Newspaper Page Text
Vrm the Richmond Enquirer.
PROS till IEJ
We have seen, with more indignation than
surprise, the course which has beeni pursued
*. y !h abolitionists and some ol the it lugs o.
New York. lue have gone at last
into the political arena with their voir*, and
made a political question on their nefarious
doctrines. We humbly think, that the effort
feiiouiii have been .-corned, and put down at;
once —tliti l the candidates on both sides should j
• least :i::ve met (heir interrogatories, in si - j
if the 1 -’ did not openly and in—|
..riant:-, renel this attempt to dragoon them
tion cause. This I
is do cot It is not like the anti- j
i!-c temperance cause — j
Li . i. questions, whicli are apt U j
; . „tg up ni Use heat of tire passions, ami j
increase the excitement of the moment from !
the very violence of the discussion. But this i
abolition question appeals to interests, in j
which one portion of our country is deeply i
concerned. It appeals to the safety ol ourj
families. What is worse —no action can oe |
taken upon it. without threatening to violate
the whole spirit, if not the very letter, of the
great constitutional charter which binds the
Union together. Thus menacing a violation
of the Constitution —thus producing a sec
tional discussion —thus fanning an excitement
which may be encouraged by indulgence, or j
augmented by throwing fresh fuel upon the
flumes —die evil is calculated to spread, to
divide us into hostile sections, and, unless ar
rested in due time, it even threatens ro dis
solve this holy Union asunder. For these
reasons, we had indulged the hope, that
whenever the abolitionists had been violent
enough to go into the market with their votes,
the more discreet politicians of all parties,
would have set their faces against the whole
proceedings, rejected all overtures, repelled all
agitation, refused any answer to their mis
chievous interrogatories.
But we have seen not only these queries
answered by both parties, hut we fiave seen
their votes absolutely courted by a portion of
the Whig press. We have seen, however,
the republican press assume the proper tone
upon the occasion, and denounce with be
coming spirit the mad designs of those furious
fanatics. Nothing more strongly demon
strates the lengths into which ‘ the madness of
party’ is now transporting some of the Whigs
of New York, than to see one of these editors,
who is familiar with the institutions and at
tached to the interests of the South, and des
pises the efforts of the abolitionists, now fall
ing into the current, and indirectly invoking
their votes in support of the Whig ticket !
But to the few quotations, which we meant
to lay before our readers, from the papers of
New York :
The The JYeio York Commercial wonders
how any abolitionist can vote lor the Van
Buren ticket.
The JYeio York American is fearful that
some of the Whig abolitionists will not vote
for Seward, and argues the question with
them. It says, on the 2d inst.:
‘ The duty of Electors. —We ventured
some suggestions yesterday, touching the
duty, which, at a crisis like the present,
seems to us incumbent upon all opponents of
the party in power, viz.: to unite m strenu
ous efforts to overthrow it. We addressed
ourselves particularly to those among our
fellow citizens, who, entertaining a deep ab
horrence of slavery, and especially of the
slave trade as carried on in the District of
Columbia—very naturally desire to ensure,
so far as their votes can effect it, the election
of men who coincide in these views. Leav
ing to operate as they may the suggestions
thus made, we would now ask of those of our
Whig friends—who look indifferently upon
the topics which so deeply move the mem
bers of anti-slavery societies —or who think
the agitation of them at this lime, improper
—that they, too, will make sortie concession
to the views of others, and give practical evi
dence of their real attachment to free princi
ples, free opinion, and free discussion, by al
lowing to others the liberty they claim, of en
tertaining and expressing, without risk of
prejudice or loss to themselves, the convic
tions of their own hearts and understandings.’
The same number of the American*con
tains a communication under the signature of
*An who assigns his reasons
why lie cannot vote for Seward—and con
cludes by saying: ‘ All the reasons that ap
ply to Whig abolitionists apply to Van Btiren
abolitionists. We shall leave the scuffle to
the two parties. We shall take no part in it,
except to vote for Mr. Bradish, who has
commended himself, hy his honorable and
manly course, to every man who estimates
the great principles of liberty higher than the
minor objects about which the parties are
contending. When they both learn more
wisdom, they will find us returning to our
proper places—whence we have been banish
ed by their intolerance and folly.’
The American argues the matter with the
abolitionist, contests all his positions—and
concludes its strictures in the following strain :
‘ The sixth and last objection, is taken from
the phraseology in which Mr. Seward an
nounces his disposition to respect the lav.',
which prevents the owner of slaves in other
states to travel through or reside nine months
in our state without forfeiting their slaves.
Now, we surrender Mr. Seward’s style at
once, if that be any propitiation, and say we
think he might have expressed more carefully
or mure happily his purpose—the abolition
ists themselves will join us in calling it his
laudable purpose—of sustaining a law of his
state while it is the law—but we submit that
it is no good ground of political opposition,
that a candidate does not always give the
best reasons for right actions.
‘ In conclusion, we cannot but repeat our
conviction, that duty to themselves, duty to
their country, and even duty to their own
peculiar cause, requires from the members of
anti-slavery societies positive action, and that
the abandonment of the political field alluded
to hy our correspondent, is, in fact, little
short of treason to our institutions and com
mon country.’
The New York Gazette in one article in
dignantly disclaims the charge, that. ‘ the dis
!; rent, totally different, answers given by our
a-'Udiiiaies io> Governor and Lieutenant Go
vernor to the question*! of ti>e abolitionists,
v'. :o the rcsu”- o ; < ions party contri
i:.ii a-.. and then proceeds to
the a--. •; age >-i lire New York American
New ii k (> i.• Ito as a proof of it’—
ami in the course of its reply, repeats what
it hurl previously said, ‘ that Seward had
kept his faith with the Convention, because
we knew very well that body nominated him
without reference to that question, and would
not have nominated him if a majority of its
members had believed it possible for him to j
play into the hands of those disorganizes, by
furnishing them with new material for mis
chief. This is what we said.’ This is the
proper language to hold towards these disor
ganizes. But in another article in the same;
number, it makes the following appeal to the
abolitionists :
‘lf tire abolitionists were all actuated by j
such feelings as are evinced in the following 1
circular, we should feel ail proper respect fori
them as men and as politicians, however
deeply we might regret their opinions upon;
a particular point of public policy and public
duty. The third reason place t before ihe
anti-slavery men for casting their votes for
Mr. Seward, is perfectly unanswerable, and
there is not a living abolitionist who can an-,
swer it, to his conscience or his consistency.
We protest against every thing in the nature;
f truckling to these people, or asking any,
thing of them as a favor—but there are many I
amiable and sensible men among them—-sen-’
sible we mean on any point but this—and it.
is well enough to address such a reason to
them. It is to reach their undeistandings,
therefore, that we publish this calm and
(aiuiost) sensible circular. Seusible certainly
|,„ this respect. How is it possible, sure
enough, (or an abolitionist to vote in *avor o!
a Van Buren man, or what is equivalent,
withhold mg his vole lbr a Whig, when it is
w well known that Mr. Van Buren, in his I
very first add:*•■&* to his constituents declared
! unequivocally, that he would veto anv and
[every measure that Congress might adopt
■ favorable to the wishes of the abolitionists ?
:We trust that the mandate sent forth from
this city under the authority of the Tappans
will be disregarded.’
The Circular to which the Gazette refers,
is the paper issued by the abolitionists of Al
bany, (which vve re-puhlish in our previous
columns) and its 3J article is as folio ws :
‘ 3J. Nlr. Seward is the candidate of the
party that opposes the re-election of a Presi
dent wlio stands pledged to veto any bill
‘abolishing slavery in the District of Colum
bia.’
We are glad to see that the New York
Juarual of Commerce treats the matter upon
a different key. It says on Tuesday last,
that ‘ The abolitionists of she county of Erie
have been serving a catechism upon the can
didates for office there, quite different from
that propounded by Jay and Smith. The
Erie men want to know what the candidates
will do with abolition petitions, what about
the internal slave trade, and slavery in the
District of and Texas, s.nd what
about new states with slaves. They might
have enquired whether the candidates would
vote against the moon being permitted to
shine on this world, until it is proved that
she does not harbor slavery in her regions.
Mr. Barker, the Van Buren candidate for
Congress, has given them one of the best let
ters we have seen on the subject, in which
he says lie is opposed to the admission of
Texas into the Union, without reference to
the question of slavery, and that he would
treat anti-slavery petitions as they were
treated last winter. Mr. Fillmore, the Whig
candidate, says he is in a hurry, so will an
swer ait his questions in the affirmative. The
questions show great ignorance or wilful mis
understanding of existing facts, and we
reckon that when they get all their answers
together they will be much in the condition
of a man we once knew, who when he
thought of entering on any business, would
go around to some ten or a dozen of his
neighbors and ask their advice. He got so
many differing opinions, that at the conclu
sion he was, for himself, quite unable to have
an opinion at all. By the way, the aboli
tionists hereabouts have, under the signatures
of the President and Secretary of the Ameri
can Anti-Slavery Society, been directed to
strike Mr. Seward from their tickets, and all
other persons who do not meekly say ‘yes’
to what questions the}’ happen to put.’
Arid what says the Van Buren press to
this insolent interference of the abolitionists
with politics ? What, for instance, says the
leading Van Buren paper in the state of New
York, the Albany Argus? It deprecates and
denounces in the strongest terms this prosti
tution of abolitionism to the purposes of par
ty. In its number of Friday last, it says :
‘ Such is the shallow trap the federo aboli
tion leaders have laid for their followers!
But we must confess, shallow as it is, we can
see nothing in the principles or conduct of
the great body of the Federal Abolitionists or
anti-abolitionists, that leads us to suppose
that it will be detected or spurned by them,
though we do not thipk the honest portion
will be thus easily gulled. We will not ex
patiate upon the paltriness of the device ; nor
will we contrast it with the slrait forward
course of the Democratic candidates for the
same offices. The courses of both are alike
characteristic of the parties they represent;
the one mean and truckling to the humors
of those whose services are needed, the other
dictated alone by principle, and regardless
alike of personal and party considerations.’
But even the abolitionists themselves are
not all thus to be taken in. It is said, that
several of the abolition votes in the city of
New York have been given to Lewis Tap
pan, instead of being concentrated on the
Whig ticket. The New York correspon
dent of the National Intelligencer writes on
Monday, (during the election.) ‘ The aboli
tionists are doing us a good deal of mischief
in the city, but much more mischief in the
interior, particularly in Oneida count}'. Here
they are running a ticket with Gerrit Smith
for Governor, and Lewis Tappan and Ar
thur Tappan are also or. the ticket. I have
a good deal of apprehension respecting their
movements in the state.’
The Albany Argus of Monday morning
says, ‘ W! la lever may be the designs of the
political abolitionists—the professed members
of the anti-slavery societies, whose sole ob
ject is to transfer a sincere, but as we be
lieve mistaken, feeling to the uses of the fe
deral ‘Whig’ candidates —it must be con
ceded that a portion of the friends of anti
slavery in this state have manifested a sin
cere determination to live lip to their profes
sions, and support for public office only such
as avow themselves in favor of their views of
anti-slavery, among whom none are more
conspicuous and influential than Mr. Gerrit
Smith, whose letters on this subject we pub
lish to-day, both as an act of justice to that
gentleman,and as matters of general interest.’
Extract of a letter from Gerrit Smith, of
Peterboro’, Oct. 29, to the Union Herald,
published in Cazenovia, Madison co., N. Y.:
‘There is no longer any probability, that
Mr. Tracy will answer the letter, which
Judge Jay and ! had the honor to address to
him. There will, therefore, he no candidate
for Governor, for whom the abolitionists of
tins state can consistently and innocently
vote; and none for Lieutenant Governor,
hut Mr. Bradish. For that upright and able
advocate of the cause of impartial and uni
versal ’liberty, abolitionists will love to vote.
For the other three gentlemen they cannot
vote, without being guilty of the basest he
lm;, ai of the principles of their holy cause.’
A LETTER FROM GERRIT SMITH, ESQ.
‘ Peterboiso, Oct. 31, 1533.
‘ To the Editor of the Union Herald:
‘ You will herewith receive the answer of
Hon. John Tracy to the letter addressed to
him l>v Judge Jay and myself. I did not
receive it until this day ; and, as the election
is so near at hand, I trust you will lose no
time in publishing it. Abolitionists wiii rea
dy/ see that Mr. Tracy’s answer perfectly
harmonizes with the answers of Gov. Marcy
and .Mr. Seward; and of course leaves them
no other acceptable candidate for Lieutenant
Governor but Luthur Bradish, whose noble
answer proves him to be the generous and I
!earless and able advocate of the cause of
impartial and universal liberty.
Respectfully yours,
GERRiT SMITH.’
From the Albany Argus of Monday morning.
‘ Prostitution of the Abolition question to
party purposes. —We gave to the reader on
iiaturd iy a copy of the circular, secretly is
sued by the political abolitionists of this city,
designed to induce the sincere ft lends of the
anti slavery party to support Mr. Seward.
We learn that the circular has been secret!;/
and extensively circulated throughout the
state—that, whilst it has been excluded from
the daily Evening Journal, lest its existence
should be known here and its character ex
posed, it has been published in the country
Evening Journal; and that copies have been I
addressed to the New York Commercial Ad-;
veniser and New York American, the ‘ Sid-j
n "v* sec!l(, n of t!ie Federal press, and pre-j
tended hail snd half (political) abolitionists,
m tvii.cn papers it has been published as in j
tye right spirii.’ N-- one can doubt, judging I
‘• and from ail concurring oir-i
cuiuM.wues, that it is the-intention of these
P°" l * oSi ‘ !nt ' R: ' J -rs o! the anti-slavery eocie-f
ties, to transfer abolitionism, as they did ar.ii
masonry, to the embrace and use of Fede
ralism.
‘ But we are r.ovv enabled to mve some ad
ditional facts on this subject, illustrative of
(he desperation and shameful resorts of these
instruments of the ‘ Whig’ or Federal party,
to which we ask the attention ;< honest men
of all parties.
‘ Jt will be reeollecff-d, that the circular was
signed by six officers of the Albany Young
Men’s Auti-<siavery Society, active partisan
‘ to which were added the names of
twelve oth.-ir persons, residents of this city,
who were presumed to he abolitionists, and
volunteer subscribers to the reasons urging
the ‘brethren’ to support Mr. Seward. But
what will be the public judgment upon the
fact, that several of these names were obtain
ed through the grossest imposition, and that
so far as they are concerned, the circular is a
shameful fraud? On Saturday afternoon a
communication, of which the following is a
copy, was handed in, and its insertion re
quested, by one of lhe Messrs. McClure,
whose name is attached to it:
To the Editors of the Argus.
‘Gentlemen: Our attention has been
.drawn to a circular published in tills morn
ing’s Argus, addressed ‘ to the Anti-Slavery
electois of the state of New York,’ to which
our names are attached. Their use there is
wholly unauthorised by us. IVe are not
members of any anti-slavery society , nor does
the circular express our views and sentiments.
A. McCLURE,
J. McCLURE,
FORDYCE SYLVESTER,
S. V. R. WA TSON.’
1 Some time afterwards, the gentleman bv
whom it was handed in, called for it, saying
that lie desired to show it to others whose
names had been unjustifiably used, and that
tie would return it. But it was not returned ;
excepting in the instance of Mr. Sylvester,
whose communication we append to these
remarks.
‘The reason why it was not returned—
amt why this gross imposition was permitted
to go unexposed to the public—was, we are
assured, through the personal and urgent so
licitations es Thurlow Weed and John Da
vis, the Federal candidate for Assembly, and
because the Messrs. McClure, who are wor
thy and quiet citizens, yielded to the appeals
of desperate leaders of the the opposition,
with one of whom(Weed) the affair of the cir
cular is said to have originated, as a party
device, designed to lure the abolitionists,
through the mask of pretended abolitionists
here, and to serve as ‘a good-enough-Mor
gan until after the election.’
‘We submit the whole matter to the seri
ous consideration of every honest elector ;
without the least doubt that this shameful
clandestine imposiiion, disgraceful as it was
in the beginning, will he regarded as at least
seven times worse in its latter state.
E. Croswell, Esq , Editor of the Argus:
‘ My attention lias been drawn to a circu
lar published in this morning’s Argus, ad
dressed ‘ to the anti-slavery electors of the
state of New York,’ to which my name is at
tached. Its use there is wholly unauthorised
by me. I am not a member of any anti
slavery society, nor does the circular express
my views and sentiments. Ido not wish to
be made the unwilling instrument of giving
over the cause of universal freedom to a party
which has successively adopted, rendered
odious, and abandoned, the names by which
they have been known.
FORDYCE SYLVESTER.
Albany, Nov. 3, 1838.’
Thus it appears at least that all the aboli
tionists will not vote for the Whig ticket—
and the N. Y. Journal of Commerce says of
the resolutions adopted by the abolition soci
ety of the city of New York, refusing to vote
for Marcy or Seward :
‘According to the resolution of the aboli
tionists, published as an advertisement in our
paper of yesterday, it is plain that they can
support neither Seward nor Marcv for Go
vernor, nor Tracy for Lieutenant Governor ;
for neither of these gentlemen 1 ave ‘ answer
ed all their questions affirmatively.’ Bradish,
the Whig candidate for Lieutenant Govern
or, they can support —for he has been foolish
enough to succumb to them. We shall now
be able to ascertain the strength of the abo
lition party in politics.’
Another Sign ! —Poulson’s Philadelphia
Daily Advertiser (Whig) has the following
significant paragraph :
“A NUT FOR V. BUREN ABOLITIONISTS.
‘ Extract from Mr. Fan Buren*a Inaugural
Address.
‘ I must go into the Presidential chair, the
inflexible and uncompromising opponent of
every attempt on the part of Congress, to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,
against the wishes of the slave-holding slates;
and also with a determination equally decided
to resist the slightest interference with it in
the states where it exists.’ * * * * *
‘ It now only remains to add. that no bill
CONFLICTING WITH THF.SE VIEWS CAN EVER
RECEIVE MY CONSTITUTIONAL SANCTION.’
The Federal Party. —The exultation of
victory, and the desperation of defeat, have
both revealed, in succession, the true charac
ter of the Federal party. It is distinguished
from the Democracy, not only by a difference
of opinion with regard to certain measures of
policy, put still more so by an antipathy to
the very principles which are at the founda
tion of Republican Government. In the mo
ment of apparent victory, the Opposition re
sorted to expedients of deception and co
ercion, which prove that it did not found its
hope of success upon the deliberate, abiding
approval, by the people, of its doctrines and
policy. Now, when its budding hopes have
been blasted by unexpected defeat on every
side, it has grown desperate, and resorts to
expedients, which plainly show its contempt
and hatred for popular institutions. It no
longer conceals its weapons, but practises, in
the light of day, frauds the most palpable,
and contrivances the most dishonest. It
o-penly attempts to violate the purity of elec
tion, and to impose upon the country, men
who have been rejected by the voice of their
constituents. Indignant as we feel at the de
grading spectacle of corruption so undisguised
at this early stage of our history, vve yet
laugh to scorn ail these efforts to deceive
and coerce an intelligent and spirited people.
We know liiat nothing effective can be ac- I
complished in tills country in defiance of the
popular will, and that the very attempt will
but hasten and confirm the downfall of those
who are so mad, or rather silly, as to con :
ceive so impotent a design. Yet we think it
our duty to call the attention of the people to
the fact which we have already stated, that
the Federal party is not only opposed to the
measures of the Republican Administration,
but is inimical to the fundamental principles
and institutions of domestic liberty.— Glebe.
In Kentucky there are colleges for women,
whicii confer on their pupils the titles of ‘ M.
P. L.’ ‘ M. A.’ &.c. meaning ‘ Mistress of Po
lite Literatute,’ ‘Mistress of Arts.’ Somebody
suggests an improvement, and recommends
institutions, which instead of these titles, shati
give their students, ‘M. G. P.’ Make Good
Puddings, ‘ H. G. C.’ Has Good Children.
‘ K. S. N.’ Knit Stockings Neatly, ‘ M. H.
H.’ Makes Husbands Happy. — Mobile Ex.
CAtTIO-V.
IDO hereby forewarn a:l perrons from trading for
two promissory NOTES, made payable to James
Gorreii, of Henrj- county, both given between the first
and fourth days of January, 1838,0ne for $l3O. paya
ble the Ist day of January, 1839 ; ihe other for $135,
payable the Ist day of January, 1840, b<.'ll assigned bv
George Gorrell, of Stewart county. The coasidera
ti in for which said Notes were given has failed, and I
do not intend to pay them, unless compelled by law.
GEORGE GORR'ELL,
Nov. 14. 1838. 42ua4m
SENTINEL & HERALD. |
COLUMBUS, NOVEMBER 22, 1838. j
STATE BONDS—CONTINUED.
Another objection to this system is the in
equality of the benefits which it would offer
to the different portions ot the Stale. Many
sections of the country can have no interest
in, and will derive no benefit whatever by
the construction of the contemplated lines of
internal improvements; and yet, according
to the system proposed, these portions of the
State will hear an equal portion of the bur
thens of their construction, in proportion to
their population and wealth, if it will be grant
ed that tlie loaning ot the State’s credit to
incorporated companies constitutes a burthen.
It will not be denied, we apprehend, hut that
if loss should ensue by any of the companies
to whom the State’s credit is loaned, refusing
or being ultimately unable to pay their debts,
for which the State becomes endorser, that
this loss must fall in an equal proportion upon
such unbenefitted portion of our citizens.
But it wll be said that the same objection
attaches itself to the plan of doing the wo ks
by tiie State, that all cannot be alike benefit
ted. This is true to a given extent, but to a
given extent only, for, as we before remark
ed, the works being constituted by, and be
longing to the State, all the revenues derived
from their use would go into the public Trea
sury, and would thus become the property of
the whole people. Another evil which we
apprehend from the system, is an enormous
increase of paper circulation, thu3 inducing
wild and hazardous speculations, plunging
our citizens in debt, seducing many from
the paths of productive labour, to engage in
other modes for the more speedy acquisition
of wealth. It will be remembered that al
most all of the incorporated companies to
whom it is contemplated to lend the State’s
credit have, under their respective charters,
very ample banking privileges. The money
which they wiil be thus enabled to raise up
on the State’s bonds, will go into these banks,
and will cause every dollar of their capital to
be immediately subscribed for at large pre
miums—this wiil, of course, be an inducement
to the extension of their issues to the utmost
limits of their charters ; and whilst it will af
ford to the stockholders enormous means of
speculation, it will cause others, as we have
before remarked, to plunge themselves deep
ly in debt, with the hope of bettering their
fortunes. But it is said this will make money
more plenty, and those banks more safe. With
regard to the plentifulness of money we have
this remark to make, that whenever the cir
culating medium ceases to bear a fair propor
tion to the productive labor of the country,
a most dangerous state of things is brought
about, and that more evils are to be appre
hended from a redundancy,than from a scarci
ty of the representative of the precious metals;
whatever may be the situation of our mone
tary affairs, the price of our exports, the
productions of labor will remain the same,
or be regulated by the general situation of
the commercial world; and whilst a redundan
cy will increase the prices (but not the value)
of labor and property with us, it can have
no influence upon the prices of any thing
which vve may have to sell as a commodity,and
must necessarily increase the price of all we
have to purchase from others. But if it
should not be their policy to produce this re
dundancy, the system wiil give to these banks
a very decided advantage over the other
Banks of the Slate. Specie which in Europe
they will get upon these bonds, will almost
always command a premium in paper; it
will therefore go into the hands of brokers
and others, to be sent to other portions of the
country to be used, and the companies will
get in exchange for it the hills or other funds
of the other banks of the State, having no
connection with rail roads, and upon these
funds will draw specie from their vaults, to an
swer their own purposes. Thus, of course,
driving an equal proportion of other bills from
circulation, and substituting in their stead
their own, and in this manner leaving the
same amount only in circulation, and render
ing the other banks more unsafe. If their
charters shall not be sufficiently'ample to en
able them to employ all their means in this
manner, private operations will be found in
the field.
To the great body of the people who be
come the debtors of the banks, a day of reck
oning will come, and that too most likely when
a contraction shall have been produced, and
with that contraction a general depreciation
of the value of property; so soon as these com
panies have obtained the credit of the State,
their stocks will, of course, rise, and the pros
pect of advantage will induce foreign capi
talists to become the purchasers, and in a
very short time the whole monied resources of
the State will be in the hands of those having
no interest in common with us.
This state of things, too, promising so rich
a reward, will cause much of the capital now
invested in agriculture, to be withdrawn from
it and placed in stocks, and thus the produc
ing power, the only legitimate source of na
tional wealth, will be greatly diminished. Now
let us enquire if any of these things will hap
pen by the State’s doing die works herself.
In the first place, then, the increase of gen-I
eral capital which wil.l be thus induced will j
be a permanent and substantial increase; i
whatever the State may borrow for the con
struction of works of internal improvements,
will go into her Treasury, to be paid out to
laborers and undertakers only, as the work
progresses. It will afford no means of spec
ulation whatever; and the only effect pro
duced by it will be to make a permanent and
substantial capital more abundant in the
hands of the laboring classes. It will drive
° j
no bank paper from circulation, except by a |
substitution of gold and silver. It will give
no unnatural increase to the value of proper- 1
ty, and will cause no rise in any commodity
to be purchased beyond the limits of the
State, save, perhaps, a few articles of pro
vision which vve do not (hut which we can)
raise in sufficienwabimdance, it will place no
power in the hands of brokers and foreign
speculations or home capitalists to oppress
the people.
(To be continued.)
Luck is better than a short gun. —Col. Wm.
Wynn, a celebrated breeder and turfman of;
Virginia, reeentiy drew $59,000 in a lottery!
in Richra md. i
FEDERAL OPINIONS.
The opinions of the Party opposed to the
administration, of the virtue and intelligence
of the People.
A farmer with his huge paws on the sta
tute hook, what can he do? As well might
a blacksmith attempt to mend a watch, as a
farmer attempt to legislate.’— Boston Courier,
a Whig paper.
‘ Mechanics and laborers have neither the
! means nor the inclination to study the sci
ence of government, and are therefore, from
! the very nature of their occupations, unsafe
j depositories of public trust.’— Senator Leigh,
of Virginia.
‘ Let government protect the rich, and the
.rich will protect the poor.’— Daniel Webster.
We extract the above to show the feelings
j which actuate the party, or the leaders at
; least of that parry, opposed to the present
j administration. With what sovereign con
| tempt do they look down upon the preten
sions of the people. The autocrat of all the
Russias could not think and speak more
meanly of his enslaved subjects. And this
; too is the party which is moving heaven and
earth to get into power—conjuring the peo
| pie to ‘ come to the rescue and save their
; prostrate, bleeding country. 5 Freemen!
Americans ! be not deceived ; the hopes of
this country are in your hands ; will you
yield it To men who thus regard you ?
We have no wish, by any effort of ours,
1 to arouse popular prejudice. We would have
j the citizens of this country judge for them
selves, as to who are safe depositories of
public trust ; who will properly represent
their feelings and wishes, and who will sus
tain, in its greatest purity, the great princi
ples upon which it is founded. Is it those
who assume to themselves all knowledge and
all right ; who contemn the sober, virtuous
and honest intentions and purposes of the
plain citizen ; who insist upon the existence
of priviledged and lordly orders, and who
feel that they have a right to rule ? Or is it
those who lay the broad foundation of our
country’s liberty and happiness upon the
sacred rights and equality of man, who look
upon the great mass of society as the true
s ource of all legitimate power ?
BANK OF COLUMBUS.
At a meeting of the Board of Directors of
this institution, on Monday the sth Nov. the
following officers were elected for the ensuing
year :
Charles D. Stewart, President.
John Warren,
John Fontaine,
Thomas Preston, ir. Tv
James Boykin, V D,reclor3 -
Edward Cary,
Geo. Hargraves, jr. „
The affairs of this institution have been
heretofore so managed as justly to entitle it
to the confidence of the public, and from the
known high commercial character and probity
of its present managers, we hesitate not to
say that it will continue to command and
deserve that confidence.
We publish below an act of the Legisla
ture, passed in 1835, to establish an Insur
ance Company in this city, and would re
spectfully invite our citizens generally to
come forward and take stock. The objects
of this company are simple and legitimate,
and the benefits resulting from its establish
ment and successful operation could not fail
to he great. The whole of our property,
which has been heretofore insured, has been
insured in foreign offices ; and to say nothing
of the difficulties attendant upon collections,
for losses inconsequence of the remoteness of
the offices, all the money paid by our citizens
for insurance, has been just so much taken
out of this community. The books of sub
scription are now in the possession of A. B.
Davis, Esq., Cashier of the Bank of Colum
bus ; and, as there is no monopoly about this
thing, it is desired that all of our citizens
should participate. The terms of subscrip
tion are easy, and we make no doubt but
that investments will be found profitable.
AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE CO
LUMBUS INSURANCE COMPANY, AND
TO DEFINE THE POWERS AND LIA
BILITIES OF THE SAME.
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and
House of Representatives of the State of
Georgia, in General Assembly met, and it is
hereby enacted by the authority of the same ;
That the following persons, to wit: Thomas
Preston, jr. John Schley, jr. and E. Willie!),
all of the town of Columbus, in this state, be,
and they are hereby constituted a Board of
Commissioners, whose duty, or a majority
thereof, it shall be to convene in the town of
Columbus, on the fust Monday in January,
ISJC, and open a book to receive subscrip
tions of stock in the Columbus Insurance
Company, to be established in said town, and
when the whole of said stock shall have been
subscribed, shall authorise said company to
commence business; and shall give public
notice thereof requesting a meeting of said
stockholders, for the election of Directors to
manage the affairs of said company.
Section 2. Be it further enacted, by the j
authority aforesaid, That for the \v< II order- j
ing of the affairs of said company, there shai!
be five Directors, who shall he elected by the
Stockholders of said company, and whose!
duty it shall be to elect a President from their j
number.
Section 3. Be it further enacted, by the au
j thority aforesaid, That the President and Di
; rectors, and their successors, shall be, and
! they are hereby declared to be, a body cor
: porate, in name and deeds, and by the style
j and denomination of the Columbus Insurance
i Company ; and by that name and style, shall
j have succession of officers and members, for
! the term of thirty years; and a common seal
;to use, break, alter and amend at their
! pleasure ; and to sue and be sued, plead and
; be impleaded, answer and be answered unto,
i in any court of law or equity, in this stale or
I elsewhere, having complete jurisdiction ; and
j may make, ordain, and establish such bylaws,
rules and regulations as they may deem ex
pedient and necessary, to carry into effect
the objects of said company; and the same j
to change, alter, and amend as they deem
necessary and proper : Provided such by
laws, rules and regulations, be not repugnant
to the Constitution or laws of this state, or
the United States.
Section 4. Be it further enacted, by the
: authority aforesaid ; That the said President
land Directors, shall have power to appoint
I a Secretary, and such other officers as may
he necessary for the management of the af
j fairs of said company.
Section 5. Be it further enacted by the au
thority aforesaid, That the capital stock of
| said company, shall consist of one hundred
j thousand dollars, with the privilege of in
creasing the same at any time the directors
may deem it necessary, to three hundred
thousand dollars; to be divided into shares of
one hundred dollars each ; an 1 the said com
pany may commence business as soon as
1 wen(v per cent, of the capital slock, shall
have been paid in— five per cent, at the time
of subscribing, and the balance of said stock,
at such time as mav be required by the Di
rectors.
Section 6. Be it further enacted, by the au
thority aforesaid, That the said Columbus
Insurance Company shall have power and
authority to insure property and effects <>l
every nature and description, against ad ruffs
of navigation, tire, and other casualties ; also
to insure lives oi ail and every desciiplinn,
and buy and sell life annuities, and to do ali
acts lor which insurance companies are usu
ally established, organised or incorporated.
Section 7. Be it further enacted by the
authority aforesaid ; That the said company
shall have lull power and authority, under the
name and style of the ‘ Columbus Insurance
Company,’to take, receive, purchase, hold,
possess, and enjoy any property, real or per
sona!, for tite use, benefit or advantage of the
said company; and to sell, make over, and
dispose of the same; and the said company
shall and are hereby declared to he vested
with ail the power and advantages, privi
leges anil emoluments of an association of
persons incorporated for the intentions and
purposes aforesaid ; Provided, that said com
pany shall not be authorized to hold any real
estate in their corporate capacity, other than
may be actually necessary to carry on their
business of Insurance.
Section 8. Be it further enacted, bv the
authority aforesaid, That the properly of the
stockholders shall be bound for all contracts,
or liabilities made or incurred by said compa
ny, in proportion to their amount of stock;
and all transfers of stock, which may be
made within six months previous to the failure
of said company shall not release the proper
ty of such stockholders so transferring the
same, from any liabilities or contracts which
were incurred by said company during the
time which he, she or they were stockholders.
Signed, JOSEPH DAY,
Speaker of the House of Rep.
ROB’T M. ECHOLS,
President of the Senate.
Assented to, 26th Dec., 1835.
The Milletlgeville correspondent of the
Enquirer asserts a perfect blockheadism,
namely, that Gov. Gilmer is not favorable to
the State Bond system. The Governor did
recommend in his message, that the .State
should ‘ give such assistance, by the use of its
credit, to the companies now engaged in ma
king the Rail Roads, as may be necessary for
the successful completion of their underta
kings.’ Who will not say from this reading
—and it is verbatim et literatim— that the
Enquirer’s ‘correspondent’ must have been
either ivild or stupid. We think he would
succeed better at some plain, straightforward
business—such as puffing ‘ the Duke of
Brunswick.’
U. S. Senator. —Nathan F. Dixon has
been elected a Senator to the Congress of the
United Slates, for six years from the fourth
oi March next, in place of Asher Robinson,
whose term of office will then expire.
Senator Trotter, from Mississippi, has re
signed his seat; we do not learn who will fill
his place.
Judge Cross, (V. B ) of Arkansas, has been
elected to Congress by a large majority over
his opponent, Mr. Cummins, (YY.)
A Nashville slip, of the 9th inst. says, that
Judge White has tendered his resignation to
Gov. Cannon, as U. S. Senator.
The enemies of Mr. Gilmer, in reading
this message, cannot fail to realize the supe
riority of that mind, which soars above the
paltry and petty efforts of a mere party
Governor. — Enquirer .
Now depend upon it brethren, truth is
not a ‘Gum Elastic Buoy;’ if you press it
too hard it will snap and kick your brains out.
We have not room this week fur Legisla
tive proceedings, nor do we see much of
interest: next week we will furnish a svnop
sis, and as much of detail as can be gathered-
The N. Y. Herald slip of the 16th instant,
announces the arrival of the Great Western,
which was hailed with joy as the termination
of much anxiety. The commercial informa
| tion received by her was not such as to
I cause any material change in the N. Y. mar
i ket.
Massachusetts Election. —A slip from the
N. Y. Journal of Commerce, dated the 14th
! inst., gives the returns from 177 towns, show
! ing a Whig majority oi 7,563 in the Govern
or’s election, Everett over Morton. Last
year, in the same towns, the Whig majoiitv
was 11,304. The Congressional members
elect, are (he same as in the old Congress,
with the exception of Mr. Williams, who is a
Yan Buren man. The extra ten are Whigs.
The New York election was a beautiful
development of principle indeed. Fearful of
the issue between the Bank and Sub Trea
sury, the question of abolition was openly
and impudently made ! We hope that the
South will now open her eyes, and see that
the North is cherishing and upholding a doc
trine which stabs her in a vital part. The
horse is in the stable, now lock the door.
The Mobile Commercial Register has
ceased to number itself with our exchange.
We should like to know the reason.
The Florida papers want Pitrenologising.
The only bump discoverable at present is that
of combaziveness. Will our friend of the
‘ Times’ send us a chart ?
Hart is ‘ firing up’ the drama at Mont
gomery ; Addams and Foibes are the eicc- !
trie sparks.
j Madame Caradori Allan, the unsurpassed
: vocalist, we understand will pass through
this city in a few days, on her way to Or
leans. Can we not find some process by
which to arrest her for at least one concert?
A ‘ca.sa.’ would do, as it would secure her
‘ the benefit.’
r
Rail Ronds and Canals. — It is computed
that the tolls collected on the State Railroad*
and Canals in Pennsylvania, will, before win
ter closes the canals, reach a million of dollars.
Already during the past year they amount to
$940,000 !
Butcher]]. —A bowie knife slaughter took
I place a few days since in Homesville, Miss.
A Mr. Hobbs was the victim; Strother, the
butcher.
Mr. Charles H. Hopkins has been elected
to the legislature from Mclntosh county, by
a majority of 93—Mr. H. is a State Rights
man.
The State of Ohio has now a population
of about one million and a half white inhab
itant*! i
Almost Incredible. —A nnn in tin’s Start,
has been tapped no less than fifty times for
the dropsy, and upwards o I fifty gallons of
wetter drawn from him.— Ver. Paper.
Como this way friend, and take a seat at
ill- head of our river next time you are tapped.
For the Seuuiiel anil ilt rald.
BANKS, BANKING AND SHAVERS.
Mr. Editor —Your paper of the Bth inst.
contained au editorial article descanting upon
• monopolies,’ in a strain of pure justice,
agreeuniy to the impressions made upon my
mind fiom reading the article at the time,
i’iie banks deset va a sound castigation at
the hands of the people ; and who so rjt and
appropriate to inflict it as the conductors 01,
public journals.
Indeed it is their peculiar province to cor
rect public sentiment, and give it a healthy
tone ; to meto out the proper reward to merit
and virtue, and to censure and condemn what
ever is vicious and dishonest.
The banks have lost sight, it appears to
me, of the original principle upon which they
were founded; and instead of resting satisfied
with a reasonable profit upon a regular and
lawful business, and shewing a willing dispo
sition to accommodate ihe people, they reel
ly seem to have become greedy, and to think
of nothing t-ise, save to buy and sell and get
gain. Rapacious as hungry wolves, they
would fleece every innocent subject that hap
pens to fall in their way —taking in their mo
nopolising grasp, wool, skin and all! and these
are your banking institutions whose stock
holders and ollicers are annually hanging
about the lobbies of the legislature, bowin’
and scraping, smiling and treating, with i
view to ‘ come the stripe’ over the weak mem
bers, and get an amendment to their charters,
granting an increase of capital. And pray,
what do they want of more capital? Do
they want to discount for the accommodation
! of the people ? Oh, no—not they faith; they
don’t do that sort of business; not quite so
green as all that. Well, what do they want
of more money ; they have lots and cords of
it now. It is strange, yes, passing strange,
that the community can remain so blimfas
not to see that the banks can use, to a splen
did profit, all the funds which they can possi
bly control in the way of speculations. Look
at the vast amount and variety of properly
now advertised to be sold at sherifls’ sale;
the fine rich land ; the stout, able bodied ne
groes, and the desirable situations for private
residences; how numerous the instances in
which such like property must and will he
| sacrificed at public sale, in the course of the
| year which is to come! and where is the
| money with which to buy these bargains?
It is in the banks, and there it will stay, until
the time of sale comes round, and then no
one will be able to command a dollar of it,
save those who are in some way connected
with the hanks, in the shape of stockholders,
directors, officers, or special favorites behind
the curtain. The consequence will be, that
the banks will own a majority of (lie proper
ty in every town and village in (he btate of
Georgia before three years have passed away.
There is nothing plainer or more easily to be
discerned than this, that our banking institu
tions in the present degenerate day are just'y
obnoxious to the charge of being monopolies,
as you hold them so be, anil dangerous mo
nopolies too, and that their power is fearfully
increasing, under the well established princi
ple that ‘ money is power,’ and the time is
not far distant when a ‘monied influence’
will rule tins country as completely, absolute
ly, and tyrannically as the monarch cf the
old world rules his passive subject; passive,
because his feet are fettered and his arms
chained, and a turning of his eye either to
the right or left, might occasion him the loss
of his head.
Nothing can be more true than your as
sertion that l, a monied mo: opofy easily ob
tains.’ Money is enticing; wealth is capti
vating; it commands for its owner all the
pleasuies and luxuries of life, and more than
all, gives him that power and influence of
which man is so proud, and for which he will
toil both night and day.
The people should look to these things.
The banks, as at present situated, have large
ly the advantage; hut the people still hold
the power in their hands to correct the evils,
as it must come through Icgislaiion, and le
gislators arc dependant on the will of the
people.
| There can he no greater drawback to an
I enterprising commercial town, na grealer
curse and mildew resting upon it, and all its
powers and energies, than a band of shavers ;
I mean a set of men who, having control
of large amounts of money, hold it for the
purpose of taking advantage of the necessi
tous in their hours of trial, when misfortune
has overtaken them, and they are forced to
sell their ‘ little all’ in order to protect their
honor. There are in every community mo
nied individuals who eagerly and constantly
watch for prey cf this desetiption : and when
they find it, pounce upon it like the vulture
and tear it in pieces. For such monsters I
have ever cherished the most deep and unut
terable hatred and contempt; and if there
be a he!!, and one corner of that hell be bol
ter than another, in thal hottest corner do I
conceive such a being will make his everlast
ing bed. Such creatures we cannot control;
; they are beyond the pale of reason ; human
; ity is a stranger to their bosoms, and pity
| would as soon think of pleading for admit
| tance into a Hyena’s den as into the heart of
such a least.
But hanks are different animals. They
owe their existence io the legislative power of
the land, and that legislature being honest
and faithful to the people, can restrain these
institutions within proper bounds.
I am not an anti-bank man ; I am one of
those who believe that hanks are essential to
commeice and trade; and that when they
confine themselves to legal banking opera-
tions ; to a system of business which squares
j itself with the letter and spirit of their char
! (ers, and are satisfied, as other departments
! of business have to be, with reasonable pro
fits, that then they are of great benefit to
communities. But when they grow selfish,
I rapacious, and aristocratical; elevate them
selves above the people, and despise their
wants, and hold their money in large masses
with a view to embrace speculations in cot
ton, land, negroes, etcetera, in all of which
operations they can at any time monopolize
an entire market, then I arrav myself against
them; and I am proud to find that on ihe
same side, on the side of 1 the people, 5 against
the hanks, is arrayed a journal of so much in
dependancp, latent and popularity, as ihe
Sentinel and Herald. Depend upon it, Mr.
Editor, your pen cannot he better employed
than in dissecting ihe rotten and monopoliz
ing institutions of the day ; hold them up, Sir,,
tojhe public gaze ; point to them as the ‘horn-
! ed beasts,’ and warn the people—your sup
porters, constituents and friends—against
j their insidious attacks; not pausing in your
1 praiseworthy career to heed such arrant non
; sense, as that put forth bv a c poor man’ in
j the E nquirer of list week. Every honest
j poor man’ in town is ashamed of his ignor
iance, and would scorn to number him io
their independant ranks. They regard him
;as some poor servile ‘ hireling tool,’ whose
j body and hones, skin and hair, all belong to
• some hank or other, and who, if he can
; write his name legibly, and knows any thing
‘of simple addition, can make himself much
more useful to the bank by sticking to his
business behind the counter, than in anv of
his stupid attempts to defend these institutions
through the medium of the public gazette?.
That scribbler is recommended to a ‘ pru
dent husbandry of his resources;’ tor there is
great apparent danger of ins running short.
11 a ANTONIO.