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£lje &im cb mth Surdiiicl COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 9, 1853. TELEGRAPHIC. Telegraphed Expressly for the Times & Sentinel. THREE DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE ARRIVAL OF T!I E BTEA ME K BALTIC. Mobile, March 8, 5 P. M. r I he steamship Baltic has arrived with three days later intelligence from Liverpool. Cotton has declined one-eighth of a penny. Market dill. Ihe sales for three days amounted to 15,000 bales, which were bought mostly by the Trade. Fair Orleans 6 l-4d a 6 3-Bd, Orleans 5 13 163. There have been imported into Liverpool since the sailing of the Cumbria 4,000 bales. The Havre market is dull. New Orleans, March 8‘ There has been some enquiry per cotton. Sales to one o’clock, amounted to 10,000 bales. Middling 8 3-4 cents. Mobile. March B—s P. M. Two thousand bales sold to day. Middling Fair 9 1-4 to 10 cents; Good Middling 9a 9 1-2 cts. ; Middling 8 a 8 3-4 ; Ordinary 7 1-4 a 8 cents, A Short Notice of “the Rising Sun.” M e confess that wo see nothing to admire in the de ceaseu Administration. The glory lof the compromise belongs to Henry Clay. Besides this we know of no act of the Administration which is likely to have any important influence upon the destinies of the Republic. Things have been allowed to take their course uninflu enced in a great degree by the position of the President. The law of the land has been, in some cases, resisted, and, in others, avoided in the Northern States, during the last four years, and no effectual steps have been taken to uphold its majesty. We arc not prepared to say how far this deplorable state of things is the result of negligence on the part of the Executive. When a whole people are engaged in trampling under foot the law of the land, it is exceedingly difficult for the Exec utive arm to enforce obedience. We think, however, that if the Presidential chair had been filled by a man with the iron nerve of Jackson, that the results would have been different. In respeot to our foreign relations the course of the late Administration has been characterized by a cau tious timidity which has excited the indignation of a large portion of the American people, and emboldened the minions of fore'gn despotism in their reckless dis regard of the rights and liberties of our citizens. one of the great measures of domestic policy Nv. “ recommended and insisted upon by the which annual messages have beeu adopted,—— President in hi . ’ U eu raised ;ad valorem duties The tariff has not oecifled duties have not been have not been abolished ; * r ‘-v of Polk, in respect t® imposed. The Democratic pohe, • and if the reve taxation, has been strict’y adhered to , -? 0 as to meet nue has increased beyond all precedent, * ‘"-crease fully the demand that is made upon it by the u. of our territory, and the Mexican war debts, the praise is due to Mr. Polk and the Democracy, and not to Mr. Fillmore and the party which placed him in power. We will not more than allude to the fraud and corrup tion which is said to have become so common during his Administration. We have no idea that the Presi dent participated in it or gave any countenance to it. He had the misfortune to have either corrupt or indif ferent officers under him, and probably lacked the nerve to rebuke them. No doubt Mr, Fillmore is a clever man, and tried to do the best he could under the heavy load of responsi bilities which, so unexpectedly, fell upon his shoulders, UDon the decease of President Taylor. We forbear therefore to dip our pen in gall, in our comments upon his public acts, and on his retirement from the high po- : sition which was thrust upon him, by the act of God, and not by the votes of his fellow citizens, we wish him no greater evil than that he may never be called upon to shoulder burthens so very much too heavy for his bone and muscle, as those which he has lately laid down. We doubt not but that he had the softest slum bers and the sweetest dreams of all the throng which were assembled in the capital to witness the august ceremonies ot‘ the Inauguration of the new President of this great people, on the night of the 4th March. He had been President four years, and the Republic st.ll endured. President Pierce’s Inaugural. We hoped to be able to give our readers to-day the Inaugural Address in full, but the slow, lumbering cars have not yet reached us from Washington. We have given a synopsis, from the Mercury, which is very meager, but reliable. One or two points are worthy of special notice, and will gain the President troops of friends in the South, though they may lose him quite as many at the North. lie emphatically endorses the fugitive slave law and says it should be respected and obeyed , not icith a re luctance, encouraged by abstract opinion s, as to its propriety in a different slate of society, but churfully, and according to the decisions of the tribunals to which its exposition bt longs. There is in this sentence no mawkish sen i nentality about the moral evils of slavery in the abstract, but a down right assertion of constitutional rights and duties characteristic of the whole course of the President from his first entrance into political life. On the subject of extension of Territory, the Presi dent holds the following language. “The policy of the Administration, will not be con trolled by timid forebodings of evil from the expansion i of our territory. It is not to bo disguised that the ac quisition of certain possessions, not within the jurisdic tion of the United States, are important, if not essen tial for the preservation of our commercial rights, and the peace of the world. Should they, however, be ob tained, it will be in no grasping spirit, but in a man ner consistent with the strictest Natioual Faith.” The contrast between this language and the fearful forebodings of Mr. Fillmore is very striking. Mr. Pierce is not afraid of slavery or slave territory. Hi is willing to increase both, if the interests of the l!epub’.io demand it. We will defer farther comment until our next iie, when we hope to give the Inaugural in full. The signs 60 far indicate that we are to have a bold, cconotrrca 1 , and Republican Administration, under whose broad al gis their rights of ail sections of the country will be se cure. Mr. James Hamilton—Yale College—Abolic tionism. There is a per tinacity in the spirit of fanaticism which alarms us. No threat can terrify it ;no concession can appease it; no consequences can deter it; no diffi culties can arrest Us efforts; it works by day; it works by night; it gives itself no rest in summer’s heat or winter’s co’d ; it creeps into the pulpit and thunders its anathemas at tho South ; it occupies the Professor’s chair and instils its poison into the mind of youth ; it fills all tho channels of literature —in poesy it sings of the oppression of the slave ; in history it defames the master : the novel, ihe magazine, the newspaper are its ministers ; it clothes itself inthe ermine of the judge ; | it steals the robes of the senator ; it plots in the cabinet jof the minister; its voice is heard in the car,the tt -am-boat | and the stage-coach; iu the bar room, in the marts of ! commerce and around the social hearthstone. Ihe j war it wages is one of extermination. The fight thick- I etis, but where is the opposing host to meet its extend : ing line of battle ? Since our connection with the press, we have kept a steady eye upon its scheming policy, and, like Ezekil’s watchman, have blown the trumpet at every new phase of danger. Our task is not yet done. Anew battery is opened, upon us in the classic shades of Yale College, hallowed bv the presence of Calhoun and by thousands of the brightest intellects and noblest hearts in all the South. We should have been ignorant of this new enemy were it not for the bold and fearless independence and burning patriotism of our young townsman, Mr. James Hamilton, late a student in Yale College, whose bril liant letter, exposing the bold deception, we find in the Nsio Haven Register, and gladly transfer in full to our columns this morning. It is alike creditable to his head and heart, and entitles him to a warm place in the affections of the Southern people. We have steadily discountenanced the practice of sending southern youth to Northern a)niversities. We d.c. ded the influence of Northern sentiment upon their susceptible minds. Yv r e hardly supposed, however, that the reverend Professors of Harvard and Yale, would de scend from their high position and wallow in the sewers oi abolition fanaticism, and endorse the Soul slanders which are heaped upon our heads by authors as reck less as Mrs. Stowe. We liad too much respect for their characters to harbor so much as a suspicion that they would endeavor to bring the laws of the land into dis repute, and countenance disaffection to the Union. Such, however, is the late practice of the President and some of the Professors of Yale College. These facts will we earnestly hope be sufficient in future to deter Southern men from educe ling their chil dren at the North ; and induce all who have sons now in Northern Colleges to bring them hoi.; immediately. The South must resolve upon her o a defense, or consent to become a desolation. The ebb in the tide of political abolition has been followed by a flood in that oi social abolitionism—which is by far the most dan gerous of the two. The light magazine and the pa thetic novel will be greedily read by thousands who would turn away with disgust from the coarseness of Hale or the pomposity of Seward and Sumner. Ihe first step in this great contest is to entrust the education of our chiidreu to reliable rm n. A healthy public; sent ment at borne is a matter of the last impor tance to the South, and this is the surefst method to se cure it. The Girard Rail Road. At a meeting of the stockholders held in Girard on the Tthinst., Messrs. James E. Gaehet, Wiley Williams, Robert S. Hardaway, Anderson Abercrombie, Arnold Seals, Homer Blackmon and Thomas IP Dawson, were elected Directors of the company. “he Board of Directors re-elected Robert S. Ilarda * ‘•"sident, and Walton B. Harris Secretary. way Pi. i ey will be retained as chief Engineer Mr. George Rn.. - „ . . h . , T way as an assistant, and Robert A. Hardto. - , , , nt l epreseuls the road as The report of the Presm*. __ non, anu he entertains being in a very prosperous eoBO. no doubt of its completion to Cdfoc**’ mi. s tom Girard, by next December. This road is of vital importance to Coin‘news AO‘l to the extensive country through which it passed. Its progress hitherto has been slow, owing to a scarcity oi means. Public confidence however is increasing, and the whistle of the first ear upon the track will ensure its speedy completion to Union Springs. When it reaches that point, the interest of Columbus will of course measurably decrease, as she will then be the depot of the trade of the rich prairies which lie east of the Alabama river, and without competition. Mobile will then doubtless feel the necessity of com pleting the track to her broad bay, unless she can con sent to give up to Columbus, Pensacola and Savannah the immense trade of all that portion of Alabama and Florida which lies between Montgomery and the Gulf of Mexico on this side of the Alabama river. In this day of Rail road enterprise, a city which stands still will find her trade and commerce absorbed by her more thrifty neighbois. Savannah and Brunswick are both building roads from the sea coast to Pensacola, the avowed object of which is to turn the Pacific trade in to their harbors. This rivalry is not to be despised. — Mobile may save herself by prompt and cordial co operation with Columbus in the speedy completion oi the Girard road, but if she neglect the golden moment now offered, and allow a rival city to be built up at Pensacola, the consequence may prove i uinous to liei best interests. Can we find no response to this appeal from the press of Mobile ? Removal of the Wrecks. We yesterday received the following telegraphic dis patch from the lion. 11. M. Charlton, rhe ainend pient ought not, we think, to be placed upon the doubtful list in the House of Representatives . Washington, March 2, 1553. “The Senate, on my motion, b r inserted in the Naval Appropriation Bill, the amount ot soo,ooo for toe re moval of the Wrecks in our River. Its fate in the House is very doubtful. ROBERT M. CHARLTON.” South Carolina Congressional Election. Messrs. McQueen, Aiken, Orr, and Colcock, are re elected without opposition. In the second District, the returns indicate, beyond a doubt, the election of Col. P. S. Brooks. From the sixth District, the returns, so far, are too incomplete to determine the result. Railroad Meetings continue to be held in Florida. We observe notices for meetings in Tadahassee and Quincy, and in various parts of the Siate evidence is given of a strong feeliug in behalfof railway enterprise Dr. Chas. Byrne, editor of the Jacksonville A eics, died suddenly of apoplexy, at sea, ou board the steamer Carolina , on the Ist insi. He was on his way from Jacksonville to Charleston at the time. The Corporation of Chattanooga have subscribed SIOO,OOO to the Will’s Valley Railroad. South Carolina Congressional Election. The following are all the returns we have as ytt re ceived from the contested Districts : fourth district. Pickens. Brooks. Marshall. Sullivan. Edgefield, 876 838 108 61 SIXTH DISTRICT. Boyce. Moses, O’Hanlon. Total. Richland, 248 310 74 637 Kershaw, 126 243 12 381 Fairfield, 870 60 16 t-81 York, 434 402 33 869 1678 1045 138 Chester and Sumter remain to be heard from, but Boyce’s election is admitted. Rumors of another Expedition for the Invasion of Cuba. —A New York paper mentions a rumor, for which it does not vouch, that another expedition is being organized in New Orleans, with the design of invading the Island of Cuba. A Colonel of the late Hungarian army is to have command of the expedition, which al ready, it is said, numbers a force of fifteen hundred men, from Cincinnati and elsewhere. O’ In the Senate on Tuesday a motion by Mr. Ma son to repeal all duties on Railroad iron was rejected by a vote of 19 yeas to 36 nays. Spirit of the South.—J. M. Buford, Esq., has become associated with Mr. Bullock in the Editorial de partment of this able and well conducted paper, Thomas 11. Callaway has been re-elected President of the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad Company. The Whigs of the Ashland Disl, in Kentucky, have nominated the Hon. James Harlan for Congress. Inauguration oi President Pierce. Baltimore, March 4. Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, was this day inaugurated at Washington, as Presi dent of the United States. An immense avalan che *of the people poured into the city at an early hour, and the gathering on the occasion far exceeded in number that of any former simi lar event. The Civic and Military procession, which was very grand and imposing, was form ed at the appointed hour and proceeded to Willard’s Hotel, where the President of the United States and President elect were received in line, and escorted to the Capitol, where the ceremony of the inauguration took place. The following is the substance of the Inaugural Ad dress of General Pierce : The policy of the administration, he said, will not be controlled by timid forebodings of evil from the expansion of our territory. It is not to be disguised that the acquisition of cer tain possessions not within the jurisdiction of the United States important, if not essential, for the preservation of our commercial rights, and the peace of the world. Should they, how ever, be obtained, it will he in no grasperiug spirit, but in a manner consistent with the strict est national faith. Foreign affairs, he stated, will be marked by just and pacific views, and he re-affirms the Monroe doctrine in the strongest-terms. Relative to official appointments, he says, that the Administration cannot be expected to retain any person in their official positions who are laboring under the infraence of political hos tility and partisan prejudice to it when it should expect cordial co-operation. Having no en gagements to ratify, no rewards to bestow, no resentments to remember, no j>er&oiial wishes to consult, he will be governed in his selections by no motive that does not contemplate the efficient discharge of the duties to be performer!, and the best interest of the country, requiring in every instance integrity and capacity to* prevent pec ulation. He considers the preservation of the Uinion as the grand point, dear to every American heart. Blot out one star and the whole will be dimmed. He believes that involuntary servitude, as it exists, is recognized by the constitution ; th at it stands like any other admitted right, aiffi that States where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce all constitutional provisions. He approves of the Compromise measures, and says that they are strictly constituti-onal, and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. He hopes, however, that the question is at rest, and that no sectional or ambitious or fanatical excitement may again threaten the durability o! our institutions. To the Editors of the New Haven Register: Yale College, Feb. 22, 1853. While casually looking over the files ot this month’s “Palladium,” of your city, my attention was arrested by the following article, copied from the Springfield (Mass.) Republican: Uncle Tom’s Cabin Vindicated.— Will those who in-ist that the pictures in Uncle Tom’s Cabin are over drawn, read the following, dipt from the Padding (Ga.) Clarion, and then favor us with their opinions ? . , . r“The entire article is too long for insertion here, bat in substance is as follows : A tew weeks since, a man bv the name of Clarke, of Clark County, Geoigia, assaulted his negro woman, and afterwards in the most baibaroud man ner commenced pitching his knife at iiei, point foiemost, covering her with about fifty bleeding punctures. 1 lie same day,he whipped his wife, most cru £;b’ gashed her all over the head with his knile, and cut oil he- ej'ebrowa On the succeeding day, he wound up the atiocious i.iatn.i by shooting to the death a man slave. Clarke was subse quently arrested and commuted to prison foi muiaer. j It is not ray intention, sit, to review Mrs. Stowe’s book, nor show in what particulars sue has overdrawn her “pictures,’ Ihe book has had an unprecedented circulation, and the au thoress, her admirers, and proselytes, will doubt less continue for a time yet, to enjoy its suc cess —well aware, as I am, that, in the present state of the public mind, no objections, how eve: well supported by tacts or arguments, can col lect the wrong she has done, or arrest nei own convictions, hedged in as she is by a family, oi pulpits, and beguiled by the adulations whicn daily reach her woman's ear. What I have to do with at present, is to notice the means resorted to by a large portion ot tae press, to persuade the pubbe that the work is no fiction, in this connection, I wish to call \ou attention to the condition o‘ tne anti-Slacery sentimeiP, and the agencies now operating to wards its increase. The article above quoted, is conspicuously inserted in the Palladium ot the 3d iust., with out a single qualifying remark ; leaving , the direct impression upon the reader s mind, - that the Editor himself requires no more conclu sive evidence to vindicate the most nefarious chapter in Mrs. Stowe's hook. To any candid mind, F need not argue the absurdity of such a conclusion —the facts stated proving, at most, that in the Southern States, as in every quar ter of the world, there exist cruel and atrocious characters. But the remarks prefixed by the pringfield Republican to the Clarion’s details, and endorsed bv the Palladium, indicate a deep- j er and darker purpose than this—a purpose I which could only emanate from a mind lost to all the power of truth, and governed by the pu rest malevolence ; evincing, as it does, the most reckless zeal in the vindication of a book, which represents such climes as of daily occurrence, and as committed with impunity under the sanc tion of Southern society. Let us suppose that we have not read Mrs. Stowe’s book, and our acquaintance with its contents to be gathered from the comments of such presses as the Republican. Now, having read the Clarion’s details, as given by these presses, to what conclusions do we come ? plainly these:—That Southern slave owners not only torture and murder their slaves, but most inhumanly maltreat ami abuse their wives ; and that the book in question contains such implica tions. Now the authoress, as reckless a pen as she wields, durst not introduce a scourged wife into her motley groups. Her friends, however, by supplying the omitted character in their ap plication of the transaction before us, but afford an illustration of the illogical relation her im plications bear to the facts upon which they pro fess to he founded. The bare circumstances of their seizing upon a transaction so unsuitable for their purpose, shows most clearly to what a strait the friends of the book are driven lor facts, to give coloiiug to its pretensions. 1 have already shown what the facts in the case really prove, and what they are made to prove according to the applied reasoning ol the Springfield Republican. Now, I desire to show what they fail to prove, and what they positive ly disprove. First, they fail to prove that the torturing and killing of negro slaves are a t all frequent; secondly, they disprove that the com mission of such crimes is countenanced by slave holding communities; and, thirdly, they disprove most emphatically, that the murderer of his slave escapes the penalties of the law—all of which is directly or indirectly implied in Mrs. Stowe’s book. 1 have cited this case in all its bearings, in order to show how reprehensible in the esti mation of all just persons ought those to be held, who, in their mad endeavors to vindicate the most wicked fiction of the age, seize upon an occasional and isolated crime with which to stigmatize whole communities. But still further: the effects of Mrs. Stowe’s book, and the course that is pursued by its vin dicators, are becoming more and more apparent daily—not only in the growing tendencies of abuse towards the south, on t.ne part of the north, but, in addition to this internal discord, they are breeding foreign animosity against our whole country, and alibi ding the jealous subjects of the more jealous monarchies of the old world a plausible pretext for interference in our do mestic concerns. On this head, I need but refer .to the “aid and comfort” which these factionists have received, and are still receiving, from all classes “'abroad: comprising the vilest fanatic festering in his self corruption ; the member of parliament, whose hired mendancity is only equal to his purchaser’s perfidy ; and ol late, their efforts have been encouragingly smiled upon by the courtly Dame. In London and Paris, Uncle Tomitudes nightly bring down “tears of applause.” Italy, Spain and Germany, and other European States, through Mrs. Stowe’s labors, are commissioned to revile the American Republic as the foulest tyranny on earth. To Mrs. Stowe, and colaborer •, let me, an ene my to your designs, offer my testimony to the prosperity of your cause. Aon have succeeded in engendering a hostility between the North and South, which, if ever allayed, can only be through a course of long years spent in more just legisla ion, and evincing more fraternal sympathy than have characterized the last twen ty. You have strong allies abroad, who will af ford you the most abundant means with which to prosecute your unholy designs. lou are sowing the wind: beware ! lest you reap the whirlwind ! Now, sir, allow me to ask you —than whom I believe no one is a firmer patriot, and more sin cerely desire the welfare of the whole country— how long this state of affairs is to continue ? Perhaps you may reply, as a well-meaning and patriotic friend of mine does, by pointing to the results of the recent Presidential Election. Let us see how far facts secure the repose you would have me indulge. To bring about that result, the most antagonistic interests were harmonized ; the most hostile factions were united ; and the most diverse influences were brought to bear. How these antagonisms were harmonized ? who or what these hostile factions were ? and what influences were brought to bear ? are all ques tions but little essential to my purpose. To sug gest, however, the ephemeral character of this fraternization, and what sort of harmony char acterized the various fractions and divisions, I need but refer you to two of the leading North ern journals, which labored —1 will not say to- J getber—to secure ti.e election of President i Pierce, viz.: the New York Herald, and New j York Evening Post. The courses pursued by these journals, clearly show that the question of Slavery had little or no direct bearing upon the issue. So far from that result proving the pan acea for Abolition eruptions in the body politic, which is so frequently commended, I think it perfectly 7 apparent that the Abolition party is stronger at this hour, and working with more j determined energy, than ever heretolore. To j ascertain the true state of the case, let us corn- j pare the opinions and sentiments oi the great j body of the northern people 20 years since, j with those of the present. To do this concise- j lv, I will quote from a speech delivered by Mr ; Calhoun in the Senate in 1837. Referring to a j former argument with Mr. Webster, he spoke ; as follows : “1 then predicted that (the incendi ary spirit of Abolitionism) would commence as it has, with the fanatical portion oi society ; and t tat they would begin their operations on the weak, the ignorant, the young, and tne thought less, and would gradually extend upward till they became strong enough to obtain political control, when he (Mr. Webster) and others, holding the highest stations in society Vv however reluctant, bo compelled to yieid t 0 ° t i • doctrines, or be driven into obscurity n Klr rapidly this prediction of the profound ('• !' W inn has continued to fulfil, from the ve ’! r °‘ ln * ment of its utterance, the history of ff. • , i c J ‘ ir ‘ e period too truly confirms. 1 u Will an/one pretend that the Abolition Par ty is still a miserable and contemptible faction ’ Sir, this party, which, at its inception had but one head, has grown to be a Hydra! The Gar rison school, which your respectable Free Soil* er affects to scorn, and has even the effrontery to denounce, is but a fretting and frothing u s per current, supported upon the strong bosom of a deeper and darker flow! Were not this fir fact, it would have expended itself lon<r 6 j nc . and our country would now he in the enjoyment of that quiet and harmony so necessary forth promotion of social, political, and religious ad vancement. The distinction between the various anti- Slavery cliques can hardly be called a difference If there be a difference, it is in the degree, not in kind. The Garrison school—the Liberty party—the Free Soil party—the Free SoilDem corat —the Free Soil Whig—all go, iutny onion to make up the Abolition party proper—that par ty whose final end and aim is the extinction of Slvery. A piebald concern, I admit—yet, all its parts and divisions form one great whole, and tend to one great end, differing nothing as to that end, but only as to the means of attaining it. In its multiform character consists its great pow er. Representing every grade in society, its strength has continued to augment by accessions from all classes—of late years enlisting in jt s cause much of the religion, the literature, and learning of your section. Os your leading reli gious journals, how many refrain from denounc ing, iti the most un measured terms, “our peculiar institution,” and those who coun tenance it ? How many Sabbaths elapse, but that your most influential preachers thunder their denunciations against the “accursed sys tem?” In your popular literature, Mrs. Stowe’s book .is but too conclusive proof of the care ful and assiduous culture the anti-Slavery \ sentiment has received. Many of you most | eminent Doctors of Divinity, and of Law, I have brought to bear their critical acumen and I power of place, against the “unjust and unright j eous system.” Amid all these hostile influences, ’ how effective a conservatism exists ? 1 know, | and rejoice in the knowledge, that there are those whose nationality of principle has not, as ; yet, been blighted bye the mildew of faction— j who battle nobly for the rights of the States, and a right construction of the Constitution— ; but, it must be apparent to all, that these area hopeless minority. Divest them of the strength which party organizations and combinations j give, and they are powerless. These have lif ted and are still lifting their patriotic voices 1 against the inroads of faction, and in denunci | atiou of the treasonable doctrine of a “higher i lawbut their words “No more avail than breath against the wind Blown stifling back on him that breathes it forth.” i I shall now, sir, close this communication, bp considering another agency to which i have bo; : hinted- an agency morepoyverful than at fast sight mighta-ppearaniPwitli whose assiduousem ployment in this unholy crusade, I am satisfied the country at large is but imperfectly acquain ted and which, indeed may not be fully apprecia ted by many, even of the North. This agency is your College. Notwithstanding the effo.ts put forth by your clergy, your literati,your daily . press, your quarterlies, and monthlies, to bring ■ odium upon the South and her institutions, it has : generally been thought that a healthy, national • conservatism existed in your institutions of’learn ing. The Southron, believing that they afforded facilities superior, in some respects, to those of his ovii section, and, besides, wishing by obser vation and travel to expand his sou’s mind, has : patronized your schools and colleges, not dream ! ing that these too have become infested with the : prevalent hostility to his section. Now, what are the facts ? Since the enactment of the I “Fugitive Slave Law,” reports'from several of the more prominent colleges and universities in : New England have been published, purporting to give expression of their views upon this law** and invariably in opposition to it. To but one College in New England has of late been accor ded tlie honor of being national. Yale, alone, has enjoyed this reputation ; and the scores ol J Southern names upon her catalogue show how j general has been, and is yet this belief through ! the Southern States. But does Yale foster that sound, nat'onal co iservatism, for which her air J tiiorities have the credit ? No one has heard j of public gatherings of students here is denoun* ■ ce ex, cathedra, Slavery and the Fugitive Slave I Law. Ilfis true, the subject has been discussed at times hut always on occasions, and under such I circumstances, as to implicate, in no respect, the opinions of the Faculty. But within the last few months, Yale has caught the infection, and } now raises her official hue and cry against Sla very, as an “unjust institution,” and and dot-; reverence to the supremacy of the “higher la l —not, indeed, through public channels, Ft through the professional chair, she seeks to in stiil into the mind of the youth entrusted to ncC care, a destetation for the- institution of Slavery/ a contempt for those who sustain it, and a b° : ’ tilit y to the Constitution which sanctions it. ’■ the truth of these statements, I submit the lx t lowing facts. P At the conclusion of the reading of “dispute a few weeks since, before the President oi t;. “ College, by members of the Senior Class, up the subject of the acquisition of Cuba, (all 0: the disputants save one having taken strong uo i gative grounds, and chiefly because of the iu* 1 crease of slaves and slave-territory,) the Pi'e-** dent expressed himself, in substance, as foil 1 *'•’ =- “I have several objections to urge against e measure ; ’’ and, after citing ou* 1 treaty obi-g tions with Spain, and other considerations * necessary here to repeat, he continued, “ waiving all these objections, and supposing t“ Cubans, by their own rets, to have estabii~ lK ‘ an independent government —to be possess of full powers to dispose of themselves- new 1 theless, should they desire to he incorpor: t u into our Confederacy, I should oppose the n>c-- ure so long as it involved the necessity of < i i> r ing us more slaves. There is, ’ said he in elusion, ‘ a deep seated conviction on this ject of slavery throughout a large class, v,