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’ po k tky.
’ were cotr posed by a young
Caerokee girl, by the name of Anna, and given to one
of the Editors while on a visit to Calhoun, East Ten
nessee, some short time since. The town to which
s he bel mied was situated in the Sumach Valley, or
(Shoemake, as it is commonly written,) through
which runs a beSitiiful creek of the same name. From
this valley a full view of the Cohuttah mountain, one of
the highest in the Nation, is presented. We gwe
them a place in our columns, in fulfilment of a promise
ma le to publish them.
THE CHEKOKEE GIRL’S farewell TO
HER COUNTRY.
Farewell to my country-farewell io-the mmmtam-
Oh never! no never! shall I see you again :
Farewell to the valley—farewell to-the fountain—
Poor Anua mast leave you, she dare not remain.
Oh hard is the lot of the exile from home,
From the land of his fathers, his wigwam and field,
To follow the sun, and in sorrow to roam,
Yet tire pale face decrees it, and in silence we yield.
Farewell to Cohul tail’s high peak in the dale ;
Oh never, no never, shall I climb you again ;
Farewell to the Sumach, bright stream in the vale,
if is painful to leave you—yet I cannot remain.
To the far distant West a poor exile I roam,
No prospect to cheer me, no hope to sustain;
In the wilJs of Arkansas to seek anew home :
So the pale face has spoken, and l must not com
plain.
Farewell to the green spot where my kindred now
sleep ;
At morn nor at eve shall I visit you again ;
Farewell to the willow, you alone now must weep,
For the wagons arc moving, I follow their train.
Oil merciiul Parent—but I will not complain,
Nor against this sad judgment in anger rebel;
Far, far from the pale face I may be happy again,
And the lot of poor Anna still yet be well.
That merciful Parent will Anna sustain—
To bear this affliction his aid I implore ;
The wail of distress was ne’er uttered in vaiir,
Then submissive I yield and will grieve me no more.
From the N. Y. American.
THE DAUGHTER’S DREAM.
BY S. W. PATTEN, V. S. A.
Oh ! wipe the anguish from my brow,
Damp with the dews of pain !
Fathei ! I had a dream but now,
Which must not come again.
’Mid crowded aisles I seemed to stand,
Deck’d as they deck a bride ;
They placed a ring upon my hand,
And look me from thy side.
I breath’d the censor’d fragrance, where
The clouded incense fell;
[ heard amid the chanted prayer,
The organ’s lordly swell;
And oh ! my bosom knew the sigh
Which rapture loves to wake :
B"t when / caught my father's eye,
Ms thought my heart would, break.
With wreaths of love from myrtles wrought,
To bind iny hair they came,
While many a gentle tongue was fraught
With words ’twas bliss to name.
But when thy brow, eclipsed with wo
Like twilight o’er me shone,
I thought it was unkind to go—
And turned—and wept alone.
But vain these eyes were upward raised—
Grief’s tear had little heed ;
Youth beckon’d where the torch light blaz’d,
And bade (he bridegroom speed ;
I saw a stranger at my feet,
Who kneeled and plead the while,
lli3 smile to me seemed wildly sweet—
Yet not my father’s smile.
Softly he told of joys uplaid,
For viigin hearts like mine,
Amt of a home which Love had made
Oh ! brighter far than thine.
But take, ah ! tako me to thy heart, —
My brow so aches with pain—
Father! that dream would bid us part!
— lt must not come again!
From the Baltimore Monument.
EVENING REVERIES.
1 They live but in the tale of other times.’
The arm of desolation seems to strike si
lrntly and alone, at all earthly grandeur
The*stupendous productions of art and of in
tellect are the idle play things of time, with
which he sports for an hour, ami then shatters
them to atoms. There is a quiet melancholy
that steals over the heart, when we recur to
the decline of once powerful and flourishing
kingdoms. The very names of Greece and
Rome awaken a pensive pleasure—but it is a
pleasure which is rendered thus pensive by
its associations with ‘darkness and the worm.’
I love to wander forth on a clear, beauti
ful evening, such as this, and give unre
strained indulgence to meditation. I love to
look up to the blue sky, where, from the ze
nith to the horizon, not a single cloud ob
scures its serenity; and to hold, as it were,
converse with the shining orbs that glitter in
the ‘azure depths.’ How beautifully do
these contrast with the workmanship of man!
The splendors ot the most magnificent cities
have departed. The places where they once
stood have become desolate wastes. But
the same magnificence of the heaveils stands
above me now that stood above old Rome
in all her glory. The garniture of the starry
world is unaffected by time—its brilliancy is
undimmed by the roll of centuries. The
moon, and the stars, and the whole firma
ment, break upon the vision with as palpa
ble brilliance as they did upon the vision of
the pious David, when he exclaimed, ‘ Day
unto day uttereth speech, and night sheweth
knowledge’—ay, with as much beauty as
when the ‘ morning stars sang together and
all the sons of God shouted for joy.’
Indulging in these reflections I have often
been led to wonder if our own America is
destined to follow in the wake of these nations
ot antiquity. I have wondered if we shall be
named with Assyria, Babylon, and Carthage
—as a people once mighty, but whose great
ness has departed. The self-love of our na
ture shrinks from the thought. We con
template our speedy, but no less glorious ele
vation. Memory is instantly in active play.
We recollect that, but a few years ago, the
untamed son of the forest roamed in savage
barbarity over this vast extent of country.
We draw nearer, and behold the gradual
dawn of civilization. In fancy, the songs of
the pious pilgrims break upon our ears, even
as when,
* Amid the storm they sane,
And the stars heard, and the sea ;
And the sounding aisles of the dim woods rang
To die anthems of the free.’
Following up the picture, we behold the
spread of intelligence and industry, beneath
the yoke of succeeding tyranny and oppres
sion. The despotism of a foreign power is
beheld, staying the onward march to prospe
rity, and darkening the fairest portion of the
civilized world. But the spirit of resistance
is at length aroused. The oppression of Eng
land is spurned. The freedom of the mind !
is boldly asserted, and then follow the glori- !
ous, but tragic events of the American Re
volution—the darkest period in the annals of
our sufferings and wo.
Again —the war-cloud has passed over us.!
and the star of independence, like another!
star of Bethlehem, shines out upon our hori
zon. The war whoop has died in its faint
est echo among our forests—the thunder of
artillery shakes no longer the foundations of
our hal's. The olive branch of peace has
been planted in c.ur soil. We have become
a great, and a mighty people. We stand out
among the nations of the earth the proudest
and most prominet of them ail. Although
comparatively in our infancy, * the broad
stripes an 1 bright stars’ of our standard sheet
have floated in the breezes of all climes; and
from the remotest shores of the far off’ Paci
fic, and over the turbulant billows of the foam
ing Atlantic, our banner still
i Mingles with its gorgeous rives
The m Iky baldice of th kirs :
Amt stripes its pure eeles ini whit?
With streakings of the morning light.’
Tinlyour patriotism is leading us astray.
We must check this enthusiasm. And yet
such is the view which, as Americans, we
love lo takejof our country and its institutions.
She has become great —shall she fall ? She
is now mighty—shall she one day be power
less? Have we not intelligence and learning
enough lo preserve her from decay ? Alas!
whaAvhisper the spirits of the past! Might
not Greece and Rome have boasted of these?
Would not the Grecians have spurned the
idea that Athens—the beautiful and magni
ficent Athens —on whose lap were nurtered
the twin sistors, Science and Art, and whose
ear drank in with rapture the eloquence of
her own sons—that Athens, who boasted of
her orators, her philosophers, her statesmen,
and her poets, should one day become deso
late; and nothing but broken fragments of
her temples, and of her Parthenon, be left to
tell of her former magnificence and grandeur ?
Where would have been found the Roman
who would have doubted the perpetuity of
Rome’s glory ? Had one of her sons been
asked, at the time of her conquests, if Rome
would dwindle to comparative insignifi
cance, methinkshe would have proudly cited
the ‘ treble hundred triumphs,’ and pointing
to the theatres, amphitheatres, and triumphal
arches of the imperial cilv, he would have
asked, in reply. ‘ Can the iron heel of time
trample these to dust, or the arm of decay
sap these foundations?’ Standing beside the
lofty Coliseum, he would have exclaimed with
the enthusiasm of a Roman citizen, as though
eternity were graven upon its base, and the
perpetuity of Rome gleamed from the sum
mit, ‘Wliile the Coliseum stands Rome shall
stand ! When the Coliseum falls, Rome shall
fall! When Rome falls, the world shall fail!’
Where is she now ?
‘ The Niobe of Nations! there she stands—
Childless and crownlesc in her voiceless wo;
An empty uin, within her withered hands.
Whose holy dust was scattered long ago!
The Scipios’ tomb contains no ashes now—
The very sepulchres lie tenantless
Os their heroic dwellers.’
*******
But if the greatness of passed nations has
waned and expired, does it necessarily follow
that ours must also? Have we not that
within our reach which c n not only impart
seeming greatness, but which shall give to us
lasting existence ? We unquestionably have
True greatness consists not in splendid tri
umphs, in wealth, nor in luxury. Luxury
always leads to corruption, and corruption to
decay. Righteousness exalteh a nation!—
This, and this alone can give permanence to
our institutions. We have the Bible—we
have the Christian Religion. If these exert
the influence which they should—if these be
made the governing principles of our lives,
and our actions, time may crumble our edi
fices to the dust—but as a pepople, we shall
be permanent! And thus, shall speedily be
ushered in the glorious period, when ‘one
shall not say to another ‘ know thou the
Lord,’ for all shall know him from the least
evtn to the greatest.’— Methodist Protestant.
E. Y. R.
From the Washington Chronicle.
CHARGES AT RANDOM.
In the rhapsodies of Mr. Clay during the
debate in the Senate on Thursday even our
humble sell', we believe, came in for a share
of his denunciations. We marvel that his
zeal should prompt him to display so much
condescension,—especially in a place where
even thanks could not be returned in form.
He said that we, amongst others, had charged
him with being an Abolitionist. We meet
the accusation in the same way we have met
it when coming from the Federal organs in
Virginia. We have not taxed him with abo
lition ir. the strict sense of the term. We do
not believe that he is prepared note to abolish
slavery at once by act of Congress. The
grounds we have taken are : that he is oppo
sed to slavery, not only in the abstract, but
as it actually exists amongst us—that he re
gards it as criminal in itself, and hostile to the
principles of our Bill of Rights,—that he looks
upon it as ‘ a great evil, moral, social und po
litical,’ and that he is willing, anxious, and
fully determined to weaken and abolish it in
some way or other. Will he deny, and take
issue on either of these facts ? We challenge
him to do so.
But further. We have charged him with
having in his hostility to the domestic institu
tions of the South, given direct encourage
ment to the mad fanatics of the North in
their wanton and reckless assault on the
character of the Southern people, and their
entire social system. He has expressed his
willingness, nay more, he has invited them to
make the Halls of Congress, the audience
chamber of a common Government, a thea
tre, whereon a desperate hand ofincendiaries
in one section might make war on the feelings,
the reputation, the rights, the property, and
the very lives of the people of another section.
This he has done; for it cannoi be disguised
that his resolutions not only admit the right
of Congress to abolish slavery, but enjoin
the reception of petitions, directed to that
object. He thus converts the halls of legis
lation into an arena for agitation. And what,
is this? Is it not as dangerous to the South
to have the question of slavery constantly
agitated in Congress, as to admit the right to
abolish it at once? Is it not this Congress
ional agitation which is Ailing the country
with uneasiness, indignation, and anxiety?
Grant the right to keep up this agitation, and
you had as well grant the right to abolish our
institutions at once. The Southern people
have not only a right—an indisputable right,
to enjoy their property in safety, but in peace
—and the admission of this right to agitate is
totally incompatible with bolh. It had just
as well he said that a man has not the right
to kill another directly, hut he has a right, bv
slow poisons, to keep his body in such a state
; as that he must die from the effects sooner or
■ later. This is a common government, and can
not rightly be perverted into an instrument of
i destruction to any portion of the people whom
; it was designed to protect.
Again: We have said that the body of
the party which sustains Mr. Clay in the
north, acts with the abolitionists, both there
and in Congress. In support of this charge
we have appealed to the public records which
his organs in the south have passed by.—
Every man acquainted with Mr. Clay’s po
litical doctrines, must know that abolition, so
far as its pretensions go, is their natural off
spring. Nationalism is the mother of aboli
tion. The pretensions of the latter are fount!•
j ed and defended on the principles of the for
j mer. If Mr. Clay rises into power, he must
rise on the combined votes of the two. That
he will obtain the suffrages of the abolition
ists, if nominated for the presidency, we h3ve
no more doubt than we have of our exis
tence. If there he any difference between
the northern whigs and abolitionists, as
to political doctrines, we have never dis-j
covered it. We ask that it may he pointed j
out. Until this is done —and some assurance]
given that the influence of the latter as well
as the former, is not to control the action of j
the Government under his administration, it j
elected—we cannot forbear to warn the south j
against uniting in his support. For a south - i
ern man and a slave holder , to he denouncing j
slavery , and at the same time professing a de
sire to ‘ conciliate’ the abolitionists, at the ex
pense ot fixed and indisputable rights, is a
sign which we cannot mistake; and we
ought not to trust such a candidate for high
j office.
! Mr. Ciav now avows that he is willing to
take the foremost position in resisting the
abolitionists, should the occasion ever arise ;
hut he qualifies the commitment by declaring
that it will never arise, as the abolition cause I
is weakening every day! We are glad to!
hear the pledge, however, even with such]
contingencies connected with it. The pl. Jcre
indeed, comes cut very laVe in the day ; and,
it we might judge from circumstances, very
reluctantly. There is a reason for this which
we could explain, but we choose to leave it
to l>e developed by tne future. It will come
out—it must come out, before the first of Ja
nuary, IS4O. We understand it perfectly,
and shall comment upon it when the proper
peiiod arrives.
In conclusion, we have an important in
quiry to propound to Mr. Clay. We do this
that he may have an occasion to answer, ex
plain, deny or justify. That he is opposed
lo the domestic institutions of the south, his
own declarations and public acts prove. He
thinks then) immoral, sinful, and hostile to
the free principles of our political system.
For this we may pardon him. It is but mat
ter of opinion—and we are the advocate of
freedom of thought. But the effort to abo
lish them, and the mode —these are questions
of deep import as involving the righ's of
others. As President of the Colonization So
ciety he is openly striving to affect this object
in one way—but is this the only contrivance
he has devised? Has he net said, (and we
put the question to him in all seriousness and
solemnity,) has lie not said to a distinguish
ed individual lately wedded to his besom, and
enjoying his smiles and confidence, that one
OF THE BEST EFFECTS OF A HIGH TARIFF WOULD
BE, THAT IT WOULD, BY DIMINISHING
THE PROFITS OF SLAVE LABOR,
COMPEL THE SOUTH TO EMANCI
PATE THEIR SLAVES? and that, in
GIVING HIS SUPPORT TO THAT INIQUITOUS SYS
TEM, HE CONTEMPLATED SUCH A
RESUL r ? We do not pretend to vouch
for the truth of this ; but we have heard it
staled as a fact, and give him an opportunity
to deny it, if it be false. Asa caution to him,
we will further add that we are told the wit
ness has reduced the matter to writing, and
that it may be produced.
These remarks are drawn from us by
charges and allusions made by Mr. Clay in
his place. We desire to do him justice ; anti
will commend the same inclination to himself,
in regard to others. This habit of assailing
men, when they have no right to reply, is
ungenerous and unbecoming. If this press
be unjust in its animadversions, its columns
are open to all. The times are really out of
joint. Avarice and ambition are the ruling
demons of the day. The rights, property
and lives of an entire section of this Union,
where the lot of all vrho are dear to us is cast,
are openly threatened; and we must be par
doned if we discover too much jealousy and
suspicion. We have seen and learned
enough of human ambition and avarice to
know that they have no code of ethics—no
law of morals—no sense of justice—no idea
of right—no feelings, no sympathies separate
from their objects. We are, therefore, if not
cynical, at least suspicious ; and men who
are seeking to compass these objects, must
expect, and shall receive from us, while we
occupy our present situation, the strictest
scrutiny warranted by truth and justice.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
EXPENSES OF THE GOVERNMENT.
The Clerk of the House of Representa
tives has published a report of the ‘ Appro
priations made, neio offices created, and offi
cers the salaries of which are increased, du
ring the Ist and ‘id sessions of the Congress
of the U. S .’ This duty is enjoined upon
the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk
of the House of Representatives, by the
6th section of the ‘ Act to authorize the
appointment of additinoal paymasters, and
for other purposes,’ passed July 4,1836;
and they are required to do it ‘as soon as
may be after the close of each session of
Congress.’ The present report extends to
ten columns of the Globe, comprising every
detail of appropriation which has been made
by Congress, under the various heads speci
fied in the following recapitulation. We
must content ourselves with giving the gen
eral summary embraced in this recapitula
tion. Some of these items are heavy enough
—and the amount of more than thirty-eight
millions is startling. One of the most costly
heads of appropriations, viz: those for dis
charging the expenses of the Florida War,
and the Cherokee emigration, amounting to
more than seven and a half millions, is a tem
porary tax upon the country. It will vanish
with the occasion which gave it birth. The
pay and mileage of Members of Congress is
sufficiently large, being $567,6S0 —and em
bracing the collateral expenses of printing,
stationary, fisel, &c. amount, to more than
$950,000. The sum total of the expenses of
the federal government is so great as to call
for every proper retrenchment, and every
proper degree of economy. They grow fast
enough with the natural growth of our coun
try; and it is unjust to ascribe to Mr. Van
Buren, such a variety of appropriations as
are made by Congress itself, End frequently
by the force of the opposition.
But what would have been the situation of
the Treasury—how large would have been
the revenue—and what an enormous tax
would have been palmed upon the people—
if the policy of Mr. Clay and his friends had
been suffered to prevail—if power had been
assumed by the federal government, which
never belonged to it—if a general system of
Internal Improvements, for example, had
been engrafted upon the administration of
our affairs? These encroachments were of
a double aspect. As powers were assumed
to expend, so also powers were assumed to
raise a revenue. Thus, the Tariff and In
ternal Improvements were going hand in
hand—and the people of the South, in partic
ular, would have been doubly taxed ; first,
for the support of the illigelimate powers of
the government, and secondly, for the sinis
ter interests of the manufacturers. But
thanks to Gen. Jackson, he came in with his
veto; cut short, to a great extent, the mad
and mischievous system of Internal Improve
ments—enabled us to reduce the Tariff, and
thus restored the Constitution to its healthy
action, and relieved the people of a frightful
expense. Let Mr. Bond rail and misrepre
sent, as he pleases. We are under incalcu
lable obligations to General Jackson for these
reforms. He has cut down our expenses,
instead of increasing them, and this is the
true point of view in which we ought to con
sider the question. This is the real compari
son which we ought to draw between the
policy of the Republican and Federal Admin
istrations. Under such Presidents as John
Q. Adams, the expenses would have run up
much higher than they have been under
Gen. Jackson. Reverse the operation to
morrow—change Mr. Van Buren for Mr.
Clay, with his extravagant turn of appropri
ations—limited by no such Constitutional
scruples—we should soon see the expenses of
the government, and the taxes of the people,
increasing with a fearful velocity. It is no
hazardous prediction to say, that, instead of
thirty-eight millions at this time, the expenses
of the federal government would, in a few
years, mount up to fifty millions. They are
too large already, and it will require all the
energy of the people, and all the wisdom of
their servants, to keep down the expenses,
and make all necessary retrenchments. —
Economy must become the order of the day.
Master James Gosling—A Portrait. —‘ He
is a little red-headed boy, with short sandy
hair standing straight out like a shoe brush ;
a forehead half an inch high ; a little pug
nose; an enormous mouth; no e\e brows,
and a pair of small eyes which look green in
the morning, and red at night. Four of his
front teeth have been knocked out fighting.
He has bit his nails half way down, so that 1
you cannot look at them without setting your
teeth on edge. His hands are covered with
warts, and he has a shrill, cracking voice.’
Well, gentle reader, how do you Ike the r
looks of Jim Gosling? Isn’t he a beauty?
SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLUMBUS, AUGUST 2, 1838.
UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET.
ROBERT W. POOLER, of Chatham.
JOSIAH S. PATTERSON, of Early.
ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee.
DAVID CAMPBELL, of Bibb.
JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark.
CHARLES H. NELSON, of Cherokee.
B! GRAVES, of Newton.
J. G. MeWHORTER, of Richmond.
DO* The Union Party, at a meeting held
on yesterday at Coleman’s store, nominated
the following ticket for the Legislature :
For Senate.
J. P. H. CAMPBELL.
For House of Representatives,
JOHN L. HARP.
JOHN L. LEWIS.
AGITATE! AGITATE!! AGITATE!!!
The last Macon Messenger, a Nullifica
tion print, commences an editorial in the fol
lowing just and true language :
‘Agitation on the question of the currency
is earnestly deprecated by our political men,
and hy our presses generally. While the
people are continually, without regard to
time or place, at home and abroad, in season
and out of season, discussing the subject, the
press, it is advised, should be still. Why, we
might as well attempt to hush the clamor of
the tempest —like Eolus, to bottle up the
winds—like Canute, to stop the progress of
the waves—as to arrest the voice of the peo
ple. Speak out they will, and neither the
public press, nor the efforts of political parti
zans, he their motives what they may—chari
table or wicked, patriotic or selfish—can
avail aught when arrayed against the om
nipotence of popular opinion. The voice of
the people is emphatically the voice of God,
and no human power can still it.’
Nothing can be more true than the above
remarks of our neighbor. It is the peculiar
province of the press to enlighten public opin
ion, and to bring before the people, in fair
and honorable discussion, the leading and
important topics of the day.
The fiscal action of every civilized govern
ment, both ancient and modern, has consti
tuted the pivot on which political revolutions
have turned ; and consequently it becomes a
momentous question, and one which ought
to be settled with prompt deliberation, when
ever it becomes disturbed and’ swayed from
its exact balance.
At this moment our government is in a
condition most deplorably unsettled, as to its
monied concerns, and the people, in their anx
iety and solicitude for its better regulation, are
ripe for instruction—thirsting for knowledge,
and enquiring at every corner what system is
to be established, and what course should be
pursued, best adapted to the prosperity of
the country—and they are looking to the
press for an avowal of opinion.
The journals in the support of the admin
istration, throughout this state, have general
ly expressed their opinions, with a great deal
of candor, in favor of the Sub-Treasury sys
tem. But the opposition showed coy
and beat about the bush, evincing plainly the
division and distraction which exists in their
ranks, upon the subject of our banking sys
tem. They are loud, fierce and fiery against
the Sub-Treasury, because it is a Van Buren
measure; a majority of their parly adhere to
the system, and their leading and most talent
ed men support it warmly as the best and
only system for the country, and especially
calculated to sustain southern rights and in
terests against northern avarice and over
powering bank capital. But the same pres
ses which condemn and repudiate the Sub-
Treasury, give us no item as to what meas
ure they do approve, or will support. The
United States Bank is a loathsome carcass*
which they seem not disposed to handle. A
National Bank they fear to advocate, it be
ing the bantling of Clay, and to his support
they will not commit themselves. The State
Bank system was once the favorite of An
drew Jackson, and of course is ‘ damned to
eternal infamy’ with all Nullifiers; and the
special deposite is horribly odious because its
lather is Tom Ritchie, and it forbids the use
of the government money for the purposes of
banking and private specu'ation.
Well, really our opponents are in a quan
dary. Gentlemen, what wll you do? ‘Are
you ready for trial ?’ Will you go to the
people upon the issue, Fairly made up, of
Bank or no Bank ? for that is now the great
question for the people to decide, and the only
question which now divides us as to national
politics. It is charged that the Sub-Treas
ury scheme has a tendency to add to Execu
tive power. Let those who make the asser
tion produce the proof; for we have never
as yet been furnished with an iota of evi
dence, going to substantiate such a charge.
The system is now in full operation, and yet
who can point to any extraordinary power
with which Mr. Van Buren is clothed ? The
government funds are daily disbursed through
various agents, and the operations of the gov
ernment move harmoniously on. Perhaps
the very strongest argument in favor of this
system is to be found in the fact, that the
money is distributed into various hands, with
ample security for its safe keeping and faith
ful disbursement, instead of being deposited
in a solitary institution, located in a region of
monied aristocracy, and governed and con
trolled by a president and six directors, amidst
whose loud bellowings for the ‘loaves and
fishes’ the voice of a government direction
could never be heard.
We believe that the hour has come when
this great subject should be discussed. Un
der what system shall the government money
be kept, and through what agency shall it be
distributed ? This is the question to which
we intend to devote more of our time and at
tention, and hereafter our columns shall be
well stocked with such information as can be
brought to bear this interesting and all
absorbing subject. We have many friends
who could wield powerful pens upon this
question, and we take this occasion to say lo
them, ‘ there is a vacant column for you in
our paper.’
The big Bull and the little Bull have locked
horns. —The editor of the Georgia Journal
has locked horns with John C. Calhoun.—
Look out, little one. Brother, did you ever
hear or know of one Wash Gordon ? If you
have lo squat, may the obscurity of your ab
squatulation be less contankable. ‘Charge,
Chester, charge—on, Stanly, on’—fifty to
one on the big Bull—but that little one, don’t
he dance.
The Issue. — Hairy Clay and a * National
Bank, or Martin Van Buren and no Motion
al Bank. — Ritchie. I
POLITICAL MOVEMENT.
We are told that anew and third Con
gressional ticket is to be started in this state,
which is to be anti upon all the dividing po
litical questions of the day, and to go into
Congress, if elected, pledged only upon one
question, viz: the question of keeping and
distributing the Government money. The
names of the following gentlemen we have
heard associated with the ticket: John Mc-
Pherson Berrien, Richard H. Wilde, A. S.
Clayton, John P. King, A. M. D. King, A.
H. Chappell, Wm. W. Undewood, W. C.
Dawson, and Daniel McDougald.
Enter, gentlemen, and let us have a sweep
stake. The Union ticket is tolerable certain
of being elected, as matters nmc stand, but
make another entry, with an Anti Van Bu
ren rider, and Matty will distance the field.
However, we arc fond of excitement, and
hope that a voice from Athens, during the
present commencement, will speak the above
named ticket into full nomination.
MR. FORREST.
We have enjoyed a rich treat in the peru
sal of a nOration delivered by this gentleman,
on the fourth of July, in the city of New
lork. The composition is chaste and ner
vous in its style, and the sentiments purely
democratic. Mr. Forrest is distinguished as
the great American Tragedian, and it has
been objected on this ground that he should
not have been selected as an orator on an oc
casion when and where he would be neces
sarily driven to treat of political matters. —
This idea we view as perfectly ridiculous.
Edwin Forrest is an American citizen, by
birth and education, and is sufficiently talent
ed to fill any station to which his countrymen
may call him ; and we see no more objection
to his spouting politics, than our orators in
Congress spouting Shakspeare.
SHALLOW TRICKERY EXPOSED.
The Maysville (Ky.) Whig, a paper which
belongs to Mr. Clay, a few weeks ago raked
up an old letter which was put forth during
the first canvass of Mr. Clay for the Presi
dency, by an editor in Rhode Island by the
name of Southivick , which letter purports to
have been written by Mr. Jefferson in 1823.
The letter was proven to be a counterfeit
shortly after its first appearance; and the
fact of its being exhumed at the very com
mencement of Mr. Clay’s second canvass,
gives good token of the miserable shifts to
which his followers are already driven. Oh,
boys, if truth has fled ye, your condition is
truly pitiable. But all tricks, counterfeits and
forgeries out of the question, we’ve 4 got you’
any how.
THE STATUE OF WASHINGTON.
Cooper, the novelist, has received a letter
from Greenough the sculptor, who is at this
time in Europe engaged upon the statue of
Washington. The letter bears date the 6th
of May, 1838, and states that 4 after cruel
delays from cholera, quarantines, and the
state of the roads, the statue is in full pro
gress.’ It will be recollected that this statute
was ordered by Congress three years ago,
and will undoubtedly be of a magnificent
order. The block of marble from which it is
being chiselled, weighed in its rough condi
tion sixty tons.
Raising the Dead.— In the town of Pitts
field (Mass.) the powder magazine—which
was situated in the centre of the village—was
fired by some daring villains, and blown up
with terrific explosion. The magazine con
tained at the time eight hundred pounds of
powder. The graves were torn open, and
bodies that had slumbered for years undis
turbed were roused. A large amount of
damage was inflicted upon property, but for
tunately no lives were lost.
A BULLY WIND UP.
The twenty-fifth Congress would certainly
have closed its sittings with great inconsis
tency, had not its last hour been marked by
a perfect rowdy fight. Accordingly, at the
heel of the docket, the following patriotic
scene occured:
The sitting of Saturday continued in the
Senate till four, and in the House till eight
o’clock on Sunday morning; most of the time
was spent in vain endeavors to enforce the
attendance of absent members. Some of
them were taken from their beds, wearied
and sick, and brought to the bar of the
House, to explain the reason of their ab
sence. Among those was Mr. Maury, of
Tennessee, who was excused, after the pay
ment of fees to the Serjeant-at-Arms. Mr.
Maury did not like the treatment he receiv
ed, and some words between him and his col
league, Mr. Campbell, on the subject, ended
in a bloody and brutal fight, in the logia, be
hind the bar. Maury is much injured. He
struck the first blow, and Campbell, who is
the most powerful young man in the House,
milled him cruelly. The parties in the af
fray appear to have been equally culpable.
No notice was taken of the affair by the
House. The House had just adjourned when
it happened.
All the bills which passed were duly re
turned approved by the President.
The results of the session cannot he a
source of much gratification to any party.
‘ I went to de bank for to get a note change.’
Zip Coon.
The Louisville Advertiser says that the
people will require the banks to 4 stand up to
the rack, fodder or no fodder,’ to pay their
notes without regard to the policy of the
administration. That the people desire of
the banks only that they should pay up, and
are determined to coerce them to that measure
of honesty. The country is not prepared to
have bank nates read thus :
The President and Directors of the Credit
System Bank promise to pay to Nicholas
Cottonbale, or order. Five Dollars, on de
mand, provided the people shall change rulers
previous to the presentation of this note for
payment.
Peter V. Grayson, Esq. who was opposing
candidate to Mira beau B. Lamar for the Pre
sidency of Texas, recently committed suicide
while travelling in Kentucky.
A Truism. —Mr. Clay, in a late speech,
said. ‘Sir, I understand the game.’ Ihe
Russian minister fully convinced of that
fact years ago.
The papers state that Mr. Kendall has
resigned the office of Post Master General.
The duties are at present discharged by Mr.
Grundy.
OCS”We are authorised to announce Gen. S.
A. Bailv as a candidate for Justice of the
Inferior Court, at the election to be held on
the first Monday in August. !
We understand that Gen. John W. Bur
ney, of Jasper, has been nominated on the
Union Congressional ticket, in place of Judge
Warner, who declined.
(Xs* We are authorised toannounce Mar
tin Brooks, Esq. as a candidate for Judge of
the Inferior Court, at the election to be held
on Monday next.
■——
CO” We are authorised to announce H.
C. Sap, Esq. as a candidate for Judge of
the Inferior Court, at the election to be held
on Monday next.
For tire Sentinel and Herald.
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT.—NO. HI.
Benefits to be derived by the united action of
the States , etc.
The advantages to be derived l\v the
States uniting in the works of Internal Im
provement, so far as regards the construction
of railroads, will amount in effect to all those
contended for by the advocates of Internal
Improvements bv the general government,
and at the same time avoid those infractions
of the constitution which must be the result
of the latter system.
This, then, is a most important advantage,
since it is calculated to put forever at rest,
(by entirely superseding its necessity,) a vex
ed question, which has so long seriously agi
tated this government. All large and impor
tant works ot Internal Improvement can he
accomplished by the States concerned; why
then harrass the government longer on this
question ? why waste the time of The general
legislature and the money of the people, in
vain attempts to force upon the consideration
of the government such grossly unconstitu
tional measures?
We believe that each State is efficient in
its resources to construct any important im
provement that is called for, within its limits,
by ihe interests of its citizens, and at the same
time have enough to spare for any joint un
dertaking, where such works necessarily in
volve the interests of adjoining States; for
instance:
A railroad from New Orleans to Washing
ton City, and from thence to the Lakes of the
St. Lawrence, is talked of. Now what is to
prevent an immediate commencement of this
grand work, if the States through which it
may pass, would unite in the survey and
construction of the road, each State com
pleting that part which lies within its own
limits, at its own expense, and drawing a
proportionate part of the profits which may
arise from it.
A railroad may also be constructed from
the Atlantic across the mountains to the head
ot navigation on the Mississippi or the Mis
souri, or even to the Pacific, if you choose, on
the same system. There is nothing to pre
vent the completion of such works, and the
time will come when these roads will be in
operation, and that at no distant day. So
may two or three Slates unite in the con
struction of works involving their interest and
prosperity alone.
This is the only correct, and constitutional
system of general Internal Improvement, and
it is unquestionably the safest and surest one.
From these joint State roads will spring
branches in all directions, and this will afford
the finest opportunities for smaller capitalists
or companies, to construct shorter roads of
vast importance and profit. Indeed, so great
will he the inducement and the demand for
these minor works of improvement, that I
venture the opinion, and without much hazard
H am sure, that by the time the State roads
could be gotten fairly under way, you would
find branches, to intersect with them, com
mencing in all directions.
What a prospect is before us! Let this
system of Internal Improvement be carried
out, and our country would present a spec
tacle of national grandeur and greatness, the
bare contemplation of which is enough to
swell the patriot bosom with the noblest emo
tions of pride.
Do we live for ourselves alone? Have we
no regard for the welfare of our posterity,
and more than all, for the prosperity and
glory of our beloved country? If so, then let
ns die in our own insignificance, and our
generation be forever blotted out from the
pages of our national history. jackson.
LOOK AT THIS !
MR. riddle’s EULOGY OF THE INDEPENDENT
TREASURY SYSTEM ! !
Extract from the report of Mr. Biddle’s
speech to the stockholders of the United
Slates Bank, on the 20th February, 1836.
as given in the National Intelligencer of
February 27, 1836.
‘ The new charter had the advantage over
the old one—in its exemption from the ex
penses of doing the business of the govern
ment, in loan offices and pension agencies,
and in transferring the public funds without
charge— in its total separation from all the
offices of the General Government—an unna
tural connection—beneficial to neither the
Bank nor the Government /’
4 lt was an original misfortune, in the
structure of the Bank, thal it ivas in any way
connected with persons in office. The in
stincts of political power make that associ
ation dangerous; useful to neither party;
injurious to both.’
Columbus, July 22, 1838.
Messrs. Editors :—Will you allow me suffi
cient space in your columns to publish the en
closed communication from the Hon. William
C. Dawson, of Georgia, and the Hon. Dixon
H. Lewis, of Alabama. The subject of this
communication is one in which the people on
the Eastand West sidesof the Chattahoochee
river have a deep interest, and it is important
and due to them that they should be fully ad
vised, all that could pe done during the pre
sent session, has been done. The Repre
sentatives in Congress, from Georgia and
Alabama, have been unceasing, untiring, able
and zealous in their efforts to bring about the
desired result. Our citizens are especialy in
debted to the Hon. Wm. C. Dawson and the
Hon. Dixon H. Lewis, who had this subject
in especial charge. And all that representa
tives could do was done by them, and al
though the purpose of our mission has not
been successful, we venture to hope that our
rights will be respected, and that justice
will yet award to us our dues. But to ac
complish this we must have concert. We
ought at all times to have a delegate at Wa
shington ; one too, who would ha ,7 e no other j
duties to discharge, but such as may be re
quired to bring about a speedy and satisfac-j
lory settlement of these claimes. And with
out intending the slightest disrespect to our
associates who have efficiently aided in this
service, and for every one of whom I entertain
a high and abiding regard, I take leave to say
thal no one could so effectually advance the
interests of the sufferers, as our distinguished
fellow-citizen, Capt. James Abercrombie, of
Russel county, Alabama. His firm, manly
and patriotic bearing at Washington City,
has already secured to him the respectful re
gard of all who had the pleasure of making
his acquaintance. A deep sense of the im
portance of securing, if practicable, the servi
ces of Capt. Abercrombie has induced me to
suggest his name to our suffering Claimants.
I very much regret that in publishing the en
closed commuaication, I have not an oppor
tunity of consulting with the gentlemen with
whom I have been associated, but I doubt not
their concurrence in all that I have said.
Very Respectfully, J. S.CALHOUN.
Hocse of Rephfsextatives, July 8, 1838.
Gentlemen: To-morrow Congress will ad
journ. We regret to say to you that the re
port on the subject of Indian depredations
cannot be acted on during this session. Hi#
extremely unpleasant to us, and to you we
have no doubt; that your indefatigable and
constant efforts to adjust and bring the claims
of our suffering citizens to a close, have not
succeeded. The fault is not yours, and I’
trust you are perfectly satisfied that the Rep
resentatives ot Georgia and Alabama hare
performed their part.
So far as we can go in the discharge of our
duties hereafter, in relation-to these claims,
you may rely. And we must beg of you to
snv to our suffering fellow citizens that our
zeal in urging their claims to the extentof
what we believe justly due, shall not be infe
rior to that spirit and energy which has mark
ed your efforts in pressing their investigation
since your arrival in Washington City. At
the next session Congress will, we trust,
make their determination on the subject.--
We have been in session all night and feel
much fatigued ; consequently ask you to ex
cuse the shortness of ibis note.
Accept the assurances of our high regard
and esteem, and believe us to be,
Yerv respectfully,
WM. C. DAWSON,
DIXON. H. LEWIS.
To Jas. S. Calhoun, Felix Gibson, James
Abercrombie, and John Crowell, Esqs.
From the Savannah Georgian.
OUR CONGRESSIONAL TICKET.
This ticket wants hut one name to make
it complete, and the same will soon be an
nounced by the nominating committee. The
private reasons which Judge Warner, one of
the nominees, deemed obligatory on him to
decline the nomination, imposes on the com
mittee the duty of filling the vacancy. We
doubt not that he will be worthy ol’ his col
leagues, whose names we place, this morning,,
under our editorial head, as the time has ar
rived when the merits of the respective can
didates must be freely canvassed. We be
lieve that the eight above mentioned are not
only staunch champions of the Rights of the
States and the Union of the States, one and
indivisable, but they approve of and support
the leading measure of that Administration of
their choice, whose head they aided to ele
vate to the proud post he occupies, in prefer
ence to the choice of the Anti Southern, Anti-
Republican, and modern Whig coalition,
which would have given us as a chief magis
trate, an imbecile deserter from the Republi
can ranks, or one who anticipated with exul
tation the day, when (in his fancy) our domes
tic institutions would he prostrated in the dust.
The eight nominees are gentlemen, we
believe, of sterling integrity, and those we
know we are prepared to trust with our
dearest interests; the claims of those few not
personally known, we cheerfully acknowledge,
based as they are upon the confidence of a
large and imposing number of delegates,
flesh from the Union party of Georgia, who
would not violate the trust reposed in them.
At a time like the present, when the mam
moth Banking Institutions which the spirit of
the age for Internal Improvements engenders,
threaten to flood our country with irredeem
able paper, if not checked in their issues by
wholesome legislation;—at a time, too, when
the efforts being made in Georgia to advance
her to the proud and exalted station of be
ing among the first, if not the first, of her
Southern sisters, in extent of territory, in
fertility of soil, in variety of productions, and
of climate—when the rivalry of cities of other
States would deny to her Atlantic ports the
benefits which God and nature have confer
red upon a patriotic people ; —at such a time,
it behooves us to look around nnd trust not
our dearest interests to weak or doubtful
hands. Although the separation of Bank
and State has been, so far, retarded, and, too,
by the aid of a few members from this Slate,,
still the fiat of the People has gone forth—the
decree is registered; and at the next Con
gress it will be proclaimed from the Capitol,,
that the money of the people must be confi
ded to their responsible servants, and not, as
heretofore, be made the means, in the hands
of irresponsible corporations, or inordinate
speculation and unbounded credit to indivi
duals. We speak not of all the Deposite
Banks, hut those institutions which by law
were entrusted with the people’s monev, and 1
have hoarded tha same, to this day, or have
vested it in irredeemable paper.
We believe that the people of Georg a are
awaking upon the subject of separating the
government from the banks, and the majority
now in its flavor will increase, until an inde
pendent Treasury will he supported by all
who are not so yoked to the ear of partv as
to rejoice at the delay, to a future day, of r*
measure, merely because it was recommended
by the present administration. Some there
are of our opponents, and high too in their
confidence, who, disdaining party trammels,
approve of the separation; hut the larger
portion of our opponents, we judge from The
tone of many of their leading presses, are
determined to 4 roli as a sweet morsel under
their tongue’ the deposite system, their ab
horrence until discarded hv the administra
tion, as they shouted for White, when he was
discarded from the republican ranks. Let
them go on. We have no ambition to be
their mentor. We are ready, however, to
meet them on this ground, if such is the issue
offered to us, and appealing to the people to
place our hopes of success, in October, on the
question of a responsible Treasury, indepen
dent of the Banks, or one irresponsible,, ami
subject to hank influence.
From the Globe.
RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS.
No paper in the country has been more
fierce against a resumption of specie payments
than the United Stales Gazette. It was al
most frantic with indignation when the New
York banks ‘ took the lead,’ and it promised
them a Waterloo within a short time after
they came tip from their Elba.’ ‘ Enjoy your
hundred days of resumption,’ said ttie Ga
zette bitterly, ‘ a Waterloo awaits you,’ and to
the very moment of the Governor’s proclama
tion the same paper labored diligently to
prove that resumption was impolitic and
‘ premature.’
Now, however, the Gazette taeks about
and deliberately charges the resumptionista
whom it so lately denounced for demanding
specie pavmens, with being opposed to specie
payments! Most flexible Whiggery!—Pean
sylvaniar..
It is amusing now to see all the little Whig
curs, ‘ Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart,’ com
pelled at last to chime in with the cry for
specie payments. A few weeks ago the Ex
ecutive and the Treasury Department, as
well as the whole Democratic party, were
denounced for their hard money doctrines,
and their firmness in resisting irredeemable
paper and shin-plasters. Mr. Clay, and al
most all bis warm satellites, even” ridiculed
and opposed the act prohibiting the issue of
more shin-plasters in this District.
But the perseverance of ihe Administra
tion has triumphed. It has, through the
Treasury Department and the Post Office,
kept a specie flag flying constantly, from the
general stoppage in May, 1837. “ It has in
sisted, as a matter of clear law, sound morals,
and good public failh, that specie, or its equiv
alent,should alone be countenanced, and that
the banks should resume as they were able,
and the sound ones not wait for the unsound.
r I his doctrine did not suit the great cotton
speculator; the great regulator, who stopped
onlyon account of New York; and heretreated
behind his cotton bags, and set public opin
ion and the Administration at defiance. But,
thanks to the sound sense and firmness of a
democratic people, he has been driven from
his hiding place. He is not allowed to wait
and speculate on anoiher crop. He must at
last, before next January, or the next half
century, perform his duties to an injured