; or it could effect the same object bv |
allowing other notes to he emitted, instead of
Bitch as have been and shall hereafter be paid
in, before the year tor their redemption ex
pires. By the seasonable adoption of either i
of these measures, all anticipated embarrass
ments during 1533 can probably he obviated.
For in that event, no provision of additional
means to meet the expenditures of the year
will be necessary hereafter, unless before the
close of the session it shall appear that new
appropriations have been made, or are likely
to be made, exceeding the estimates submit
ted by the Department in Decemher last, bv i
several millions, or that the revenues received
will be materially less.
On the contrary, if neither of the measures
above proposed should meet the approbation
of Congress, it is obvious that among the va- j
rious substitutes which may he thought of, or !
which this Department has taken occasion to i
suggest in communications to the Committee 1
of Ways and Means, someone must be se- j
lected that can be made efficient in its opera
tion, at a very early day; or it be im
practicable to preserve the national faith un
broken, and to avert the injuries with which
th-> public service is threatened.
With great respect,
LEVI WOODBURY,
Secretary of the Treasury.
To Messrs. John Ross, Edward Gunter, K.
Taylor, James Brown, Samuel Gunter,
Situwaher, Elijah Hicks, and White Path,
Cherokee delegation.
The undersigned has attentively considered ;
the project of a treaty submitted by you, and, j
although equally desirous with yourselves to
[satisfy that portion of the nation east of the j
! Mississippi, arid to oiler them every induce- j
* meat to remove peaceab'v and contentedly
; to their new homes in the West, and not un
j willing to grant most ot the terms proposed
by you, stiff, where the rights and just expec
tations of sovereign states are involved, it is
deemed inexpedient, without their consent, to
give to anv stipulations which affect them
the form of a solemn treaty.
In the first article you desire to stipulate
and agree that ‘ the said Cherokee nation,
party hereto, engages and stipulates to remove
from ail the lands now occupied by them
eastward of the Mississippi, and hereby re
nounces and relinquishes to the United States
all claim of every description to such lands;
such removal to he commenced at the earli-
est convenient period and to he fully com-|
pleled within two years from this date , to be
effected by the Cherokees themselves, and
by their agents, and the entire expenses of
such removal to be defrayed out of the money
to be paid bv the United States, as hereinaf
ter provided.’ As has been before observed,
the Government of the United States could
not agree to this act without the consent of
the States whose rights are involved, and
whose interests may lie affected hv this stipu
lation ; but the Executive pledges itself to
use its best efforts to abstain from pressing
their claims in a manner that would produce
loss or inconvenience to the Cherokee peo
ple, and would he inconsistent with their be
ing removed with every reasonable comfort.
From the well known humanity and gener-|
ous character of the States of Georgia, Ala- j
bama, and North Carolina, there.can be no ;
doubt of their granting every indulgence |
which the interests of humanity require: and .
if two years are necessary for the comforta
ble removal of the nation, the undersigned j
will venture to assure the delegation that j
their request will be granted.
If it be desired by the Cherokee nation that j
their own agents should have the charge of!
their emigration, their wishes will he com- :
plied with, and instructions he given to ihe
commanding General in the Cherokee conn- j
try to enter into arrangements with them to
tha* effect. With regard to expense of this
operation, which you ask may be defrayed by
the United States, in the opinion of the under
signed, the request ought to be granted, and
an application for such further sum as may he
required for this purpose shall be made to
Congress.
In the next article of vonr project you pro
pose that ‘the United States, on their part,
stipulate and agree, in consideration of the
premises, to perfect the title of the Cherokee
nation to the lands and territory westward
of the Mississippi, described, mentfoned, and
defined in and by the treaty of 1833. hetvveen
the United States and the Cherokees west of
the Mississippi, and the privilege of outlet
thereto annexed, and to issue a patent there
for to the Cherokee nation in perpetuity; and
further to pav the said c ! iefsand representa
tives of theChrrokee nation east ofofhe Mis
sissippi, thesum of dollars, in manner
and at the tme hereinafter provided.’
It was alvays the declared intention of the
Government to perfect the title of this land to
the Cherokee ration, and to issue a patent
thereto, so Minnas that portion of them now
east of the Mississippi had emigrated west,
granting the naion the privileges secured to
them by f’ormei arrangements. Nor will, it
object to grant them, in perpetuity, if Con
gress should thhk proper In do so on their
recommendationjinder certain restrictions, to
which the delegation have assented. As the
delegation expresed their fears that a form
of government mght be imposed which ihev
were neither prejared for no*-desirous of, the
assurance is heresy repeated, that no form of
Government will be impospd upon Ihe Chero
kees wilhot t the consent of the whole nation,
given in council; nor shall their country be
created into a territory without such previous
concurrence.
With regard tdfhe payment of a further
sum of money, bvthe United States, the un
dersigned cannot onsent to recommend such
a measure to Conrress. The Senate of the
Unffed States deiberatelv decided that five
millions of dollarsivas a full and sufficient in
demnity to the Clerokpes for the lands they
relinquished on lie east side of the Mississip
pi, and it is undestood that the members of
that body see no reason at present lo alter
that decision.
In the third artcle of your project you ask (
that ‘ the said Cherokee nation, parly hereto, i
through, and bv their acknowledged chiefs :
and officers, fhnll have the entire control, j
management,and disposition, responsible only ;
to their own lation, of the funds to be paid j
under this treaty.’ j
The undenigned would very much prefer ;
making this deposition of the funds of tlie na
tion, but as tie interests of those Cherokees
who have lately emigrated are deeply in
volved in tiffs proposition, the Executive can
not recommerd such an alternative without
the previous jonsent of all the parlies con
cerned.
The next article asks, c that in addition to
the said sum,mentioned in the foregoing sec
ond article, lie United States shall forthwith
pay, or arrange to be paid, to the Cherokee
j nation, partyiiereto, the arrearages of the an
'nuities which were provided for in the treaty
of 1819, up to this date, and shall continue
such annuitiet during the two years allowed
for such removal.’
The unde-signed assures the delegation,
that whatever arrearages of annuiles are due
to the Cherolee nation, under the treaty of
ISI9, shall be promptly paid up to this date, 1
and a continuance of that annuity for two
years longer shall he asked of Congress.
The fifth article requires ‘ that inasmuch as
the Cherokees contemplate removing as pro
; vided (or in Ihe said first article, as rapidly as
their numbers and engagements will permit,
tiie United Slates stipulate and engage to pay!
to them, as such removal, and the necessary i
preparations progress, out of the money men- J
, tinned in said second article, such sums as ;
may from time he necessary to defray the ex- j
• pen.-es incident thereto;
Ail payments and necessary advances for.
i the purpose herein set forth, will he liberally !
provided fbr in the contract which the com
manding general will be authorised to make
with the Cherokee agents, for the emigration ;
of that portion of the nation east of the Mis
i sissippi.
The sixth article asks ‘ that during the pe
riod prescribed and allowed hv this treaty for
said removal, the United States stipulate and
: contract to protect the persons and property
!of the said Cherokees from all acts of en
croachment and violence, and to furnish them. :
when required, with the necessary escort and
protection during such removal until the,r ar
rival at their destination beyond the Missis- j
sipni.
The necessary escort and protection (Tu
ring the removal of the Cherokees uniil their
arrival at their destination beyond the Missis
sippi, will be furnished, and the United States
will protect the persons and property of the
said Cherokees from ail illegal acts ot en
croachment and violence, and will use their
; best etlorts with the states interested, to pre
l vent their pressing the execution of theii
rights in a manner calculated to oppress or in
i convenience any individual of the nation.
In the eighth article the request is made
; that in addition to ihe moneys herein before
stipulated to be paid bv the United States,
they further agree to pay to the said Chero
kee nation, party hereto, the gross sum of—
do ir-Vtn t’liH di-charge of all claims upon
the United States, under the stipulations of
former treaties, for public and private proper
tv, spoliations, indemnities, and other recla
mations whether national or individual, and ,
for the re-imbursement of expenses incurred
; in and about this arrangement.’
Six hundred thousand dollars was set apart
I f or this purpose, bv a vote of Congress, and
to defray the expenses of the removal of the
S nation to their new homes. But as this sum j
proves to be inadequate for both objects, the I
i Executive will recommend to Congress to j
j m ake a further appropriation in order to sat-;
| isf'v them. j
The undersigned trusts that the Cherokee j
j delegation will see in Ihese liberal concessions j
1 the Tamest desire of the President to reron-1
Tile the nation to the necessity ot removing!
; without any other delay than a due regard
j f or their comfort and convenience demands ;
land in this conviction, confidently relies upon
j ihe cordial co-operation of the chiefs and head
I men to effect this desirable object.
On the part of the Government copies of
this document, with writable applications to the
States interested, will he immediately trans
mitted to the several Governors thereof; in
structions will be sent to the commanding gen
eral to act in conformity with its assurances,
and a communication be made to Congress,
asking the consent of that body to the provi
sions proposed for the benefit of the Chero
kee nation.
The undersigned, in closing this commu
nication, which has been considered with
great deliberation, and drawn with the utmost
regard for the wishes of the delegation, desires
it to he distinctly understood that it contains
the most liberal terms the Executive can grant
with a due regard to the rights and interests
of ail the parties concerned ; and therefore
presents it as the final determination of the
; Government, and the peremptory conclusion
i of the correspondence with the Cherokee dep-
I utation on this subject.
J. R. POINSETT.
.Department of War, May IS. 1830.
From the London Court Journal.
MAKING AN OFFER.
! Making an offer, or, as it is vulgarly term-.
j ed, popping the question,” is the most em-’
!ha massing affair in the world to a novice; j
I like almost everything else, however, it may
j be reduced to the rules of an art, and by those
j who once master the theory, practised with
perfect facility. Our grandfathers, to be sure,
made a great fuss about the matter; and it
often puzzles one to think how the Sir Charles
Grandisons and Lord Mortimers managed to
get up such tremendous scenes with their
lady loves. Just fancy a man of the present
day in the act of pouring out his heart on one
knee during a morning call or being dis
turbed by the servant entering with Ihe coal
scuttle, bunging him upalistandiug, and petri
fying his half-uttered heroics in the midst, like
the notes that were frozen suddenly in Mun
chausen’s bugle. The catastrophe is dread
ful to think of; and yet it is just as bad in
the evening, whether at home or the ball
room. In the first locality what in the world
can one do in the way of getting up a scene
in the presence of the whole family? And as
to the second, one is now so crowded,
squeezed, and pushed about in a ball-room,
that a sentimental conversation is out of Ihe
question. You might, to be sure, have a
chance for a tete-a-tete now and then in a
corner, and if you do occasionally snatch a
moment’s “sweet converse” by laying in
wait between the folding doors, the whole
matter is marred by the music being stationed
in the same place. If you whisper to El za
in “Love’s own tone,” Weipparl, and his
coadjutors, will drown your words, and if
you raise your voice a key or two higher,
you pitch it right into the ear of her sister
Alice, or some other spinster, who has sta
tioned herself exactly against that pillar to
catch every syllable you don’t mean her to
hear. It is manifestly absurd, therefore, to
attempt giving either the flourish and eclat to
an offer with which our ancestors ushered it
into the world, or even the air of demi-ro
mance and and avving-room sentiment tha* our
papas preserved in their affaires de ccenr. The
thing must be managed in a careless, matter
of-course way, with a little adroitness, but
still with Ihe coolness and unconcern of other
business operations.
The golden rule of life is not to bore. Bot
to bore a woman with attention, and above
all, to bore her with an offer —to throw you
offer into such a shape as to excite her con
cern for you, or give her one moment’s seri
ous annoyance, is an outrage which, if ex
posed, would make you lose caste forever. —
There are no instances on record, however,
of such things having occurred, whether from
the sang-froid of lovers, or the cmir-froid of
lovees, we are unable to say ; but as there
may be a few of the former in society whom
passion might hurry into extravagance, and
one or two of the latter who*e hearts would
for five minutes be ruffled thereby, it is well
that in all cases the most guarded conduct
should be observed, and the question should
therefore be administered with the same con
sideration for the possible existence of feeling
as you allow for the ascertained existence of
a palate when drenching children with medi
cine. To this end, as you conceal the dose in
sweetmeats, so you should wrap your offer in
some expression 1 hat may be swallowed at a
mouthful. One gulp, then, and all is over;
theie may be a wry face or two, on your
own side, possibly, after the draught, as if
you had swallowed it yourself, but neither
party must coquet with the cun before it is
placed to the lips. The simplest.svrup m kes
the best vehicle for the unpalatable dreg in
the one case, and the most trivial incident
most aptly introduces and hurries over the
awful moment in the other; and, to sum up
the matter in one word, the offer direct must
never be attempted if there be any way of
making the offer by implication , In our next
we shall show how this may be managed.
We were highly gratified on reading the
following handsome and appropriate note
from our worthy Mayor, which we find in
I the Charleston papers:
Planter’s Hotel, J
Tuesday Morning, May 22, 1838. $
j To the Hon. H. L Pinckney.
jyla, or of Charleston.
! Sir.: The undersigned is charged with the
gratifying duty of transmitting to you through
! his friend, R. W. Fort, E<q. two thousand
1 and thirty-two dollars, thirty-seven emits, in
: dividual contributions from the citizens ol
Columbus, and two thousand dollars, an ap
propriation by the City Council, amounting;
to the sum of $4,032 37, which they desire
{ vou to accept for the benefit of the sufferers
by the late fire, and as some evidence of the
abiding regard which we cherish for ihe citi
zens of Charleston. It is a mailer of regret
; that the pressu e of the times has so limited :
our contributions ; but of that which we have
’ it is our duty and our high pleasure to divide
with suffering humanity. The calamity
j could have fallen upon none for whom we
{entertain a more profound respect than tiiat
{enlightened, patriotic and chivalrous commu
niiv of whom you are the respected Chief
Magistrate.
With sentiments of high regard, I have
, the honor to he,
Yu tr obedient servant,
J. S. CALHOUN,
Mayor of Columbus, Ga.
It is said thieves are so plenty in Cincin
nati, that. while one is pickings pocket, ten.
to one his own pocket is picked by a less
scrupulous thief behind him.
This is said to he the year for the re-ap
: pearnnee of the ‘ seven year locusts’ or grass
-iiopprrs: their last visit was in I*->I.
SENTINEL & HERALD. J
COLUMBuSTmAY 81, 1838. j!
UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. I
ROBERT W. POOLER, of Ch-2tham.
JOSTAH S. PATTERSON .of Early. j,
ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee.
DAVID CAMPBELL, of Bibb.
HIRAM WARNER, of Meriwether.
JUNIUS HILLYER. of Clark.
CHARLES H. NELSON, oj Cherokee. j
D. GRAVES, of Newton.
J. G. McWHORTER, of Richmond.
THE CHEROKEES—THE SECRETARY OF
WAR, ETC.
We confess our utter astonishment on read
ing the communication of Mr. Poinsett, and ■
i can only attribute the act to his enlarged j
i humanity, which, had the distinguished gen_ !
i tie man resided as long on Indian borders as
1 we have, and known as well how troublesome
| 1
I they prove to white settlers, would, we think,
j be somewhat curtailed, or at least not exer
■ cised with quite so much freedom. And that
the President should ever have yielded his
consent that a proposition should be submit
ted to Congress suggesting a postponement
of the stipulation of the treaty made with the
Cherokees, is to our mind inconceivably
strange, extremely unwise, and supremely
ridiculous. For.what purpose was Gen. Scott
ordered to the Cherokee country, and seven
or eight thousand troops placed at his com
mand, if not for the purpose of removing the j
Indians ? W e were under the impression that J
such was the object of his mission: but at
this late hour we discover our ignorance of i
the whole subject, and find that the gallant |
General, with his host, are intended only a 8
safeguards to the illustrious and nnich-to-be- [
pitied Cherokees, who are to be permitted to j
luxuriate in their cool retreats, and enjoy the ;
chase for two years longer on their old favor
ite hunting ground! Poor Indians—what a
pity to hurry them away—give them a little
more time—they are not quite ready yet, and
besides, John Ross swears fie won’t go; and j
therefore the honorable Secretary of War,
presuming much upon ‘ the well known hu- j
inanity and generous character of the States [
ol Georgia, Alabama, and North Carolina,’
takes upon himself to say that ‘ if two years
are necessary for the comfortable removal of
the nation* he will venture to assure the dele
gation that their request will be granted.’
Now this overture may be made again and
again, and it may emanate from high and
distinguished places, but let not the Indian
‘ lay the flattering unction to his soul’ that he
will be permitted to remain : As well might
he think of removing to Milledgeville, and
taking his quarters in the Executive mansion ‘•
The State of Georgia will attend to this little
affair herself, and she will moreover see that
it has prompt and efficient attention. Our
Governor will act, we trust, as becomes the
high dignity and functions ol his office, he
needs no aid or counsel from the legislature—
the people will be with him in declaring that
the Cherokees must and shall be removed
according lo the treaty, and that if Gen.
Scott and his forces have been forbidden to
do the work,-then shall the militia of Georgia
take it into their own hands, in which case it
would be speedily accomplished. We are
not advised of the feeling which prevails in j
North Carolina in view of this question, but j
we do know that Georgia and Alabama are j
not disposed to grant the slightest indulgence !
to an Indian tribe on the score of emigration, j
The yell of the infuriate Creek still rings in j
our ears, and we can even now look around j
and behold the marks of their ravages and
plunderings. Viewing this question in ano
ther point of’ light, we cannot refrain from
the remark that it is the most impolitic move
we have ever known in any administration ;
and while we are battling to sustain ‘ the
powers that be,’ amid the rising waves of
whigism, we would call on them to remember ,
that it is hard for us ‘ kick against the pricks.’ j
Melancholy. —With painful emotions we
announce the death of one of our fellow
citizens, Mr. E. S. Norton, who, laboring
under mental derangement, pul an end to his
exislence on yesterday morning, by cutting
his throat with a razor.
I AM A POOR OLD MAN.
Mr. Charles Young takes a benefit to
morrow night—he has been for some time
out of an engagement —come up to the help
of an old “stager” against the floods of mis
fortune, and let’s give a bumper to Charlie.
The whole company have volunteered their
services to aid the veteran actor, and Miss
Meadows will sing and dance on the occasion.
I’ve braved the flood for many a year,
My life is in the yellow sere ;
My purse is light, my head is grey,
Come help to cheer my closing day.— Charlie.
THEATRE.
This establishment will close for the season’
in this city, on Saturday night. On this eve
ning Mrs. Hart’s benefit will take place, and
it is only necessary to say that Miss Mea
dows will appear, to ensure a full house.
We*omitted to state last week that Mr. Hart,
the worthy manager, gave a benefit for the
sufferers in Charleston. The amount, after
deducting the expenses of the House, was
SIOO, which was forwarded by Mr. H. This
act will be of more essential service to friend
Hart, than all the newspaper puffs that were
ever written about old Kean.
The May number of the ‘ Southern Lite
( rary Messenger,’ published at Richmond, Va.
! and ihe Southern Literary Journal, published
at Charleston, S. C. are both on our table.
The ‘ Messenger’ is highly interesting, and
filled with well written articles, both prose
and poetry, evincing much literary research
and taste. The ‘ Journal’ is very far behind
the ‘ {Messenger’ as a periodical, and we much
regret to see that it bears no traces of im
provement. The present number contains
the conclusion ofChancellor H ir par’s Memoir
on Slavery, a paper of deep interest and much
ability; aiso a chaste and beautiful poem bv
Judge Ciiarleton, delivered before “ the South
Carolina Academy of art and design”—the
residue is trash.
It was an erroneous report which shut up
the Western Bank at Rome. The money is
• good and bankable at Augusta—good we say,
i. e. as good as any body’s rags. Paper
1 money is as the negro said of the white man;
mighty uncartain.
The Mobile Examiner, an able and spirited
paper, has - kicked the cover off;’ and come
boldly and .squarely on! for the administration.
We publish in another colunih a letter trout ]
Mr. Hiram Nourse, addressed to Wm. H. j
Chase, Esq. Engineer, &c. It is character
ized by a commendable spirit of pride for the ( i
place of which Mr. N. is a resident, and ot ;
whose rapid growth he has been an eye
witness. Six years ago we visited Apalachi
cola, and it was then but a naked point of I
land, rude and uncultivated, with not more;
than a dozen log cabins stucit in the sand • j
| now it is a city of four thousand inhabitants* j
numerous line buildings, regular grades streets :
and higlily cultivated society : Then £. soli- i
i tary schooner of sixtv tons burthen was tcok- :
jed upon as a most novel spectacle in the
! waters of Apalache ; now vessels of every
j class are seen to swarm in the harbor, and
the largest merchantman floats at ease within
a few miles of tlie city. A spirit of enter- j
i prise which has always been lounu at this |
| place, still reigns in unabated vigor, and must j
| make Apalachicola the emporium of Florida,
; despite all opposition less powerful than that
! of nature herself; for the latter has given her
! great advantages in pouring the waters of
three noble rivers into her lap, the Chatta
hoochee, Flint and Apalachicola.
SYMPTOMATIC.
“The Altonian” is the title of anew paper :
established at Alton, (II.) where Lovejoy was j
used up for his unjustifiable interference with !
j Southern rights. This paper declares that it
will go for the Whig principles of Henry
Clay as President, and Cyrus Edwards as
| Governor, and for free disccssion forever.
“ The Emancipator .announces this with a
! flourish of trumpets, from which fact we con
clude that the Altonian is an abolition print.
Well, what say you now, Southern politi
cians—whether Union Whigs, Nullification
| Whigs, or what not. Why do these vile
abolition papers hoist the name of Henry
; Clay at the head of their foul and filthy pro
lAuctions! and why does he not wipe the
dark stain from his great name by immedi
ately announcing to the world that he does!
1 not cherish, harbor, or advocate one solitary
! principle or doctrine of tire abolitionists? Is
iie aliaid of losing votes? tnen be it so—he
never can sit in the Presidential chair. —
1 Othello’s occupation’s gone.’
WAR. UPON THE MERCHANTS.
The ciiarge has been made and reiterated
by the Federalists, that “ the Government is
warring against the merchants.” The charge
is false. Tire administration has protected
and fostered the commercial interest in every
possible way, and is still doing so. Does he
war against the merchants of New York
when he says to their banks that the govern
ment shall stand by them m their resumption,
and grant them all necessary aid and support?
No, no, let the merchant look to another
quarter for their opposition ; let them examine
a little into the operations of Mr. Biddle,
through that monied and political hydra the
United States Bank of Pennsylvania, and see
whether the most lucrative branches of trade
! have not been grasped and monopolized by
Ibis rapacious power. Time will fully and
I truly develop all things; and the merchants
! of our country will presently come to see that
! the administration, as now conducted, tends
j to foster and further their best interests, be
; cause it stands apposed to all monopolies.
The Treasury note bill has passed both
houses of Congress, and ere this we presume
j has become a law by the signature of the
j President,. This was Mr. Cambreleng’s bill,
authorizing anew issue of ten millions of
dollars in treasury notes.
The vote, on reconsideration in the House,
was not a tie, it appears, but stood 106 to 99,
i and in the Senate 27 to 13.
This bill being under discussion in the Se
nate, the giants fought their battle over again.
| Mr. Calhoun handled Mr. Webster as a boy,
: and bore off the laurels triumphantly.
MR. WRIGHT’S REPORT.
| This document, from the pen of the Chair
man of the Committee on Finance, in the
Senate of the United States, bears evident
marks of ability, and is pregnant with proofs
of Mr. Wright’s knowledge and energy as a
statesman. We observe that when read in
the Senate, it was considered on all hands as
a paper of much ability—by the opposition as
j ingenious ; and by the friends of the adminis
tration as entirely fair and correct in its data
‘ and conclusive in its arguments. The Globe
I
says:
“This well considered and powerful paper
makes up the issue between the parties in
this country. Mr. Clay, in the true spirit of
the oligarchy of another country —the Tories
of England—would build up the power ot his
party on privilege and on corporation mono
i poly. He has, therefore, boldly hazarded the
! proposition to substitute bank currency for
I the currency of the Constitution in all the uses
jof the Government. His resolution makes it
compulsory on the Treasury to receive and
pay out the paper of the banks. It is to be
j constrained to receive it in all payments, and
1 compelled to tender it in all disbursements. —
It is pretended, however, that the Govern
: inent creditors are to have an option whether
I they will receive it or not; but how can they
have an option, when the Government is to
j have nothing else to offer?
Mr. Clay’s scheme is to make hank issues
! the sinews of Government. He walks in Ihe
footsteps of Hamilton, and would give the
political sovereignty to the funding money
dealing class, and withdraw it front the mass
of the people, made up of farmers, mechanics,
and other laboring classes, whose industry j
the aristocracy would appropriate, as m En
gland.
Dr. Brewster ‘is not dead but liveth.’ He
was not killed by the Cherokees according to
; report : ’tis very naughty to bury folks before
; thev are dead.
! *
i
Mrs. Shaw, the actress, appears to have
thrown the Mohiiians into spasms. Messrs.
Register and Chronicle allow us to introduce
to your acquaintance Mr. Orator Puff; you
will find him a gentleman of most accomplish
ed manners, and easy principles.
A Hint. —When you wish to attack vour
| neighbors character, be sure to do it behind
: bis back, and then you will not wound his
feelings.
Independence. —A subscriber vvisnes us to
stop his paper—that he won’t take it any
longer—and that he will pay up arreara
ges when ‘he gets able’—good ! lake him j
Whigs, and feed him a while. e should
judge, from his letter, that he was a rca
Clay-eater.
Fiiez Der Bowwow, a: tfiyslerious German
traveller, now in the West, has established a
Club of Good Fellows, called “ The Bow
wowgians.” The office of President is to be
given to the one that cau bark the loudest.
We’U bet a trifle on the election of a Clay
Whig.
A Fool. —A young clerk in Montreal,
| named Wilson, recently killed himself by d.s- j
I charging a pistol into his abdomen. — JV. 1 •
i Transcript.
| Well now he didn’t miss it tar, for he was !
| evidently trying to blow his brains out.
——
The celebrated race nag, Black Maris, has
recently been purchased by the Hon. Bailey
Peyton, now a resident of New Orleans,
for four thousand dollars.
1 The Whigs have just won the Charter
i election in the village of Syracuse, by a ma
jority of 75 voles. —/Y. Y. ’Transcript.
| Verily there is no “ public virtue left in
Syracuse.”
For the Sentinel and Herald.
THE CRISIS.
Messrs. Editors—As public journalists, ;
you occupy, before the world, a critical, an
important and commanding position—placed,
as you are, as faithful sentinels upon the
watch-tower of Liberty, the people are look
ing up to you and have a right to expect
that, when danger is threatening their dearest
liberties, you will sound the alarm and call
them up to the rescue. In this, to your praise
be it said, you have never disappointed them ; j
and would that some others, occupying a like
station with yourselves, might act the same
bold, manly, ami independent part.
If there has ever been a time, since the
adoption of the Constitution, when every free
man should he awake, when every patriot’s
arm should be nerved for a conflict, and es
pecially when the public press , that tremend
ous engine in controling public sentiment,
should lay aside the paltry trappings of local
party strife and speak out, in a voice of thun
der, the genuine sentiments ot pure patriot
ism. Now is that time— now, when the
| strong bulwarks of the Constitution are about
i to be swept away, when the combined forces
jof moneyed monopolies are to overwhelm
land fide in triumph over the last vestige ol
our glorious republican institutions. This is |
no time for freemen to slumber at their
“ posts or to parley about obsolete questions
and party distinctions which do not now come
immediately before the country for a decision, j
There are questions, however, of deep and
vital interest now before the country, call-1
ing aloud upon every citizen, whose influence
can he felt at the ballot box, to arouse from j
his slumbers and prepare himself to decide j
and act upon those questions with that firm- ■
ness and independence which becomes a free-!
man and a patriot. j
1 say again, it is no time to slumber. The j
federal army is in motion; and the old battle i
grounds, where that army has so often been !
discomfited and put to rout, are ana in to be-
I come the theatre of keen strife and fierce en
counter. Upon one side we see arrayed the
party-colored forces of federalism, led on and
buoyed up by the power and temptations of
a great monied monopoly; upon the other,
the undismayed phalanx of Republicans,
: planting themselves upon the firm basis of the
j Constitution, and relying upon the nerve and
| fortitude of unbribed and patriotic freemen.
Such is the nature of the coming contest, a
contest upon the decision of which depends a
great constitutional question. And we trust
that the Republican (Anti-Bank and Anti-
Monopolv) party will again come out trium
phant, as they did in (ire great struggle that
was carried on with such vehemence in ISOO
and 1801, when, with Thomas Jefferson at
their head, they snatched the bleeding Con
stitution of their country from the hands of
Federal usurpation, and restored the Govern
ment to its original purity and legitimate
functions*
Disguise it as they will, shuffle and try to
dodge about it. as much as they please, such
is the question.—And while a question of such
vital interest to the welfare of the Govern
ment, is before the people, calling for their
immediate action and decision, it is with min
gled feelings of sorrow and surprise that we
hear the conductors of some public journals
calling upon their readers to 1 be still,’ and,
though the political elements are in commo
tion, and the liberties of the country about to
be overthrown, still trying to persuade them
that they have 1 no part to take ’ in the conflict.
I had ever supposed that in a government
like ours, every freeman had a deep interest
in the political conflicts of the day—an im
portant part to act, and a high duty which
he owes to himself and tiis country to tulfil—
and that he should not, like the cringing min- j
ion under a despot, 1 be still,’ and suffer the j
scourge of tyranny to be flourished over
him without one struggle tor his liberties.
In the Columbus Enquirer of May 17th,
we find the following ver y patriotic counsel.
‘ We can see no good reason for any peculiar j
anxiety among the advocates of State Rights
as to what course the approaching conflicts
may take. Let them come, tee have no part
to take in them. Why should we he over
anxious at the result of a battle, when both
parties are our sworn enemies. ’ We ask of a
candid reader, of whatever party he may be,
who has a particle of patriotic blood flowing
in his veins, and who feels that the institutions
of his country are worth preserving, to give
the above extracts a serious and careful pe
rusal. ‘No part to take’ in the all important
political controversy which is agitating the
country! He certainly must occupy a ‘high
ground,’ an exalted station indeed, who can
‘ be still,’ and from his lofty station look down
with complacency upon the desolation of the
blessed institutions of his country, and (happy
mortal!) have ‘no part to take in them!’;
This is certainly anew kind of patent right
! patriotism, and we hope in all charity and
mercy the author and inventor will have the
sole right and benefit of it secured to himself
in fee simple forever !
‘ Toth parties are our sworn enemies.' —
Federalists and Republicans, both his ‘sworn
enemies!’ W e rejoice to hear him make that
assertion with regard to Federalism, lor we
have all along had some doubts an I misgiv-
I mgs lest he should be found to co-operate
I with the Federal party. O.ir doubts and
misgivings are now removed by the sanction
of an oath. But republicanism, likewise, he
has abjured, cast off, and made affidavit
of his enmity to it ! This is the legitimate
and only conclusion to he drawn from his
•remarks. And now where will he cast his
| anchor—what sort ol a political labric does lie
I propose to build up upon which to repose
himself? Why, it would seem that with his
little force, in the present crisis, he is going to
retire in ‘ dignified disgust’ from the dread
arena of political warfare, forming a sort of a
‘ be still’ cohort of reserve, and when either
partv is repulsed, he will (all in with the vie
tors, and like the brave Jack FaNtafF, come;
up bead man and swear he has done all the
fighting
Aye, let them retire and ‘be still.’ Fede
ralists are tot) arrogant and brazen-faced to
he daunted by their absence, and Republicans,
I trust, will not need them in the coming con
flict. Yes, let them retire to their ‘ post,’ and
; to be perfectly safe and secure during the
j coming conflict, it they please, get behind or
upon a ‘ post,’ and dub themselves the ‘ post
ipartv,’ and then watch patiently the move
ments of the contending armies, and fen to
one if thev do not come out of the strife un
scathed and unharmed, and stand up before
the world in an attitu le triumphantly and
gloriously ridiculous. jp.fkcrson.
Apalachicola, May !0, 1838.
To Wm. 11. Chase, Esq.
U. y. Engineer for the Southern Department.
Sir: My attention has just been called to
your letter dated the 28ih ull. at Washington
City, addressed to the Editor of the Floridian,
and published in that journal.
As it purports to have been written with
| the view of enlightening the public in relation
i to the commercial towns of the territory in
the Gull ot Mexico, it is not a little surprising
that the most important one should have
j wholly escaped your notice,
i You have not even deigned to place Apa
lachicola on the catalogue of her cities, but
i have used language in speaking of her rival,
| clearly indicating an intention to strike
icitv out of existence. I cannot account for
this in any other way than to suppose yorr
i intend to annihilate rivers and substitute rail
! mads, thereby destroying their usefulness,
j In order that there shall be no misiake, I
! give your own words, viz : ‘ The city ot St.
■i Joseph will probably become the port of de
livery and supply for the Apalachicola and
Chattahoochee rivers, and the dependant
country extending to Columbus, Georgia.”
Now, sir, is it just, is it proper or exjredient
towards the citizens of Apalachicola, for a
public officer thus to speak? Was it not
gratuitous and uncalled for? Did it comport
‘with the dignity and duty of a public man, to
whom we had'looked as an impartial judge?
Have you not passed sentence of condemna
tion from mistaken views, and evidence not
to be relied upon, without that careful investi
gation which a subject so important would
1 seem to demand? Ami have von properly
regarded the rights and feel.ngs ol the citizens
of our place ?
I shall not deal in probabilities, hut will let
facts speak, and then leave the public to de
cide, holding myself responsible for their cor
rectness. And first let me remark, that soon
after the decree of the Supreme Court con
firming the tide to Apalachicola, a company
was formed to make a town ai St. Joseph
Bay. Emissaries were put in requisition
along our entire seaboard, from New Orleans
to Boston, to misrepresent and traduce Apa
lachicola, ami build up the new town on her
ruins. The Territorial Council was called
into action, and twice attempted to legislate
her out of existence. The General Govern
ment, through the influence of its officers,
withheld its fostering care. Monied institu
tions were arrayed against her. ‘ldie Union
Bank of Florida, which till then had a branch
j at Apalachicola, doing a profitable business,
! withdrew it and placed it at the new city.—
It is but fair* however, to state, that her offi
cers were stockholders in that Company.
But amidst all this array of opposition, of
power, of wealth and chartered privileges,,
j the march of Apalachicola has been steadily
| and rapidly onward to her destined greatness.
! She is vow and ever will be, the commercial
! emporium of Florida. And while it seems to
! he made the duty of others to assail, it shU
;he mine to defend her. The God ol Nature
ihas furnished her with a noble river—a tree
1 highway to prosperity and commercial great
i ness, which the arts and designs of men can
I neither take away, or its usefulness destiny.
It required no chartered monopoly to make
jit —none to keep it in repair—no tribute is
| required of those who navigate her waters;
i and this is the mode of conveyance adapted
‘l to the views and feeiings of a free people.
Plans the most decisive have been resorted
j to for the purpose of destroying the trade of
our city, but with what success I will shew.
In three years her population has quadru
j pled, there being bv the census recently taken
ia population of upwards of four thousand
i persons. Her commerce has increased in the
! same proportion. The sales of merchandise
; for the past year will amount to three million it
!of dollars; while her importations of salt, cof
j lee, etc. have been large. The imports of
salt for the year commencing October last,
j will he nearly 100,000 bushels. The receipts
j of Cotton the present year amount to 50.000
I bales, as will he shewn by the Cu-tom Hmrse
! Books when the balance now on hand is
1 shipped.
If there is another city in Florida of the
same commercial importance, name it. It
there is one of two-thirds of her population,
point it out. During the last two years the
improvements have been rapid and extensive,
and of a character which for elegance and
durability, will compare with those of any
city in the Union. Let those who doubt go
and see; there they stand to speak for them
selves —a proud monument to the individual
enterprise of her citizens, not of a chartered
monopoly. Os the harbour and its capabili
ties, 1 will here say a word. Merchant slips
of as large a class as trade to any part of the
Gulf, can enter the port with ease and safety.
The eastern entrance has twenty feet water
on the bar at high tides, seventeen feet at
low tides. The western entrance has seven
teen feet at high and fourteen at tow tides.
Through the straight channel recently exca
vated, upwards of ten feet is brought to the
i wharf*, which admits ships with full cargoes
carrying 1000 bales of cotton. Ships of 2000
bales have loaded in the port, and those of
1500 bales at a distance of three miles only
from town. Here, steamboats receive car
goes direct from the ships for the interior
country, with hut one handling, without the
expense of either wharfage or lighterage. In
the transportation of salt, iron, coffee, sugar,
and all heavy goods and produce, only con
trast the difference in expense between this
mode of conveyance and that of transship
ping on a rail road. We can take goods
from the ships into our steamboats, and deli
ver them at Columbus and the intermediate
towns, and cotton in return, for less money,
and make a profit, than the actual expense of
transporting thirty miles on a rail road.
I have given a concise history ol Apalachi
cola for the last three years, and have shewn
her present condition and commercial impor
tance. If I have erred in one single particu
lar, 1 know it not. I have discharged what
I conceived to be a duty to the public and
my immediate fellow citizens, (embracing a
class of merchants, which, for enterprise, in
tegrity, responsibility, and the promptness
with which they meet engagements, will com
pare with any town in the South,) by giving
this exposition and defence of a city which
has been more abused and misrepresented
than any other in ihe Union. Here I rest
mv defence; but before I close, allow me to
rerrnrk, that l feel no unkindness towards the
people of St. Joseph, and regret the occasion
which has elicited language that may receive
a (ldf.*rent construction. I admire I heir spirit
of enterprise and perseverance, and wish it
had a inure successful direction than the at
tempt to destroy the use ot rivers by turning
their commerce to rail roads.
I am, Sir, very respectfully,
Your ob’t serv’t,
_ HIRAM NOURSE.
FILIAL DUTY.
“ Grieve not thy father, as long a he liveth.”
5> >n of Siruch.
Tiiv father ! Why, with locks of snow
Aie thus his sacred temples clad ?
AVhv droops he o’er his staff so low
With trembling timb3 and visage sad ?
Care lia'h his brow with wrinkles scarr’d,
His clustering ringlets shred away,
Arid time with ‘yrant sceptre marr'd
The giorv of his manhood’s sway.
How oft that palsied hand hath led
Thine infant footsteps weak with fear
How gently bow’d that revere and head
Thy childhood’s broken tale to hear ;
And when those wayward feet have stray’d
’Mid youthful follies rashly free
Those lips invok’d, at midnight’s shade,
The pardon of thy God for thee.
If from hi- speech should dotage flow,
Or eye. or ear be dull and dead.
Thou, to his second childhood show.
The love that smooth'd thy cradle bed.
Grieve not thy sire ! for if his love
( nhlest, or unrequited be.
Tie whom thou cali’st thv Sire above.
Wid b nd a judge’s frown on thcc. L. 11. S,