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EX l R.iCT
From Hon. A. 11. Everett’s Ora-ion
t<),i on ’he 4 li of July of the present y -ar.
Mr. J flerson is tfie person who mny he
sniii 10 have first revealed to ti e American
i>eoule the trite character ol their own Go
vernment. The practical operation oi a
written constitution is always uncertain, and
cm only he known by experience. It is of
ten entirely difierent from what it was ex
pected to be. ‘l'he merely external form of
the frtuteand Federal jCunsiilulions had been
considerably modified by aristocratic influen
ces; and it iv.io in some decree doubtful, be
ftie they were tried, how ihe.se Constitutions
would ultimately work. Mr. Jefler-on. troni
the outset, in his own State and in Congress,
one of the boldest and most enthusiastic friends
of ind ‘penJence and liberty, went out, soon
after the strugirL* was over, to represent his
country at the court of France. Here he as
sisted at the splendi 1 and appalling spectacle
of the French devolution—observed with his
own eyes the abuses of the cabinet and the
wrongs of the people —listened to and tool; a
share in the public and private discussions of
all the great principles of government —and
was himself consulted and appealed to bv
the friends of reform as a sort of political or
acle. The edi ct of this dbcip'ine upon his
mind seems to have been not only to confirm
and strengthen him in his previous opinions,
but to give him a clearer conviction of the
truth and beauty of the Democratic princi
ple, considered as the sole basis of Govern
ment, than bad yet been attained by the lead
ing patriots at home. On his return to this
country, where be was placed by YV ashing
ton at the head of the Administration, he an
nounced his views, and displayed for the first
time the Democratic banner as the true stan
dard of government. The effect was elec
tric. The public, mind rallied to him with a
sort of enthusiasm. In vain the aristocratic
presses assailed him with the most opprobri
ous charges—in vain they denounced Ihiii as
an unbeliever in religion, a visionary then, ist
in political science, rfnd in private life a cor
rupt and cowardly man. The people would
not listen to any of their hard sayings. They
would see nothing in him but the great Apos
tle ol Democracy. They persisted in sustain
ing him through good report and through
evil report; and, ten years after his return
from France, they placed him in the chair of
Washington. He had looked with distrust
upon some parts of the Constitution, and up
on the manner in which it had thus far b>’en
administered. On his accession to the Presi
dency, he put the ship of state—to use his
mvn language—upon the Republican tack.
The result showed that it was the true one.
The noble vessel had hitherto appeared to la
bor and struggle, as if still upon the stocks.
There was a constant creaking and hammer
ing—a din of discordant sounds, but no suc
cessful motion. When Mr. Jefferson took
the helm, she at once shot forward like a
thing of life, upon her own element. Oppo
sition, for a while loud and active, finally sub
sided before his constantly increasing and at
length overwhelming popularity. His prin
ciples have ever since been received as the
true exposition of the theory of our govern
ment, and the orthodox political creed of the
American people.
By the results of this great internal politi
cal revolution, fellow citizens, Democracy was
triumphantly proclaimed as the symbol of
American liberty. The aristocratic party, in
the form in which it had previously shown it
self, disappeared. But opposition, though
driven from the ground of general principles,
was not silenced. It has constantly been re
newed with fresh vigor on every favorable
occasion, and has assailed with relentless acri
mony all the most important measures of the
government. When the generals of ancient
Home entered the city in triumphal proces
sion after achieving a great victory, it was
customary to station in the midst of the pa
geant, somewhere near the person of the
conquering hero, a slave , whose otfice it was
to load him continually with abuse, in order
to counteract the intoxicating effect of the
scene, and remind him continually that he
was, after all, nothing more than a mere man.
In the more than Roman triumph—in the
grand march of national prosperity by which
our country has thus far been constantly ad
vancing to some future unknown height of
greatness and glory—the opposition seem to
have selected for themselves an office not un
like that of the Roman slave. They have
made it their business, for nearly forty years
past, with a few short intervals, to attack with
unmeasured obloquy the men by whom the
Government has been administered with a
success before unexampled in the history of
the world, and the measures by which these
brilliant results have been effected. Every
movement in our progress has been repre
sented as a farther step on the road to ruin.—
The election of Mr. Jefferson to the Presi
dency in the year 1800, ruined the country.
It was ruined again by the purchase of Lou
isiana in 1804; and it then became necessary,
in the opinion of the highest opposition au
thority, to effect a separation of the States,
‘peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must.’
In 1807 we were ruined again by the Embar
go, and in ISO 9bv the intercourse law. In
ISI2 vve were once more ruined by the war
with Great Britain. The election of General
Jackson ruined us anew in 1820, and his re
election in 1831. The bank veto accom
plished the fatal work afresh in 1832, and the
removal of the deposifes in 1833. Fi ally,
the election of Mr. Van Buren mined us for
the last time in 1837, since when, however,
we have been brought to the very verge of
ruin by the mere proposal of the Independent
Treasury bill.
All this t;iue, fellow citizens, we have been,
to all outward appearance, advancing as a
nation, in a career of uninterrupted and hith
erto unparalleled prosperity. Wealth and
population increasing : industry in all its
branches extended : roads, canals, schools,
colleges, churches, cities, cotistructing : new
States forming: an entire new world rising,
as it were, by enchantment, from the bosom
of an unexplored wilderness! If such, fellow
citizens, be the results and indications of na
tional ruin, I sincerely hope that we may l>e
ruined over again during Use next thirty-eight
years as frequently and as much to the pur
pose as we have been during the last.
In regard to this long and doleful chapter
of lamentations, it is apparent that there is a
great mistake somewhere; and although the
gentlemen of the opposition are always ex
ceedingly confident that there is no mistake
ti s to me matter in hand for the time being,
they are candid enough to allow that there
have been a few slight errors in some of their
previous denunciations a mispredictions. Al
though the election of Mr. Jefferson to the
Presidency ruined the country in 1300, when
he died, five-and-twenly years afterwards, it
was generally conceded, bv men of all par
ties, including the most distinguished opposi
tion leaders, that he was one of the greatest,
best, an! most popular men that our country
had produced, and that the period of his ad
ministration was, upon the whole, the most
prosperous one of equal length in our history.
The purchase of Louisiana ruined us in 1S04;
hut oar friends of the south and west have
become so much reconciled to it, that they
are now begging very hard—whig* tnd all—
to be ruined again in a similar way bv the
annexation of Texas. Iliad the pleasure of
hearing, not many weeks since, from that
excellent Whig, Mr. Preston, a long ami elo
quent speech in the Senate of the IJ. States,
in support of that measure; an lit has some
times been suspected that, the probable Whig
cand date lor the Presidency at (lie next elec
tion Joes not exactly sympathise, in regard to
this matter, with his reverend correspondent
ii this city. Even the war of 181-2, is, to
adappea ranee, rapidly getting into favor. —
During a reernt visit to Washington, I heard
with great satisfaction, fiom the mouth of a
distinguished Senator from this common
wealth, the assurance, given to the Seriate in
a public speech, that tie was, by no means,
at the time, so strongly opposed to the war of
1312 as had been imagined. He even un
dertook to prove, hy dates and facts, that
while the war was in progress, he was as
much in liivorofit as the Senator from South
Carolina, who was chairman of the Commit
tee of Foreign Affairs that reported the dec
laration. I confess, fellow citizens, that I lis
tened with some surprise to these assertions.
I thought, at first, that I must have confound
ed the distinguished Senator with some other
person ; but on locking again 1 saw there
could be no mistake. The high expanded
forehead, —the shaggy brow, beetling over
the ‘cavernous eye,’—the raven hair, un
touched at threescore with the frost of time
—the pallid cheek—the thin upper lip,disclos
ing, as it receded occasionally into a sarcas
tic smile, the targe white teeth—in short, the!
whole phrenological and physiognomical de- |
velopment, which a connoisseur in the science |
—a little inclined, by-the-by, to opposition j
politics—pronounces to be the finest in the j
country —satisfied me that the person speak
ing could he no other than the author of the
Rockingham memorial.
In the same speech, the same distinguished
gentleman informed the Senate that he did
not hold himself responsible for certain anti
tariff resolutions, reported at a meeting held
in Faneuil Hall, by a committee, of which
Daniel Webster was chairman, and support
ed by that gentleman in a speech, sometimes
considered as one of the best he ever made.
Encouraged by these comfortable assuran
ces, I am not without hopes, fellow citizens,
that the illustrious Senator and his political
friends may he found, some ten years hence,
to have been, at this moment, al ! present ap
pearances to the contrary notwithstanding,
the firmest “SSfpporters of the Independent
Treasury bill. Already, indeed, if I am not
mistaken, the tone upon this subject is under
going a change. For some weeks past we
hear much less than before about the Specie
Humbug; and within a few days the south
ern breezes are wafting to our ears from the
Whig camp in the old Keystone the ominous
wa i -cries— Ritner and hard money ! Ritner
and the constitutional currency ! In the mean
time we have, at least, the satisfaction of
knowing, that whatever may occur hereafter,
the Independent Treasury bill, or a measure
corresponding with it, received, not five years
ago, the almost unanimous support of the op
position members of the House of Represen
tatives of the United States. ‘'Hie record of
yeas and navs—that implacable document,
not less terrible to consistent politicians lhati
the parish register to the waning belle—exhi
bits on two occasions the names of the oppo
sition members arrayed in solid column in
support of the principle as embodied in reso
lutions proposed by a prominent member
from Virginia. The system of depositing
the public money in Stale banks, which is
now represented as an excellent half way -
house , was then denounced as ruinous; and
the Independent Treasury, which is now in
dignantly rejected hy the opposition in Con
gress, and declared hy their presses to be odi
ous, pernicious, execrable, abominable, de
testable, was then regarded as the true meth
od of managing the public treasure. With
out impeaching in the least degree the mo
tives of gentlemen who have, no doubt, voted
and spoken, in both cases, according to their
honest convictions, I must say, that I think
it would be more natural in the opposition to
denounce with somewhat less violence a mea
sure which received so recently the support
of the parly in Congress, including many of
its present most active and prominent mem
bers.
It appears, fellow citizens, from the facts
to which I have now called your attention,
that the election of Mr. Jefferson, the pur
chase of Louisiana, and even the war with
Great Britain—the great Democratic mea
sures of the first fifteen years of the present
century—have not been, after all, even by
the admission of the gentlemen of the oppo
sition, quite so ruinous to the country as they
at one lime represented, and. no doubt, hon
estly supposed them to be. May not the
same finally prove to be true of the election
of General Jackson, the election of Mr. Van
Buren, and the principal measures of their
respective administrations, particularly those
now in progress for reforming the currency
and separating the Treasury from the busi
ness of private hanking corporations?
PAPER MONEY.
‘ The people love to he deceived,’ was the
saying of an arch political hypocrite. Al
though we abhor this slander upon humanity
not less than we despise the slanderer who ut
tered it, yet when we look round and behold
the many impositions heaped upon the peo
ple, and the patience, submission, and even
cheerfulness with which they bear the bur
den, we are sometimes inclined to think that
the short-sighted and misanthropic slanderer
believed there was some truth in his declara
tion.
Perhaps there never was a more gross
fraud practised upon any people than is that
of paper money. Even under the most fa
vorable circumstances it is a mighty griev
ance, hut when carried to the truly alarming
extent it is in this Republic,—undoubtedly
paper money is one of the greatest and most
grinding impositions that can he inflicted up
on a civilized community. Yet the inhabi
tants of these Stales carry the load more pa
tiently, wc are induced to believe, than would
any oilier people on the face of the earth.—
In fact, we are strongly inclined to the opin
ion that t lie subjects of the Sultan of Turkey,
humble and degraded as they really are,
would not submit to a like imposition half so
quietly as the Americans.
Under the operation of this stupendous
| fraud, the immense wealth daily created by
! productive labor is controlled by this fictitious
representative of value. The consequence
is, that the producers of-wealth are indirect
ly made the slaves of tlie privileged few who
manufacture this spurious money; and thus
are the riches created by the toiling many,
obtained by those who never lifted a finger
to create them. This is ihe present condition
of tilings, under the operationol our fraudu
lent monetary system. Would any other
people, we repeat, save the Americans, sub
mit to like evils? In our humble opinion they
would not, No! Not even the degraded
subjects of the Turkish Sultan. Alas! for
the bad influences of tyrannous habit.
Possibly some of our renders may incline
to tiie opinion that we ore disposed to color
the evils of this system of legalized fraud too
highly. We think not. Facts, in our opin
ion, will warrant the declarations we have
made. It is an obvious truth that the crea
tors of wealth are poor. How happens this?
Could they he poor under the operation of an
equal an i just system of distribution ? Im
possible. Under such a system the wealth
creators would he the wealth-accumulators.
—The productive class would be the rich
class, and those who labored the most would
have the most. But the operation of the
equal an I benign laws of nature have been
interfered with and thwarted by legislative
enactments. The consequence is, that the
products of labor are distributed partially and
unjustlv, and those who create none obtain
the most.
Such is the present condition of civilized
society the world over. In monarchical coun
tries, where real money constitutes the circu
lating medium, productive labor is robbed of
its dues by other means save a spurious cur
rency, but m this Republic mainly by such
moans. A-ado fmm this evil, labor is taxed
comparatively light in these States, an ! were
it net for this fraud the working people would ]
be far better off than the inhabitants of any j
other country, but subject to the effects of
this onerous system, the many must grow
poorer and the lew become richer.
To us, it is a matter of astonishment that
the great producing class of the United States
submit to this fraud as quietly as tliev do.—
Certainly they have no desire to be deceived
on the subject. We subjoin an extract from
an excellent address of the late Worcester
Convention to the people of Massachusetts.
Also theopinion of those Republican worthies,
Thomas Jefferson, John Taylor of Caroline,
and Gen. Washington.
‘ But whatever events,immediate or remote,
may have caused the catastrophe, its origin
must be sought in the unsoundness of the
system itself. Bank paper was, in the first
place, nothing more than a certificate of so
much gold or silver deposited in the vaults of
the bank. The money was always ready to
answer to the paper. Such were all the old
banks in Europe previous to the eighteenth
century. After the revolution in E igland of
IGB3 anew order of things arose. The ex
pensive wars following upon that event in
volved the nation in debt, and led to the es
tablishment of a bank, upon the credit of the
Government. The nature of bank paper
now underwent a total change. Instead of
being simply the evidence of so much specie
deposited in the bank, it was converted into
a promise of the bank to pay the sum express
ed, in specie. It was then no longer money,
or the representative of money, but merely a
bank promise. The individual who gets a
loan at a hank exchanges his own promise for
the promissory notes of the bank. Both pro
mise to pay in specie; perhaps neither of
them fins it. The foundation of the whole
banking system, then, is based upon commer
cial credit. The solvency of a bank depends
upon the solvency of its customers. Instead
of representing money, bank notes represent,
so far as they represent any thing, the pro
perty, the goods, merchandise, and estate of
the banks’ debtors. But they are also used
as a circulating medium. And here lies the
difficulty. So far as they are merely repre
sentatives of property, they might be safely
multiplied to anv amount not exceeding its
actual value. Considered as a part, of the
currency, the question is wholly different.—
The very fiict that they represent property
leads to their over-issue as currency. For
while the bank is thus made secure against
ultimate ioss, the temptation to over-issue, a
rising from the profit on the circulation, is too
strong to be resisted.’
‘ln copying England,’ says Mr. Jefferson,
‘ we do not consider that like premises induce
like consequences. The bank mania is one
of the most threatening of these institutions.
It is raising up a moneyed aristocracy in our
country which has already set the govern
ment at defiance, and though forced to yield
a little on the first essay of its strength, their
principles are unyielded and unyielding.—
They 1 ave taken deep root in the hearts of
that class from which our legislators are
drawn, and the sop to Cerberus, from fable,
has become history. Their principles take
hold of the good, their pelf of the bad, and
thus, those whom the Constitution has placed
as guards to its portals, are sophisticated or
suborned from their duties. That paper mo
ney has some advantages must be admitted ;
but its abuses are also inveterate; and that
it, by breaking up the measure of value,
makes a lottery of private property, cannot
he denied. Shall we ever be able to put a
constitutional veto upon it ?’
‘ The free industry of the people, if suffer
ed by the government to operate fairly upon
the commercial ivorld, will rapidly supply us
wit h a better currency than the involving, flue
mating , counterfeiting currency of corpora
tions. If banks can pay their debts, vve have
a sufficient specie currency on hand. If they
cannot, their credit ought to cease.’— John
Taylor of Caroline.
Extract from Gen. Washington’s letter to
Mr. Stone :
‘ I do not scruple to declare, that if I had a
voice in your Legislature (Maryland) it would
have been decidedly against a paper emis
sion, upon the general principle of its inutili
tv as a representative of coin, or the necessity
for it as a (circulating) medium.’
From the Augusta Mirror, October 6.
PRIZE COMPOSITIONS.
As it is desirable to commence the publica
tion of our prize articles early in the ensuing
month, we hope those who have not forward
ed their compositions to us, will do so as soon
as possible, in order that ihe committee to
whom they are to be submitted may have
ample time to decide upon their respective
merits.’
In selecting the following gentlemen, we
have been governed by a desire to do justice
to the competitors for the prizes offered, and
we announce their names with the confidence
that their reputation for taste and talents is
too well known, to admit a doubt that their
decisions will be other than just. The follow
ing gentlemen will constitute the the Literary
Committee:—Hon. John W. Wilde, Rev. A.
N. Cunningham, Capt. E. Starnes, Hon. A.
B. Longstreet.
We are not aware that there is any com
petition for tire prizes offered for the best
‘ Poem,’ or for the best ‘ Biography of a dis
tinguished Southern character.’ We sincere
ly hope, for the honor of the south, that we
may not be without competitors for these pri
zes. We are sure that there is no lack of
material for the Litter, nor of genius among
our citizens for both, and if the public are
not favored with articles on all the subjects
enumerated in our list of prizes, the fault will
not rest with us, for we have appealed to
southern feeling and southern genius by ev
ery means in our power, which our respect
for southern character, would allow us to
adopt.
The following is the list of prizes, for which
we solicit competition, and which we will he
happy to award, according to the decisions
of the committee.
For the best tale, founded upon incidents
connected with the early history of Georgia
or South Carolina, we propose to give, the
latest addition of the complete Works of Sir
Walter Scott, with a Biography, and his last
additions and illustrations, comprising up
wards of 7000 pages royal octavo.
For the best tale, the author to make choice
of the incidents, locality, &c. will be awarded
a splendid edition ofßuhver’s and Marryati’s
Novels, complete.
For the best Poem, not to make more than
half a page of the Mirror, will be awarded a
beautiful edition of Byron’s Works.
For the best Essay, on the subject of Po
litical Economy, will be given Hume, S'mol
let and Miller's History of England, in four
large elegantly bound volumes, with illustra
tions, maps, &e.
For the best Biography of a distinguished
southern character, will he awarded the Lives
ot the Signers of the Declaration of Inde
pendence, in four large e'eganilv bound vol
umes, with the autograph and portrait of
each.
For the best description of Georgia Scene
ry, will a copy ofMoble and Rose’s
Landscape Illustrations, in 1 vol. quarto,
comprising upwards of 100 fine steel engrav
ings.
To each of (lie above prizes will be added
one years subscription to the Mirror.
A stove has been invented i:i New York,
called the ‘ poor man’s stove,’ which the pa
tentee offers to furnish, togethefwith the pipe,
and coal enough to burn through the winter,
for fifteen dollars!
SENTINEL & HERALD.!
COLUMBUS, OCTOBER 23, 1533. j
CORPORATIONS.
‘ln copying England, we do not seem to
consider that like premises induce like conse
quences. ‘The bank mania is one of the most
threatening of these institutions. It is raising
up a monied aristocracy in our country,
which has already set the government at de
fiance, and although Freed to yield a little on
the first essay of their strength, their princi
ples are unyickled and unyielding. They
have taken deep root in the hearts of dial
class from which our legislators are drawn,
and the sop to Cetbertts, from fable, has
become history. Their principles take hold
of the good, their pelf of the bad, and thus,
those whom the Constitution has placed as
guards to its portals, are sophisticated or
suborned from their duties. That paper
money has some advantages must be admit
ted ; but its abuses are also inveterate, and
that it, by breaking up the measure of value,
making a lottery of all private property, can
not be denied. ’ Shall we ever be able to put
a constitutional veto upon it?’ — Jefferson.
Such was the language of the great apostle
of liberty, on the subject of incorporated
banking. In his day, the evil of which he
complained, and the consequences resulting
from which he so much dreaded, had not
been felt to that extent which they now are.
True it is, Ids prophetic vision enabled him
to see the result, and we of this age have to
acknowledge that his most fearful anticipa
tions have been more than realized.
We Would not be misunderstood upon this
all important subject; we are not tie enemies
of die credit system, as it has been represent
ed ; a well regulated credit system we be
lieve a blessing to any country partaking in
any, even moderate degree, of a commercial
character ; but when this principle is pushed
so far as to amount to legalized robbery, it
becomes a curse and an incubus upon the
body politic, which freemen cannot, will not
submit to. We have before stated that we
believed the whole banking system of this
country wrong. We agaitf repeat that as
sertion. The genius of our government,
founded as it is in universal suffrage, opening
the road to honor and wealth alike to all,
having its broad foundation laid in the will of
the sovereign people, can brook nothing ex
clusive. The sturdy tiller of the soil, whose
soul burns with love for that country which
his forefathers purchased with their blood,
will ask why his wealthy neighbor is to be
protected by legislative enactments in beco
ming more so? Why are means of acquiring
wealth given to him which are denied to
others? Why close the door to the great
body of the people, and open it to the favored
few ? If commercial banking is purely com
mercial, why not place it upon the same
footing with all other commercial enterprises ?
Thus the system is successfully carried on in
England, the most commercial country in the
world ; and thus it is carried on in most of
the continental governments of Europe.
But it is said that under the influence of
the present banking system, this country has
advanced in prosperity with a rapidity having
no parallel. Grant it to be true that we
have advanced in prosperity without a
parallel, and yet we deny that it has been by
tiie aid of banking institutions. Our country
is young and vigorous, with a vast extent
stretching along the Atlantic, a boundless and
fertile territory to the west, with a hardy,
sober, industrious, enterprising and intelligent
population ; at peace with all the world, our
commercial negotiations placing us upon an
equal footing with the most favored nations
of the earth, under the benign influence of
democratic principles, it would be strange
indeed had we not advanced, and our pro
gress could not have been otherwise than
onward, though objects, seemingly insur
mountable, had been thrown in our way.
And yet, with all these advantages, in the
midst of all our prosperity, no country upon
earth has perhaps suffered more severely
from violent commercial convulsions—con
vulsions, from the destructive influence of
which, nothing but our immense resources
and native energy could have saved us.
The true wealth of a country is the amount
of its labor, and the value of its products.
Whenever an attempt shall be made to cre
ate wealth by other means, it must necessa
rily fail. The effect ever has been, and ever
will be, to give to property and labor a facti
tious value, proportionate not to these sub
stantial sources of national and individual
wealth, but to the amount and temporary
value of the circulating medium. This, in
time, must and will find its proper level, and ;
then comes distress. The body politic, like ;
the natural body, from a high and unnatural !
degree of excitement, must necessarily fail!
back to a corresponding degree of depression,,
and hence have resulted those violent com
motions which our country, under this system, !
from time to time has suffered, and the
almost universal bankruptcy which has en
sued. In granting’ bank charters, Legisla
tors have had but little regard to the re
sources and wants of the country, and the
companies applying have looked only to their
own interest; and whilst they have labelled
the project ‘ public good ,’ their eyes have been
steadily fixed with a longing gaze upon the
splendid prospect of wealth and power before
them, and which was to be acquired through
the follies, the weaknesses, or the misfortunes
of the laboring classes.
We will dose the present article with an
extract from the report of a committee of the
New York leuislature in 1818: let those who
hold the doctrine that banking power and
influence adds to the prosperity of the coun
try, read and reflect:
‘Ofall aristocracies (they said) none more
completely enslave a people than that of
money ; aml in the opinion of your committee,
no system was ever beHer devised so perfect
ly to enslave a community, as that of the j
present mode of conducting banking esta
blishments. Lilffc the syren of the fable, thev j
entice to destroy. They hold the purse- i
strings of society; and by monopolizing the !
whole of the circulating medium of the coun- j
try, they form a precarious standard, by j
which ail property in the country, houses,
lands, debts and credits, personal and real
estates of all descriptions, are valued ; thus
rendering the whole community dependant on
them; proscribing every man who dares to
expose their unlawful practices; if he hap
pens to be out of their reach, so as to require
no favors Horn them, his friends are made
the victims. So no one dares complain.
The committee, on tak ng a general view
of'our State, and comparing those parts;
where banks have been lor some time esta-
Wished, with those that have had none, arej
astonished at the alarming disparity. They
see, iii the one case, the desolations they
have made in societies that were once pros-
I perous and happy; the ruin they have
; brought on an immense number of toe most
wealthy farmers, and they and their families
i suddenly hurled from wealth and indepen
dence into the abyss of ruin and despair.
If the fads stated in the foregoing are
true, and your committee have no d3ubt they
are, together with others equally reprehensi
ble and to be dreaded, such as that their
influence too frequently, nav, often already
begins to assume a species of dictation alto
gether alarming, and unless some judicious
remedy is provided by legislative wisdom, we
shall soon witness attempts to control all
■ selections to offices in our counties, nay the
elections to the very Legislature. Senators
and members of assembly will be indebted to
the banks for their seats in this Capital, and
thus the wise end of onr civil institutions will
be prostrated in the dust of corporations of
i their own raising.’
W e present for the present, to otir readers,
these two high authorities against the present
system of banking. Thus spoke the great
Jefferson, whose heart burned with a con
stant love ol country and liberty. Anu thus
spoke the great State of New York, in her
first essay to throw off the shackles by which
she found herself too lastly bound.
The Hon. John Forsyth, Secretary of
State, arrived in town on Friday last, and
took lodgings at the Columbus Hotel.
The Commercial Convention which con
vened at Augusta, adjourned on the 17th in- j
stant, to meet again on the third Monday in
April next, at the City of Charleston. The j
report and the following resolutions were read
to the Convention, on the last day of its sit
tings, by Judge Longstreet, chairman of the
committee of 21. The report will be pub
lished in a few days.
| i. Resolved, That the members of this |
Convention will use their best exertions in
J their respective States, to form trading asso
i ciations, in order to carry inlo effect the pur
| poses of this Convention.
2. Resolved, That increasing the facilities
!of intercommunication by Rail Roads and I
j Canals, between the interior Western and
South Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico States,
are among the most important measures of
restoring to the Commercial Ports of the lat
| ter, the direct trade which has so recently
departed from them.
3. Resolved, therefore, That while it is
strongly recommended by this Convention, to
the different States to afford every possible
| aid to approved works of internal improve
; meat, having the above objects in view, it is
i equally obligatory on the companies or corpo
| rations chartered Ibr said objects, to consider
| their works as but parts of one great design,
and so harmonize and co-operate in their
! operations, as to produce through those great
arteries and veins of the commercial body, a
circulation, as perfect as that which nourish
es and animates the human system.
4. Resolved, That tlie Banking Institutions
|of the respective States in which they are
located, cannot more surely advance their
own interests, in connection with the public
prosperity, than by affording succor in their
beginnings, to those great works, which, in
tended to develope the hidden resources of
interior countries, must, in return, reciprocate
to those institutions the benefits of an increas
ing and extended commerce.
5. Resolved therefore, That while the ben
eficial effects of banking privileges so judi
ciously granted by the States of Tennessee,
North and South Carolina and Georgia,to the
! Central and Athens, and the Charleston and
j Cincinnati Kail Hoads; have been most clear
ly demonstrated in the successful progress of
| those greqt works to completion—it most
; respectfully suggests to the consideration of
the other south western States, (requiring an
extension of banking capital,) that aid, thro’
similar institutions, he granted to rail roads
and other works of improvement, within their
■| own limits, having in view, the important
| designs of more intimate commercial and
social relations among themselves, as well as
with the more remote Stales of the interior.
(i. Resolved , That the banks of the several
States be respectfully solicited to form com
mercial connexions, with like institutions or
capitalists in Europe, for the purpose of fur
nishing facilities to a diiect trade between the
southern and southwestern States, and that
country.
From Emanuel, the only remaining county
to be heard from, ihe news has at last arri
ved: Swain, Senator ; Sunmer, Representa
tive. This result, together with the resigna
tion of the Whig representative elected in
Mclntoh, will ensure us, we doubt not, a
| majority of from two to five on joint ballot in
; the Legislature.
We rejoice in the success of the State
; Rights party in the recent elections. — Argus.
No one doubted, when our contemporary
first, announced its existence, that its worthy
editor was a ‘ true blue’ nullifler; but from a
perusal of his politico-neutral prospectus, it
‘ required no ghost to come from the grave,’
to tell u.s that he was an anti-bank and anti
monopoly man: and it was the declared
object of his paper, in its establishment, to
oppose ‘ a National Bank of any character,
as the greatest evil that could be inflicted upon
the country; and yet we find him rejoicing
| m the election of Dawson and Habersham,
; both open and avowed bank men !
The Argus avowed its intention to oppose
: every thing in the shape of monopoly: The
I editor said in his prospectus, that he would
j ‘ oppose all connexions between individuals and
the State, for purposes of speculation upon
I rail read or banking stocks, as destructive of
: the rights, and dangerous to the liberties of
fhs people; and yet lie rejoices over the
election of Mr. Calhoun to the Senate of the,
State, who advocates the State Bond system
to the fullest extent!
‘ Oh, consistency, verily thou art a jewel. 5 )
Democratic Triumphs. —Pennsylvania has
elected a democratic Governor by upwards
of eight thousand majority. New Jersey has
gained us six members to Congress; anu old
Connecticut has redeemed herself toto ceelo. j
The ball is in motion, and will roll Mr. Van
Buren into the Presidential chair a second;
tune, by an overwhelming majority. Clay
ism, no go.
Mayoralty of Baltimore. —The election for
Mayor of Baltimore, has resulted in favor of
Gen. Leakin, (W big) over Moore, (Dem.) by
a majority of 467 votes. The whole num
ber of votes given in was 11,557.
Great Speed. —The first heat in the four
mile race at Washington City, which took
place on the 4th insf. was won by Mr.
I hompson’s gr. f. Omega, by Timoleon —
Daisy Cropper by Ogle’s Oscar, in the
splendid time of 7.40 ! Count Zaldevar must
be let out another kink, which he undoubtedly
has to spare.
We have most gratifying itJelhger.ee hum ■
Georgia. Counties have been revolutionized,
and whigs returned to the Legislature in sc,cii
numbers as to ensure, for the first tune since
tiie present division, a whig majority in beta
branches.—Baltimore Ckron icle.
Never more mistaken in all your lift*, Mr.
Chronicle. In the Senate tlieie is a tie, and
in the lower house a Van Bure.i majority ot
at least two. Oh! these rabid whigs, how
liable they are to small mistakes.
The remaining thirty-three counties will
much reduce our present majority; but can
not, we believe, deltai one of our men.
Baltim ore Chronicle.
The above is from a rank, out and out
whig paper, and we would ask our Georgia
nullifiers if they swallow such an amalgama
tion as a pleasant dose. A few months ago,
when we said that the nullifiers of the South
| were the whigs of the north, some of our good
| friends on the opposite side jumped us furi
ously, and cried out injustice; their pride
j revolted at the very idea of being bound up
in the same bundle with northern whigs, alias
high tariff men, monopoly-bank men and
abolitionists; but now behold the fraternal
embrace ! how loving these Clay Whigites
are towards Georgia nullifiers, because, for
sooth, Dawson and Habersham happen to be
Bankites, and it may be Clay men. Our
’ present majority —our men : bah.
Bond’s speech will prove the greatest
I possible enemy to steam doctors and Brand
l reth’s pills—they can’t shine in any crowd
I-where this notable document has travelled,
jOh how it has reformed Pennsylvania, New
Jersey, Connecticut, and even Ohio, the
home of its cat’s-paw author! That’s right
whigs; spend your money to circulate
speeches that have neither wit nor sense
about them, and the way the locos will bang
you out in 1840 will be a sin to Henry Clay.
Should our paper seem unusually dull this
week, our apology must be found in the fact
of our not having been able to write of nights
—the only time when thought runs free—
owing to the enormous price of candles—
sixty cents a pound !
The hard times has extracted the last
‘ grease spot’ from our garments.
A few numbers back we unthinkingly gave
a place to a communication taking ground
against the Thompsonian system of practising
medicine. We have since received several
answers to that communication, but must
decline publishing any thing further on the
subject. Our readers say they greatly prefer
politics and literature, to either salts and
senna, or No. 6, No. 9, Lobelia, etc.
We like to lend our paper to a particular
friend and not see it again tor a week. Don’t
you ?—Cash Sf Cos.
In numerous instances we lend our paper
for a year, and never see it again, nor the
money to pay for it. We don’t like that
much.
Colton. —But little coming in—sales from
10 to 11 cents, and plenty of buyers.
The fqliowing persons have kindly con
sented to act as Agents for the Sentinel and
Herald :
Col. C. Parker, Collodensville, Monroe Cos.
Peter Cone, Esq. Eden, Effingham Cos.
Ilev. It ecbex E. Brown, Perry P. O. Hous
ton Cos.
Thus. H. Key, Esq. Drayton, Dooly Cos.
Col. Trios. J- Holmes, Concord, Baker Cos
Stephen D. Crane, Esq. Dahlouega, Lump
kin Cos.
Col. John Dill, Fort Gaines, Go.
John C. Mangham, Greenville, Ga.
E. J. W ood &. Cos. St. Joseph, Flor.
Nourse, Biiooks & Cos. Apalachicola.
J. S. Yarbrough, Lumpkin, Stewart Cos.
Jas Buchanan, Cuthbert, Randolph Cos.
For tho Sentinel and Herald.
THE MAN ABOUT TOWN.
‘ Just popp’d in—hope I don’t intrude.’
This personage lives by his wits —sleeps
when others are awake, and is awake while
others sleep ; eats ala Alderman De Forest,
and drinks as did my Lord Byron, now and
then a glass o f very weal: gin and water. Ii
falls within the circle of his duties to watch
j the current of passing events, and to ciironi
| c!e their beginnings, progressions, and end
; mgs. In his remarks, he wishes always to be
! just, and never invidious — particular, but not
tedious — minute, hut not personal.
In the week that has swept by on the
i wings of the wind, he has perambulated this
: curious town —he says curious , because per
haps ‘ there is not in the wide world,’ a vil
lage, town or cl tv, wherein so much happens
that is singularly pleasant, and strikingly
outrageous.
To begin then with his ‘notes of observation:’
There is a Theatre here : ‘ la, how wonder
ful!’ Yes, a Theatre; and has ‘ the man
| about town’ numbered himself with the friends
j of the drama, and looked upon the ‘ proud
I representatives of Shakspeare’s heroes ?’ He
| thinks he has; and what did he witness?
j Much to censure, and somewhat to praise.
The stage-is calculated to be beneficial
j when well managed, but mismanaged, must
be productive of an infinitude of mischief. I.
| the various parts are entrusted to incompe
i tent hands, and scenes of butchery are dis
played to the audience, revolting and dis
gusting, then indeed has tiie drama failed to
’ perform its legitimate functions, because, for
! sooth, it had an unfair and imbecile represen-!
; lution. But when talent and genius pour
their silvery light upon the tragic muse, and
disc-ver her beauties, then is the moral point
i ed, anil the tale adorned, and the auditor,
catching the inspiration of Shakspeare, ad
mires his genius, wonders at his boundless
knowledge of mankind, and goes away from
ihe theatre a wiser and a better man.
I have visited the theatre occasionally since
the fail season has commenced, and have been
pleased wiffi only a few things. Mr. Brown’s
personation of tiie Earl of Osmond, in the
Castle Spectre, was a thrilling performance,
and remained me of the days when he stood
unsurpassed as a tragedian in the United
States. Mr. Whiting played Jalfier well;
all the rest lias been so so, tolerable, intolera
ble and outrageous ; ground and lofty tum
bling —spring-board jumping—playing with j
bails and knives, and sports of a circus ring !
i j
in general, w*ul,k have been decidedly more
acceptable to a decent audience.
On Tuesday night I happened to pop in,
and who should stride upon the stage, with
long and measured tread, but my old favorite
Augustus A. Addams, in Knowles’s magnifi
cent play of Virgin.us. Without stopping to;
enter inlo a minute detail of the fine poin t3
in his acting, I must express my utter aston
.shment that talents so brilliant as his should
be content with being pent up in our little
•seven by nine theatres; they but ‘waste
their sweetness on the desert air.’ With
close study and the proper slimulents, he is
not a whit behind Forrest. The lovers of
good acting may promise themselves a rich
treat in witnessing the performances of Mr.
Addams, during the few nights of his present
engagement. The Theatre has much in>
proved in many respects; the scenery is truly
beautiful, and the music is delightful. There
are a few exceptions to the audience; such
as young gentlemen whooping and yelping,
after the fashion of Indians, and smoking
cigars inside of the house.-- Verbum sap.
The races are over—the Court begs to be
excused from sitting till December, and this
town, the man who walks-about it does, really
think, would evaporate but for the Theatre.
What other species of amusement have we?
A walk, a ride, a foot race, are all dangerous
as well as disagreeable about this ‘famous
city.’ Safer far, would it be, to ride a steeple
chase to Talbotton, than to venture from
centre to suburbs of this town. A proma
nade with a friend would be like the blind
leading the blind ; both must fall into a ditch:
a gallopadc on a mettled charger would be
more hazardous than rushing upon the strong
arm of a Polish lancer, for both rider and
horse must be dashed against a street-stopper
of a Market House. But what pleasant rides
upon our commons, after the big and little
ditches are passed. Beautiful roads in every
direction, aud yet how seldom one sees a lady
on horseback! What glorious exercise it is
to ride on horseback ! and yet the ladies do
not thus enjoy themselves in this part of ihe
world : what can be the reason ! ‘Oh ! it is
so unfashionable. What an unsociable place
this is ! I was walking the other evening—it
was a beautiful afternoon ; the sun sinking
slowly in the golden west, looked bcnignantly
upon this wicked world, and all nature seem
ed smiling with joy. Numerous persons were
walking and riding, but each was alone! —
The fair lady was solus in her cariiage, and
the gentleman, wrapped in his own selfish
ness, was whirling away in his sulky, or trot
ting off like the mill-boy on his tacky! Well,
fancy isa.wild jade, and hard to be reconciled
with reason; but those who venture out from
home alone, must take good care that they are
not bitten by impolite dogs, or trampled un
der foot by unprincipled and heathenish hogs ;
for in my notice of things‘about town,’ I find
that both the hog and dog law have become
obsolete. ‘A short horse is soon curried;’
you shall hear from me again, and meantime
say to your readers, that he udiat runs his
fingers into my plate will be mighty apt to get
them cut off. faux. pry.
Columbus, Oct. 22d, IS3S.
Sir—The undersigned, committee in behalf
of themselves and your neighbors and friends
in this ciiv, experience much gratification in
being able to welcome you to your home.
We trust that you will not deem it impro
per in us, or those we represent, to say, that
in you the cause ol Democracy has found
one of her ablest, most eloquent and fearless
champions, and we rejoice to know that you,
Georgia’s favorite son, as a prominent mem
ber ofthe present Democratic administration,
are still .upholding and supporting those great
piino'ples, upon the perpetuity of which our
liberty and happiness so essentially depend.
We congratulate you, sir, and the country
at large, upon the cheering prospect before
us. The freemen of this great republic are
beginning to speak, and in such a manner as
must insure triumphant success to the true
doctrines of the constitution. To us of
Georgia, this State of things is peculiarly
gratifying. Our principles here have suffer
ed (as you know) a temporary defeat; hut
we have cause to rejoice, that in oilier por
tions of the Union this loss has been more
than counterbalanced. Be assured, sir, that
Republ.can Georgia cannot long occupy dif
ferent ground, but that in the hour of trial, as
she has done before, will nobly rush to the
rescue.
The fame of an American statesman be
longs to his country; and yet we hope, with
out the imputation ol selfishness, we may he
permitted to claim yours as belonging pecu
lat ly to this State. And, with this conscious
pride lor the high capabilities which you pos
sess, and the many important and delicate
services which you have rendered our com
mon country, we look forward with pleasing
anticipations to that period (we trust not re
mote,) when that country will call upon you
to serve her in a siili more exalted station.
We beg leave, sir, to tender you a public
dinner, to be furnished by your fellow citizens
of Columbus, at such time as will best suit
your convenience, and hope that other en
j gagernents ol youts may not deprive us of
| the pleasure ol - meeting you around the festive
| board.
W itli high consideration and respect, we
beg leave to subscribe ourselves your fellow
citizens and ob’t serv’ts.
James H. Campbell, Joseph Sturgis,
Edward Delony, Henry L. Benning,
Philip T. Schley, Franklin A. Nisbet,
! J °hn L. Lewis, W. S. Chipiey,
j Geo. Hargraves, jr. Alex. MeDougald,
John Quinn, Thus. M. Sanders,
John D. Howell, Anderson Hunt,
Seaborn I home, Thomas Davis,
Joseph Coleman, James Van Ness,
John Schley, Thos. W. Watson,
B. Hepburn, Wm. K. Schley,
A. Levison, S. It. Bonner,
J. M. Guerry, Committee.
Hon. John Forsyth.
Columbus, Oct. 23 J, IS3B.
Gentlemen—l regret to be compelled to de
cline your flattering invitation to meet my fel
low citizens of Columbus at the festive board.
My public and private engagements render it
impossible for me to do otherwise, without
exposing myself to censures and sacrifices,
which 1 am sure none of you would wish me
to incur.
I rejoice with you at the renewed manifes
tations of public opinion in favor of the prin
ciples and the course of the present and past
administrations, line and reflection are
alone necessary to enable the people to un
derstand and to appreciate the motives and
intentions of these to whom their power is
confided. In moments of unexpected dilfi-