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Columbus sentinel and herald. (Columbus, Ga.) 183?-1841, October 25, 1838, Image 2

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EX l R.iCT From Hon. A. 11. Everett’s Ora-ion t<),i on ’he 4 li of July of the present y -ar. Mr. J flerson is tfie person who mny he sniii 10 have first revealed to ti e American i>eoule the trite character ol their own Go vernment. The practical operation oi a written constitution is always uncertain, and cm only he known by experience. It is of ten entirely difierent from what it was ex pected to be. ‘l'he merely external form of the frtuteand Federal jCunsiilulions had been considerably modified by aristocratic influen ces; and it in some decree doubtful, be ftie they were tried, how Constitutions would ultimately work. Mr. Jefler-on. troni the outset, in his own State and in Congress, one of the boldest and most enthusiastic friends of ind ‘penJence and liberty, went out, soon after the strugirL* was over, to represent his country at the court of France. Here he as sisted at the splendi 1 and appalling spectacle of the French devolution—observed with his own eyes the abuses of the cabinet and the wrongs of the people —listened to and tool; a share in the public and private discussions of all the great principles of government —and was himself consulted and appealed to bv the friends of reform as a sort of political or acle. The edi ct of this dbcip'ine upon his mind seems to have been not only to confirm and strengthen him in his previous opinions, but to give him a clearer conviction of the truth and beauty of the Democratic princi ple, considered as the sole basis of Govern ment, than bad yet been attained by the lead ing patriots at home. On his return to this country, where be was placed by YV ashing ton at the head of the Administration, he an nounced his views, and displayed for the first time the Democratic banner as the true stan dard of government. The effect was elec tric. The public, mind rallied to him with a sort of enthusiasm. In vain the aristocratic presses assailed him with the most opprobri ous charges—in vain they denounced Ihiii as an unbeliever in religion, a visionary then, ist in political science, rfnd in private life a cor rupt and cowardly man. The people would not listen to any of their hard sayings. They would see nothing in him but the great Apos tle ol Democracy. They persisted in sustain ing him through good report and through evil report; and, ten years after his return from France, they placed him in the chair of Washington. He had looked with distrust upon some parts of the Constitution, and up on the manner in which it had thus far b>’en administered. On his accession to the Presi dency, he put the ship of state—to use his mvn language—upon the Republican tack. The result showed that it was the true one. The noble vessel had hitherto appeared to la bor and struggle, as if still upon the stocks. There was a constant creaking and hammer ing—a din of discordant sounds, but no suc cessful motion. When Mr. Jefferson took the helm, she at once shot forward like a thing of life, upon her own element. Oppo sition, for a while loud and active, finally sub sided before his constantly increasing and at length overwhelming popularity. His prin ciples have ever since been received as the true exposition of the theory of our govern ment, and the orthodox political creed of the American people. By the results of this great internal politi cal revolution, fellow citizens, Democracy was triumphantly proclaimed as the symbol of American liberty. The aristocratic party, in the form in which it had previously shown it self, disappeared. But opposition, though driven from the ground of general principles, was not silenced. It has constantly been re newed with fresh vigor on every favorable occasion, and has assailed with relentless acri mony all the most important measures of the government. When the generals of ancient Home entered the city in triumphal proces sion after achieving a great victory, it was customary to station in the midst of the pa geant, somewhere near the person of the conquering hero, a slave , whose otfice it was to load him continually with abuse, in order to counteract the intoxicating effect of the scene, and remind him continually that he was, after all, nothing more than a mere man. In the more than Roman triumph—in the grand march of national prosperity by which our country has thus far been constantly ad vancing to some future unknown height of greatness and glory—the opposition seem to have selected for themselves an office not un like that of the Roman slave. They have made it their business, for nearly forty years past, with a few short intervals, to attack with unmeasured obloquy the men by whom the Government has been administered with a success before unexampled in the history of the world, and the measures by which these brilliant results have been effected. Every movement in our progress has been repre sented as a farther step on the road to ruin.— The election of Mr. Jefferson to the Presi dency in the year 1800, ruined the country. It was ruined again by the purchase of Lou isiana in 1804; and it then became necessary, in the opinion of the highest opposition au thority, to effect a separation of the States, ‘peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must.’ In 1807 we were ruined again by the Embar go, and in ISO 9bv the intercourse law. In ISI2 vve were once more ruined by the war with Great Britain. The election of General Jackson ruined us anew in 1820, and his re election in 1831. The bank veto accom plished the fatal work afresh in 1832, and the removal of the deposifes in 1833. Fi ally, the election of Mr. Van Buren mined us for the last time in 1837, since when, however, we have been brought to the very verge of ruin by the mere proposal of the Independent Treasury bill. All this t;iue, fellow citizens, we have been, to all outward appearance, advancing as a nation, in a career of uninterrupted and hith erto unparalleled prosperity. Wealth and population increasing : industry in all its branches extended : roads, canals, schools, colleges, churches, cities, cotistructing : new States forming: an entire new world rising, as it were, by enchantment, from the bosom of an unexplored wilderness! If such, fellow citizens, be the results and indications of na tional ruin, I sincerely hope that we may l>e ruined over again during Use next thirty-eight years as frequently and as much to the pur pose as we have been during the last. In regard to this long and doleful chapter of lamentations, it is apparent that there is a great mistake somewhere; and although the gentlemen of the opposition are always ex ceedingly confident that there is no mistake ti s to me matter in hand for the time being, they are candid enough to allow that there have been a few slight errors in some of their previous denunciations a mispredictions. Al though the election of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency ruined the country in 1300, when he died, five-and-twenly years afterwards, it was generally conceded, bv men of all par ties, including the most distinguished opposi tion leaders, that he was one of the greatest, best, an! most popular men that our country had produced, and that the period of his ad ministration was, upon the whole, the most prosperous one of equal length in our history. The purchase of Louisiana ruined us in 1S04; hut oar friends of the south and west have become so much reconciled to it, that they are now begging very hard—whig* tnd all— to be ruined again in a similar way bv the annexation of Texas. Iliad the pleasure of hearing, not many weeks since, from that excellent Whig, Mr. Preston, a long ami elo quent speech in the Senate of the IJ. States, in support of that measure; an lit has some times been suspected that, the probable Whig cand date lor the Presidency at (lie next elec tion Joes not exactly sympathise, in regard to this matter, with his reverend correspondent ii this city. Even the war of 181-2, is, to adappea ranee, rapidly getting into favor. — During a reernt visit to Washington, I heard with great satisfaction, fiom the mouth of a distinguished Senator from this common wealth, the assurance, given to the Seriate in a public speech, that tie was, by no means, at the time, so strongly opposed to the war of 1312 as had been imagined. He even un dertook to prove, hy dates and facts, that while the war was in progress, he was as much in liivorofit as the Senator from South Carolina, who was chairman of the Commit tee of Foreign Affairs that reported the dec laration. I confess, fellow citizens, that I lis tened with some surprise to these assertions. I thought, at first, that I must have confound ed the distinguished Senator with some other person ; but on locking again 1 saw there could be no mistake. The high expanded forehead, —the shaggy brow, beetling over the ‘cavernous eye,’—the raven hair, un touched at threescore with the frost of time —the pallid cheek—the thin upper lip,disclos ing, as it receded occasionally into a sarcas tic smile, the targe white teeth—in short, the! whole phrenological and physiognomical de- | velopment, which a connoisseur in the science | —a little inclined, by-the-by, to opposition j politics—pronounces to be the finest in the j country —satisfied me that the person speak ing could he no other than the author of the Rockingham memorial. In the same speech, the same distinguished gentleman informed the Senate that he did not hold himself responsible for certain anti tariff resolutions, reported at a meeting held in Faneuil Hall, by a committee, of which Daniel Webster was chairman, and support ed by that gentleman in a speech, sometimes considered as one of the best he ever made. Encouraged by these comfortable assuran ces, I am not without hopes, fellow citizens, that the illustrious Senator and his political friends may he found, some ten years hence, to have been, at this moment, al ! present ap pearances to the contrary notwithstanding, the firmest “SSfpporters of the Independent Treasury bill. Already, indeed, if I am not mistaken, the tone upon this subject is under going a change. For some weeks past we hear much less than before about the Specie Humbug; and within a few days the south ern breezes are wafting to our ears from the Whig camp in the old Keystone the ominous wa i -cries— Ritner and hard money ! Ritner and the constitutional currency ! In the mean time we have, at least, the satisfaction of knowing, that whatever may occur hereafter, the Independent Treasury bill, or a measure corresponding with it, received, not five years ago, the almost unanimous support of the op position members of the House of Represen tatives of the United States. ‘'Hie record of yeas and navs—that implacable document, not less terrible to consistent politicians lhati the parish register to the waning belle—exhi bits on two occasions the names of the oppo sition members arrayed in solid column in support of the principle as embodied in reso lutions proposed by a prominent member from Virginia. The system of depositing the public money in Stale banks, which is now represented as an excellent half way - house , was then denounced as ruinous; and the Independent Treasury, which is now in dignantly rejected hy the opposition in Con gress, and declared hy their presses to be odi ous, pernicious, execrable, abominable, de testable, was then regarded as the true meth od of managing the public treasure. With out impeaching in the least degree the mo tives of gentlemen who have, no doubt, voted and spoken, in both cases, according to their honest convictions, I must say, that I think it would be more natural in the opposition to denounce with somewhat less violence a mea sure which received so recently the support of the parly in Congress, including many of its present most active and prominent mem bers. It appears, fellow citizens, from the facts to which I have now called your attention, that the election of Mr. Jefferson, the pur chase of Louisiana, and even the war with Great Britain—the great Democratic mea sures of the first fifteen years of the present century—have not been, after all, even by the admission of the gentlemen of the oppo sition, quite so ruinous to the country as they at one lime represented, and. no doubt, hon estly supposed them to be. May not the same finally prove to be true of the election of General Jackson, the election of Mr. Van Buren, and the principal measures of their respective administrations, particularly those now in progress for reforming the currency and separating the Treasury from the busi ness of private hanking corporations? PAPER MONEY. ‘ The people love to he deceived,’ was the saying of an arch political hypocrite. Al though we abhor this slander upon humanity not less than we despise the slanderer who ut tered it, yet when we look round and behold the many impositions heaped upon the peo ple, and the patience, submission, and even cheerfulness with which they bear the bur den, we are sometimes inclined to think that the short-sighted and misanthropic slanderer believed there was some truth in his declara tion. Perhaps there never was a more gross fraud practised upon any people than is that of paper money. Even under the most fa vorable circumstances it is a mighty griev ance, hut when carried to the truly alarming extent it is in this Republic,—undoubtedly paper money is one of the greatest and most grinding impositions that can he inflicted up on a civilized community. Yet the inhabi tants of these Stales carry the load more pa tiently, wc are induced to believe, than would any oilier people on the face of the earth.— In fact, we are strongly inclined to the opin ion that t lie subjects of the Sultan of Turkey, humble and degraded as they really are, would not submit to a like imposition half so quietly as the Americans. Under the operation of this stupendous | fraud, the immense wealth daily created by ! productive labor is controlled by this fictitious representative of value. The consequence is, that the producers of-wealth are indirect ly made the slaves of tlie privileged few who manufacture this spurious money; and thus are the riches created by the toiling many, obtained by those who never lifted a finger to create them. This is ihe present condition of tilings, under the operationol our fraudu lent monetary system. Would any other people, we repeat, save the Americans, sub mit to like evils? In our humble opinion they would not, No! Not even the degraded subjects of the Turkish Sultan. Alas! for the bad influences of tyrannous habit. Possibly some of our renders may incline to tiie opinion that we ore disposed to color the evils of this system of legalized fraud too highly. We think not. Facts, in our opin ion, will warrant the declarations we have made. It is an obvious truth that the crea tors of wealth are poor. How happens this? Could they he poor under the operation of an equal an i just system of distribution ? Im possible. Under such a system the wealth creators would he the wealth-accumulators. —The productive class would be the rich class, and those who labored the most would have the most. But the operation of the equal an I benign laws of nature have been interfered with and thwarted by legislative enactments. The consequence is, that the products of labor are distributed partially and unjustlv, and those who create none obtain the most. Such is the present condition of civilized society the world over. In monarchical coun tries, where real money constitutes the circu lating medium, productive labor is robbed of its dues by other means save a spurious cur rency, but m this Republic mainly by such moans. A-ado fmm this evil, labor is taxed comparatively light in these States, an ! were it net for this fraud the working people would ] be far better off than the inhabitants of any j other country, but subject to the effects of this onerous system, the many must grow poorer and the lew become richer. To us, it is a matter of astonishment that the great producing class of the United States submit to this fraud as quietly as tliev do.— Certainly they have no desire to be deceived on the subject. We subjoin an extract from an excellent address of the late Worcester Convention to the people of Massachusetts. Also theopinion of those Republican worthies, Thomas Jefferson, John Taylor of Caroline, and Gen. Washington. ‘ But whatever events,immediate or remote, may have caused the catastrophe, its origin must be sought in the unsoundness of the system itself. Bank paper was, in the first place, nothing more than a certificate of so much gold or silver deposited in the vaults of the bank. The money was always ready to answer to the paper. Such were all the old banks in Europe previous to the eighteenth century. After the revolution in E igland of IGB3 anew order of things arose. The ex pensive wars following upon that event in volved the nation in debt, and led to the es tablishment of a bank, upon the credit of the Government. The nature of bank paper now underwent a total change. Instead of being simply the evidence of so much specie deposited in the bank, it was converted into a promise of the bank to pay the sum express ed, in specie. It was then no longer money, or the representative of money, but merely a bank promise. The individual who gets a loan at a hank exchanges his own promise for the promissory notes of the bank. Both pro mise to pay in specie; perhaps neither of them fins it. The foundation of the whole banking system, then, is based upon commer cial credit. The solvency of a bank depends upon the solvency of its customers. Instead of representing money, bank notes represent, so far as they represent any thing, the pro perty, the goods, merchandise, and estate of the banks’ debtors. But they are also used as a circulating medium. And here lies the difficulty. So far as they are merely repre sentatives of property, they might be safely multiplied to anv amount not exceeding its actual value. Considered as a part, of the currency, the question is wholly different.— The very fiict that they represent property leads to their over-issue as currency. For while the bank is thus made secure against ultimate ioss, the temptation to over-issue, a rising from the profit on the circulation, is too strong to be resisted.’ ‘ln copying England,’ says Mr. Jefferson, ‘ we do not consider that like premises induce like consequences. The bank mania is one of the most threatening of these institutions. It is raising up a moneyed aristocracy in our country which has already set the govern ment at defiance, and though forced to yield a little on the first essay of its strength, their principles are unyielded and unyielding.— They 1 ave taken deep root in the hearts of that class from which our legislators are drawn, and the sop to Cerberus, from fable, has become history. Their principles take hold of the good, their pelf of the bad, and thus, those whom the Constitution has placed as guards to its portals, are sophisticated or suborned from their duties. That paper mo ney has some advantages must be admitted ; but its abuses are also inveterate; and that it, by breaking up the measure of value, makes a lottery of private property, cannot he denied. Shall we ever be able to put a constitutional veto upon it ?’ ‘ The free industry of the people, if suffer ed by the government to operate fairly upon the commercial ivorld, will rapidly supply us wit h a better currency than the involving, flue mating , counterfeiting currency of corpora tions. If banks can pay their debts, vve have a sufficient specie currency on hand. If they cannot, their credit ought to cease.’— John Taylor of Caroline. Extract from Gen. Washington’s letter to Mr. Stone : ‘ I do not scruple to declare, that if I had a voice in your Legislature (Maryland) it would have been decidedly against a paper emis sion, upon the general principle of its inutili tv as a representative of coin, or the necessity for it as a (circulating) medium.’ From the Augusta Mirror, October 6. PRIZE COMPOSITIONS. As it is desirable to commence the publica tion of our prize articles early in the ensuing month, we hope those who have not forward ed their compositions to us, will do so as soon as possible, in order that ihe committee to whom they are to be submitted may have ample time to decide upon their respective merits.’ In selecting the following gentlemen, we have been governed by a desire to do justice to the competitors for the prizes offered, and we announce their names with the confidence that their reputation for taste and talents is too well known, to admit a doubt that their decisions will be other than just. The follow ing gentlemen will constitute the the Literary Committee:—Hon. John W. Wilde, Rev. A. N. Cunningham, Capt. E. Starnes, Hon. A. B. Longstreet. We are not aware that there is any com petition for tire prizes offered for the best ‘ Poem,’ or for the best ‘ Biography of a dis tinguished Southern character.’ We sincere ly hope, for the honor of the south, that we may not be without competitors for these pri zes. We are sure that there is no lack of material for the Litter, nor of genius among our citizens for both, and if the public are not favored with articles on all the subjects enumerated in our list of prizes, the fault will not rest with us, for we have appealed to southern feeling and southern genius by ev ery means in our power, which our respect for southern character, would allow us to adopt. The following is the list of prizes, for which we solicit competition, and which we will he happy to award, according to the decisions of the committee. For the best tale, founded upon incidents connected with the early history of Georgia or South Carolina, we propose to give, the latest addition of the complete Works of Sir Walter Scott, with a Biography, and his last additions and illustrations, comprising up wards of 7000 pages royal octavo. For the best tale, the author to make choice of the incidents, locality, &c. will be awarded a splendid edition ofßuhver’s and Marryati’s Novels, complete. For the best Poem, not to make more than half a page of the Mirror, will be awarded a beautiful edition of Byron’s Works. For the best Essay, on the subject of Po litical Economy, will be given Hume, S'mol let and Miller's History of England, in four large elegantly bound volumes, with illustra tions, maps, &e. For the best Biography of a distinguished southern character, will he awarded the Lives ot the Signers of the Declaration of Inde pendence, in four large e'eganilv bound vol umes, with the autograph and portrait of each. For the best description of Georgia Scene ry, will a copy ofMoble and Rose’s Landscape Illustrations, in 1 vol. quarto, comprising upwards of 100 fine steel engrav ings. To each of (lie above prizes will be added one years subscription to the Mirror. A stove has been invented i:i New York, called the ‘ poor man’s stove,’ which the pa tentee offers to furnish, togethefwith the pipe, and coal enough to burn through the winter, for fifteen dollars! SENTINEL & HERALD.! COLUMBUS, OCTOBER 23, 1533. j CORPORATIONS. ‘ln copying England, we do not seem to consider that like premises induce like conse quences. ‘The bank mania is one of the most threatening of these institutions. It is raising up a monied aristocracy in our country, which has already set the government at de fiance, and although Freed to yield a little on the first essay of their strength, their princi ples are unyickled and unyielding. They have taken deep root in the hearts of dial class from which our legislators are drawn, and the sop to Cetbertts, from fable, has become history. Their principles take hold of the good, their pelf of the bad, and thus, those whom the Constitution has placed as guards to its portals, are sophisticated or suborned from their duties. That paper money has some advantages must be admit ted ; but its abuses are also inveterate, and that it, by breaking up the measure of value, making a lottery of all private property, can not be denied. ’ Shall we ever be able to put a constitutional veto upon it?’ — Jefferson. Such was the language of the great apostle of liberty, on the subject of incorporated banking. In his day, the evil of which he complained, and the consequences resulting from which he so much dreaded, had not been felt to that extent which they now are. True it is, Ids prophetic vision enabled him to see the result, and we of this age have to acknowledge that his most fearful anticipa tions have been more than realized. We Would not be misunderstood upon this all important subject; we are not tie enemies of die credit system, as it has been represent ed ; a well regulated credit system we be lieve a blessing to any country partaking in any, even moderate degree, of a commercial character ; but when this principle is pushed so far as to amount to legalized robbery, it becomes a curse and an incubus upon the body politic, which freemen cannot, will not submit to. We have before stated that we believed the whole banking system of this country wrong. We agaitf repeat that as sertion. The genius of our government, founded as it is in universal suffrage, opening the road to honor and wealth alike to all, having its broad foundation laid in the will of the sovereign people, can brook nothing ex clusive. The sturdy tiller of the soil, whose soul burns with love for that country which his forefathers purchased with their blood, will ask why his wealthy neighbor is to be protected by legislative enactments in beco ming more so? Why are means of acquiring wealth given to him which are denied to others? Why close the door to the great body of the people, and open it to the favored few ? If commercial banking is purely com mercial, why not place it upon the same footing with all other commercial enterprises ? Thus the system is successfully carried on in England, the most commercial country in the world ; and thus it is carried on in most of the continental governments of Europe. But it is said that under the influence of the present banking system, this country has advanced in prosperity with a rapidity having no parallel. Grant it to be true that we have advanced in prosperity without a parallel, and yet we deny that it has been by tiie aid of banking institutions. Our country is young and vigorous, with a vast extent stretching along the Atlantic, a boundless and fertile territory to the west, with a hardy, sober, industrious, enterprising and intelligent population ; at peace with all the world, our commercial negotiations placing us upon an equal footing with the most favored nations of the earth, under the benign influence of democratic principles, it would be strange indeed had we not advanced, and our pro gress could not have been otherwise than onward, though objects, seemingly insur mountable, had been thrown in our way. And yet, with all these advantages, in the midst of all our prosperity, no country upon earth has perhaps suffered more severely from violent commercial convulsions—con vulsions, from the destructive influence of which, nothing but our immense resources and native energy could have saved us. The true wealth of a country is the amount of its labor, and the value of its products. Whenever an attempt shall be made to cre ate wealth by other means, it must necessa rily fail. The effect ever has been, and ever will be, to give to property and labor a facti tious value, proportionate not to these sub stantial sources of national and individual wealth, but to the amount and temporary value of the circulating medium. This, in time, must and will find its proper level, and ; then comes distress. The body politic, like ; the natural body, from a high and unnatural ! degree of excitement, must necessarily fail! back to a corresponding degree of depression,, and hence have resulted those violent com motions which our country, under this system, ! from time to time has suffered, and the almost universal bankruptcy which has en sued. In granting’ bank charters, Legisla tors have had but little regard to the re sources and wants of the country, and the companies applying have looked only to their own interest; and whilst they have labelled the project ‘ public good ,’ their eyes have been steadily fixed with a longing gaze upon the splendid prospect of wealth and power before them, and which was to be acquired through the follies, the weaknesses, or the misfortunes of the laboring classes. We will dose the present article with an extract from the report of a committee of the New York leuislature in 1818: let those who hold the doctrine that banking power and influence adds to the prosperity of the coun try, read and reflect: ‘Ofall aristocracies (they said) none more completely enslave a people than that of money ; aml in the opinion of your committee, no system was ever beHer devised so perfect ly to enslave a community, as that of the j present mode of conducting banking esta blishments. Lilffc the syren of the fable, thev j entice to destroy. They hold the purse- i strings of society; and by monopolizing the ! whole of the circulating medium of the coun- j try, they form a precarious standard, by j which ail property in the country, houses, lands, debts and credits, personal and real estates of all descriptions, are valued ; thus rendering the whole community dependant on them; proscribing every man who dares to expose their unlawful practices; if he hap pens to be out of their reach, so as to require no favors Horn them, his friends are made the victims. So no one dares complain. The committee, on tak ng a general view of'our State, and comparing those parts; where banks have been lor some time esta- Wished, with those that have had none, arej astonished at the alarming disparity. They see, iii the one case, the desolations they have made in societies that were once pros- I perous and happy; the ruin they have ; brought on an immense number of toe most wealthy farmers, and they and their families i suddenly hurled from wealth and indepen dence into the abyss of ruin and despair. If the fads stated in the foregoing are true, and your committee have no d3ubt they are, together with others equally reprehensi ble and to be dreaded, such as that their influence too frequently, nav, often already begins to assume a species of dictation alto gether alarming, and unless some judicious remedy is provided by legislative wisdom, we shall soon witness attempts to control all ■ selections to offices in our counties, nay the elections to the very Legislature. Senators and members of assembly will be indebted to the banks for their seats in this Capital, and thus the wise end of onr civil institutions will be prostrated in the dust of corporations of i their own raising.’ W e present for the present, to otir readers, these two high authorities against the present system of banking. Thus spoke the great Jefferson, whose heart burned with a con stant love ol country and liberty. Anu thus spoke the great State of New York, in her first essay to throw off the shackles by which she found herself too lastly bound. The Hon. John Forsyth, Secretary of State, arrived in town on Friday last, and took lodgings at the Columbus Hotel. The Commercial Convention which con vened at Augusta, adjourned on the 17th in- j stant, to meet again on the third Monday in April next, at the City of Charleston. The j report and the following resolutions were read to the Convention, on the last day of its sit tings, by Judge Longstreet, chairman of the committee of 21. The report will be pub lished in a few days. | i. Resolved, That the members of this | Convention will use their best exertions in J their respective States, to form trading asso i ciations, in order to carry inlo effect the pur | poses of this Convention. 2. Resolved, That increasing the facilities !of intercommunication by Rail Roads and I j Canals, between the interior Western and South Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico States, are among the most important measures of restoring to the Commercial Ports of the lat | ter, the direct trade which has so recently departed from them. 3. Resolved, therefore, That while it is strongly recommended by this Convention, to the different States to afford every possible | aid to approved works of internal improve ; meat, having the above objects in view, it is i equally obligatory on the companies or corpo | rations chartered Ibr said objects, to consider | their works as but parts of one great design, and so harmonize and co-operate in their ! operations, as to produce through those great arteries and veins of the commercial body, a circulation, as perfect as that which nourish es and animates the human system. 4. Resolved, That tlie Banking Institutions |of the respective States in which they are located, cannot more surely advance their own interests, in connection with the public prosperity, than by affording succor in their beginnings, to those great works, which, in tended to develope the hidden resources of interior countries, must, in return, reciprocate to those institutions the benefits of an increas ing and extended commerce. 5. Resolved therefore, That while the ben eficial effects of banking privileges so judi ciously granted by the States of Tennessee, North and South Carolina and Georgia,to the ! Central and Athens, and the Charleston and j Cincinnati Kail Hoads; have been most clear ly demonstrated in the successful progress of | those greqt works to completion—it most ; respectfully suggests to the consideration of the other south western States, (requiring an extension of banking capital,) that aid, thro’ similar institutions, he granted to rail roads and other works of improvement, within their ■| own limits, having in view, the important | designs of more intimate commercial and social relations among themselves, as well as with the more remote Stales of the interior. (i. Resolved , That the banks of the several States be respectfully solicited to form com mercial connexions, with like institutions or capitalists in Europe, for the purpose of fur nishing facilities to a diiect trade between the southern and southwestern States, and that country. From Emanuel, the only remaining county to be heard from, ihe news has at last arri ved: Swain, Senator ; Sunmer, Representa tive. This result, together with the resigna tion of the Whig representative elected in Mclntoh, will ensure us, we doubt not, a | majority of from two to five on joint ballot in ; the Legislature. We rejoice in the success of the State ; Rights party in the recent elections. — Argus. No one doubted, when our contemporary first, announced its existence, that its worthy editor was a ‘ true blue’ nullifler; but from a perusal of his politico-neutral prospectus, it ‘ required no ghost to come from the grave,’ to tell u.s that he was an anti-bank and anti monopoly man: and it was the declared object of his paper, in its establishment, to oppose ‘ a National Bank of any character, as the greatest evil that could be inflicted upon the country; and yet we find him rejoicing | m the election of Dawson and Habersham, ; both open and avowed bank men ! The Argus avowed its intention to oppose : every thing in the shape of monopoly: The I editor said in his prospectus, that he would j ‘ oppose all connexions between individuals and the State, for purposes of speculation upon I rail read or banking stocks, as destructive of : the rights, and dangerous to the liberties of fhs people; and yet lie rejoices over the election of Mr. Calhoun to the Senate of the, State, who advocates the State Bond system to the fullest extent! ‘ Oh, consistency, verily thou art a jewel. 5 ) Democratic Triumphs. —Pennsylvania has elected a democratic Governor by upwards of eight thousand majority. New Jersey has gained us six members to Congress; anu old Connecticut has redeemed herself toto ceelo. j The ball is in motion, and will roll Mr. Van Buren into the Presidential chair a second; tune, by an overwhelming majority. Clay ism, no go. Mayoralty of Baltimore. —The election for Mayor of Baltimore, has resulted in favor of Gen. Leakin, (W big) over Moore, (Dem.) by a majority of 467 votes. The whole num ber of votes given in was 11,557. Great Speed. —The first heat in the four mile race at Washington City, which took place on the 4th insf. was won by Mr. I hompson’s gr. f. Omega, by Timoleon — Daisy Cropper by Ogle’s Oscar, in the splendid time of 7.40 ! Count Zaldevar must be let out another kink, which he undoubtedly has to spare. We have most gratifying hum ■ Georgia. Counties have been revolutionized, and whigs returned to the Legislature in sc,cii numbers as to ensure, for the first tune since tiie present division, a whig majority in beta branches.—Baltimore Ckron icle. Never more mistaken in all your lift*, Mr. Chronicle. In the Senate tlieie is a tie, and in the lower house a Van Bure.i majority ot at least two. Oh! these rabid whigs, how liable they are to small mistakes. The remaining thirty-three counties will much reduce our present majority; but can not, we believe, deltai one of our men. Baltim ore Chronicle. The above is from a rank, out and out whig paper, and we would ask our Georgia nullifiers if they swallow such an amalgama tion as a pleasant dose. A few months ago, when we said that the nullifiers of the South | were the whigs of the north, some of our good | friends on the opposite side jumped us furi ously, and cried out injustice; their pride j revolted at the very idea of being bound up in the same bundle with northern whigs, alias high tariff men, monopoly-bank men and abolitionists; but now behold the fraternal embrace ! how loving these Clay Whigites are towards Georgia nullifiers, because, for sooth, Dawson and Habersham happen to be Bankites, and it may be Clay men. Our ’ present majority —our men : bah. Bond’s speech will prove the greatest I possible enemy to steam doctors and Brand l reth’s pills—they can’t shine in any crowd I-where this notable document has travelled, jOh how it has reformed Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Connecticut, and even Ohio, the home of its cat’s-paw author! That’s right whigs; spend your money to circulate speeches that have neither wit nor sense about them, and the way the locos will bang you out in 1840 will be a sin to Henry Clay. Should our paper seem unusually dull this week, our apology must be found in the fact of our not having been able to write of nights —the only time when thought runs free— owing to the enormous price of candles— sixty cents a pound ! The hard times has extracted the last ‘ grease spot’ from our garments. A few numbers back we unthinkingly gave a place to a communication taking ground against the Thompsonian system of practising medicine. We have since received several answers to that communication, but must decline publishing any thing further on the subject. Our readers say they greatly prefer politics and literature, to either salts and senna, or No. 6, No. 9, Lobelia, etc. We like to lend our paper to a particular friend and not see it again tor a week. Don’t you ?—Cash Sf Cos. In numerous instances we lend our paper for a year, and never see it again, nor the money to pay for it. We don’t like that much. Colton. —But little coming in—sales from 10 to 11 cents, and plenty of buyers. The fqliowing persons have kindly con sented to act as Agents for the Sentinel and Herald : Col. C. Parker, Collodensville, Monroe Cos. Peter Cone, Esq. Eden, Effingham Cos. Ilev. It ecbex E. Brown, Perry P. O. Hous ton Cos. Thus. H. Key, Esq. Drayton, Dooly Cos. Col. Trios. J- Holmes, Concord, Baker Cos Stephen D. Crane, Esq. Dahlouega, Lump kin Cos. Col. John Dill, Fort Gaines, Go. John C. Mangham, Greenville, Ga. E. J. W ood &. Cos. St. Joseph, Flor. Nourse, Biiooks & Cos. Apalachicola. J. S. Yarbrough, Lumpkin, Stewart Cos. Jas Buchanan, Cuthbert, Randolph Cos. For tho Sentinel and Herald. THE MAN ABOUT TOWN. ‘ Just popp’d in—hope I don’t intrude.’ This personage lives by his wits —sleeps when others are awake, and is awake while others sleep ; eats ala Alderman De Forest, and drinks as did my Lord Byron, now and then a glass o f very weal: gin and water. Ii falls within the circle of his duties to watch j the current of passing events, and to ciironi | c!e their beginnings, progressions, and end ; mgs. In his remarks, he wishes always to be ! just, and never invidious — particular, but not tedious — minute, hut not personal. In the week that has swept by on the i wings of the wind, he has perambulated this : curious town —he says curious , because per haps ‘ there is not in the wide world,’ a vil lage, town or cl tv, wherein so much happens that is singularly pleasant, and strikingly outrageous. To begin then with his ‘notes of observation:’ There is a Theatre here : ‘ la, how wonder ful!’ Yes, a Theatre; and has ‘ the man | about town’ numbered himself with the friends j of the drama, and looked upon the ‘ proud I representatives of Shakspeare’s heroes ?’ He | thinks he has; and what did he witness? j Much to censure, and somewhat to praise. The stage-is calculated to be beneficial j when well managed, but mismanaged, must be productive of an infinitude of mischief. I. | the various parts are entrusted to incompe i tent hands, and scenes of butchery are dis played to the audience, revolting and dis gusting, then indeed has tiie drama failed to ’ perform its legitimate functions, because, for ! sooth, it had an unfair and imbecile represen-! ; lution. But when talent and genius pour their silvery light upon the tragic muse, and disc-ver her beauties, then is the moral point i ed, anil the tale adorned, and the auditor, catching the inspiration of Shakspeare, ad mires his genius, wonders at his boundless knowledge of mankind, and goes away from ihe theatre a wiser and a better man. I have visited the theatre occasionally since the fail season has commenced, and have been pleased wiffi only a few things. Mr. Brown’s personation of tiie Earl of Osmond, in the Castle Spectre, was a thrilling performance, and remained me of the days when he stood unsurpassed as a tragedian in the United States. Mr. Whiting played Jalfier well; all the rest lias been so so, tolerable, intolera ble and outrageous ; ground and lofty tum bling —spring-board jumping—playing with j bails and knives, and sports of a circus ring ! i j in general, w*ul,k have been decidedly more acceptable to a decent audience. On Tuesday night I happened to pop in, and who should stride upon the stage, with long and measured tread, but my old favorite Augustus A. Addams, in Knowles’s magnifi cent play of Without stopping to; enter inlo a minute detail of the fine poin t3 in his acting, I must express my utter aston .shment that talents so brilliant as his should be content with being pent up in our little •seven by nine theatres; they but ‘waste their sweetness on the desert air.’ With close study and the proper slimulents, he is not a whit behind Forrest. The lovers of good acting may promise themselves a rich treat in witnessing the performances of Mr. Addams, during the few nights of his present engagement. The Theatre has much in> proved in many respects; the scenery is truly beautiful, and the music is delightful. There are a few exceptions to the audience; such as young gentlemen whooping and yelping, after the fashion of Indians, and smoking cigars inside of the house.-- Verbum sap. The races are over—the Court begs to be excused from sitting till December, and this town, the man who walks-about it does, really think, would evaporate but for the Theatre. What other species of amusement have we? A walk, a ride, a foot race, are all dangerous as well as disagreeable about this ‘famous city.’ Safer far, would it be, to ride a steeple chase to Talbotton, than to venture from centre to suburbs of this town. A proma nade with a friend would be like the blind leading the blind ; both must fall into a ditch: a gallopadc on a mettled charger would be more hazardous than rushing upon the strong arm of a Polish lancer, for both rider and horse must be dashed against a street-stopper of a Market House. But what pleasant rides upon our commons, after the big and little ditches are passed. Beautiful roads in every direction, aud yet how seldom one sees a lady on horseback! What glorious exercise it is to ride on horseback ! and yet the ladies do not thus enjoy themselves in this part of ihe world : what can be the reason ! ‘Oh ! it is so unfashionable. What an unsociable place this is ! I was walking the other evening—it was a beautiful afternoon ; the sun sinking slowly in the golden west, looked bcnignantly upon this wicked world, and all nature seem ed smiling with joy. Numerous persons were walking and riding, but each was alone! — The fair lady was solus in her cariiage, and the gentleman, wrapped in his own selfish ness, was whirling away in his sulky, or trot ting off like the mill-boy on his tacky! Well, fancy isa.wild jade, and hard to be reconciled with reason; but those who venture out from home alone, must take good care that they are not bitten by impolite dogs, or trampled un der foot by unprincipled and heathenish hogs ; for in my notice of things‘about town,’ I find that both the hog and dog law have become obsolete. ‘A short horse is soon curried;’ you shall hear from me again, and meantime say to your readers, that he udiat runs his fingers into my plate will be mighty apt to get them cut off. faux. pry. Columbus, Oct. 22d, IS3S. Sir—The undersigned, committee in behalf of themselves and your neighbors and friends in this ciiv, experience much gratification in being able to welcome you to your home. We trust that you will not deem it impro per in us, or those we represent, to say, that in you the cause ol Democracy has found one of her ablest, most eloquent and fearless champions, and we rejoice to know that you, Georgia’s favorite son, as a prominent mem ber ofthe present Democratic administration, are still .upholding and supporting those great piino'ples, upon the perpetuity of which our liberty and happiness so essentially depend. We congratulate you, sir, and the country at large, upon the cheering prospect before us. The freemen of this great republic are beginning to speak, and in such a manner as must insure triumphant success to the true doctrines of the constitution. To us of Georgia, this State of things is peculiarly gratifying. Our principles here have suffer ed (as you know) a temporary defeat; hut we have cause to rejoice, that in oilier por tions of the Union this loss has been more than counterbalanced. Be assured, sir, that Republ.can Georgia cannot long occupy dif ferent ground, but that in the hour of trial, as she has done before, will nobly rush to the rescue. The fame of an American statesman be longs to his country; and yet we hope, with out the imputation ol selfishness, we may he permitted to claim yours as belonging pecu lat ly to this State. And, with this conscious pride lor the high capabilities which you pos sess, and the many important and delicate services which you have rendered our com mon country, we look forward with pleasing anticipations to that period (we trust not re mote,) when that country will call upon you to serve her in a siili more exalted station. We beg leave, sir, to tender you a public dinner, to be furnished by your fellow citizens of Columbus, at such time as will best suit your convenience, and hope that other en j gagernents ol youts may not deprive us of | the pleasure ol - meeting you around the festive | board. W itli high consideration and respect, we beg leave to subscribe ourselves your fellow citizens and ob’t serv’ts. James H. Campbell, Joseph Sturgis, Edward Delony, Henry L. Benning, Philip T. Schley, Franklin A. Nisbet, ! J °hn L. Lewis, W. S. Chipiey, j Geo. Hargraves, jr. Alex. MeDougald, John Quinn, Thus. M. Sanders, John D. Howell, Anderson Hunt, Seaborn I home, Thomas Davis, Joseph Coleman, James Van Ness, John Schley, Thos. W. Watson, B. Hepburn, Wm. K. Schley, A. Levison, S. It. Bonner, J. M. Guerry, Committee. Hon. John Forsyth. Columbus, Oct. 23 J, IS3B. Gentlemen—l regret to be compelled to de cline your flattering invitation to meet my fel low citizens of Columbus at the festive board. My public and private engagements render it impossible for me to do otherwise, without exposing myself to censures and sacrifices, which 1 am sure none of you would wish me to incur. I rejoice with you at the renewed manifes tations of public opinion in favor of the prin ciples and the course of the present and past administrations, line and reflection are alone necessary to enable the people to un derstand and to appreciate the motives and intentions of these to whom their power is confided. In moments of unexpected dilfi-