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Inaugural Address of President Pierce.
March 4,1853.
My Countrymen : It is a relief to feel that
no heart but my own can know the personal re
gret and bitter sorrow over which I have been
borne to a position so suitable for others, rather
than desirable for myself.
The circumstances under which 1 have been
called, for a limited period, to preside over the
destinies of the Republic, fill me with a profound
sense of responsibility, but with nothing like
shrinking apprehension. I repair to the post as
signed me, not as to one sought, but in obedi
ence to the unsolicited expression of your will,
answerable only for a fearless, faithful, and dil
gent exercise of my best powers. 1 ought to
he. and am, truly grateful for the rare manifes
tation of the nation’s confidence; but this, so far
from lightening rny obligations, only adds to
their weight. You have summoned me in my
weakness ; you must sustain me by your strength.
When looking tor the fulfilment of reasonable
requirements, you will not be unmindful of the
great changes which have occurred, even with
in the last quarter of a century, and the conse
quent augmentation and complexity of duties
imposed, in the administration both of your
home and foreign affairs.
Whether the elements of inherent force in the
Republic have kept pace with its unparalleled
progression in territory, population, and wealth,
has been the subject of earnest thought and dis
cussion, on both sides of the ocean. Less
than sixty-four years ago, the Father of his
Country made “the” then “recent accession of
the important State of North Carolina to the
Constitution of the United States,” one of the
subjects of his special congratulation. At that
moment, however, when the agitation conse
quent upon the revolutionary struggle had hard
ly subsided, when we were just emerging from
the weakness and embarrasments of the Confed
eration, there was an evident consciousness of
vigor, equal to the great mission so wisely and
bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was not a
presumptuous assurance,but a calm faith, spring
ing from a clear view of the sources of power,
in a government constituted like ours. It is no
paradox to say that, although comparatively
weak, the new born nation was intrinsically
strong. Inconsiderable in population and ap
parent resources, it was upheld by a broad and
intelligent comprehension of rights and an all
pervading purpose to maintain them, stronger
than armaments. It came from the furnace of
the Revolution, tempered to the necessities of
the times. The thoughts of the men of that day
were as practical as their sentiments were patri
otic. They wasted no portion of their energies
upon idle and delusive speculations, but with a
firm and fearless step advanced beyond the gov
ernmental land-marks, which had hitherto cir
cumscribed the limits of human freedom, and
planted their standard where it has stood against
dangers, which have threatened from abroad,
and internal agitation, which has at times fear
fully menaced at home. They approved them
selves equal to the solution of the great problem,
to understand which their minds had been illu
minated by the dawning lights of the Revolu
tion. The object sought was not a thing dream
ed of: it was a thing realized. They had exhib
ited not only the power to achieve, but what
all history affirms to be so much more unusual,
the capacity to maintain. The oppressed
throughout the world, from that day to the
present, have turned their eyes hitherward, not
to find those lights extinguished, or to fear lest
they should wane, but to be constantly cheered
by their steady and increasing radiance
In this our country has, in my judgment, thus
far fulfilled its highest duty to suffering humanity
It has spoken, and will continue to speak, not
only by its words, but by its acts, the language of
sympathy, encouragement, and hope, to those
who earnestly listen to tones which pronounce
for the largest rational liberty. But, after all,
the most animating encouragement and potent
appeal for freedom will be its own history, its
trials, and its triumphs. Pre-eminently, the
power of our advocacy reposes in our example;
but no example, be it remembered, can be pow
erful for lasting good, whatever apparent ad
vantages may be gained, which is not based
upon eternal principles ofright and justice Our
fathers decided for themselves, botti upon the
hour to declare and the hour to strike. They
were their own judges of the circumstances un
der which it became them to pledge to each oth
er “their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred
honor,’ for the acquisition of the priceless inheri
tance transmitted to us. The energy with which
that great conflict was opened, and under the
guidance of a manifest and beneficent Provi
dence, the uncomplaining endurance with which
it was prosecuted to its consumation, were only
surpassed by the wisdom and patriotic spirit of
concession which characterized all the counsels
of the early fathers.
One of the most impressive evidences of that
wisdom is to be found in the fact, that the actual
working of our system has dispelled a degree of
solicitude, which at the outset, disturbed bold
hearts and far-reaching intellects. The appre
hension of dangers from extended territory,
multiplied States, accumulated wealth, and aug
mented population, has proved to he unfounded.
The stars upon your banner have become near
ly three-fold their original number, your densely
populated possessions skirt the shores of the
two great oceans, and yet this vast inciease of
people and territory has not only shown itself
compatible with the harmonious action of the
States and the Federal Government in their re
spective constitutional spheres, but has afforded
an additional guarantee of the strength and in
tegrity of both.
With an experience thus suggestive and
cheering, the policy of my Administration will
not be controlled by any timid forebodings of
evil from expansion. Indeed, it is not to be dis
guised that our attitude as a nation, and our po
sition on the globe, render the acquisition of
certaiu possessions, not within our jurisdiction,
eminently important for our protection, if not,
in the future, essential for the preservation of
the rights of commerce and the peace of the
world. Should they be obtained, it will be
through no grasping spirit, but with a view to ob
vious national interest and security, and in a
manner entirely consistent with the strictest
observance of national faith. We have nothing
in our history or position to invite aggression,
we have every thing to beckon us to the culti
vation of relations of peace and amity with all
nations. Purposes, therefore, at once just and j
pacific, will be significantly marked in the con
duct of our foreign affairs. I intend that my j
Administration shall leave no blot upon our fair
record, and trust I may safely give the assurance
that no act within the legitimate scope of my
constitutional control will be tolerated, on the
part of any portion of our citizens, which cannot
challenge a ready justification before the tribu
nal of the civilized world. An administration
would be unworthy of confidence at home, or
respect abroad, should it cease to be influenced
by the conviction, that no apparent advantage j
can be purchased at a price so dear as that of 1
national wrong or dishonor. It is not your
privilege, as a nation, to speak of a distant past, j
The striking incidents of your history, replete
with instruction, and furnishing abundant
grounds for hopeful confidence, are comprised
in a period comparatively brief. But if your !
past is limited, your future is boundless. Its ob
ligations throng the unexplored pathway of ad
vancement, and will be limitless as duration.
Hence, a sound and comprehensive policy
should embrace not less the distant future than
the urgent present.
The great objects of our pursuit, as a people,are
best to be attained by peace, & are entirely con
sistent with the tranquility and interests of the
rest of mankind. With the neighboring nations
upon our continent, we should cultivate kindly
and fraternal relations. W'e can desire nothing
in regard to them so much as to see them con
| solidate their strength and pursue the paths of
prosperity and happiness. If, in the course of
their growth, we should opei\ new channels of
trade, and create additional facilities for friend
ly intercourse, the benefits realized will be equal
and mutual. Os the complicated European
systems of national polity we have heretofore
been independent. From their wars, their tu
mults and anxieties, we have been happily, al
most entirely exempt. Whilst these are confi
ned to the nations which gave them existence,
and within their legitimate jurisdiction, they
cannot affect us, except as they appeal to o.ur
sympathies in the cause of human freedom and
universal advancement. But the vast interests
of commerce are common to all mankind, and
the advantages of trade and international inter
course must always present a noble field for the
moral influence of a great people.
With these views firmly and honestly carried
out, we have a right to expect, and shall under
all circumstances require, prompt reciprocity.—
The lights which belong to us as a nation are
not alone to be regarded, but those which per
tain to every citizen in his individual capacity,
at home and abroad, must be sacredly maintain
ed. So long as he can discern every star in its
place upon that ensign, without wealth to pur
chase for him preferment, or title to secure for
him place, it will be his privilege, and must be
his acknowledged right, to stand unabashed even
in princes with a proud conscious-
I ness that he is himself one of a nation of sover
! eigns, and that he cannot, in legitimate pursuit,
| wander so fir from home that the agent whom
I he shall leave behind in the place which I now
I occupy will not see that no rude hand of power
: or tyrannical passion is laid upon him with im
punity. He must realize that upon every sea
and On every soil, where our enterprise may
rightfully seek the protection ofour flag, Ameri
can citizenship is an inviolable panoply for the
security of American rights. And, in this con
nexion, it can hardly be necessary to reaffirm a
principle which should now be regarded as
fundamental. The rights, security, and repose
of this Confederacy reject the idea of interfer
ence or colonization on this side of the ocean by
any foreign power beyond present jurisdiction
as utterly inadmissible.
The opportunities of observation, furnished
by my brief experience as a soldier, confirmed
in my own mind the opinion, entertained and
acted upon by others from the formation of the
Government, that the maintenance of large
standing armies in our country would be not
only dangerous, but unnecessary. They also
illustrated the importance, I might well say the
absolute necessity, of the military science and
practical skill furnished, in such an eminent de
gree, by the institution, which has made your
army what it is, under the discipline and instruc
tion of officers not more distinguished for their
solid attainments, gallantry, and devotion to the
public service, than for unobtrusive bearing and
high moral tone. The army, as organized, must
be the nucleus around which, in every time of
need, the strength of your military power, the
sure bulwark of your defence—a national mili
tia—may be readily formed into a well-discip
lined and efficient organization. And the skill
and self-devotion of the navy assure you that you
may take the performance of the pasta* a pledge
for the future, and may confidently expect that
the flag, which has waved its untarnished folds
over every sea, will still float in undiminished
honor. But these, like many other subjects, !
will be appropriately brought, at a future time,
to the attention of the co-ordinate branches of j
the Government, to which 1 shall always look j
with profound respect, and with trustful confi- j
denee that they will accord to me the aid and :
support which I shall so much need, and which
their experience and wisdom will readily sug
gest.
In the administration of domestic affairs, you j
expect a devoted integrity in the public service, ;
and au observance of rigid economy in all de
partments, so marked as never justly to be ques
tioned. If this reasonable expectation be not
realized, I frankly confess that one of your
leading hopes is doomed to disappointment, and j
that my efforts, in a very important particular,
must result in a humiliating failure. Officers j
can be properly regarded only in the light of !
aids for the accomplishment of these objects, and
as occupancy can confer no prerogative, nor im- ]
portunate desire for preferment any claim, the
public interest imperatively demands that they j
be considered with sole reference to the duties ;
to be performed. Good citizens may well claim j
the protection of good laws and the benign in
fluence of good government; but a claim for j
office is what the people of a republic should
never recognise. No reasonable man of any
part}’ will expect the administration to be so
regardless of its responsibility, and of the obvious
elements of success, as to retain persons,known
to bo under the influence of political hostility
and partisan prejudice, in positions which wiß|
require, not only severe labor, but cordial co- j
operation. Having no implied engagements to j
ratify, no rewards to bestow, no resentments o f
remember, and no personal wishes to consult,. |
in selections for official station, 1 shall fulfil this. ■
difficult and delicate trust, admitting no motive
as worthy either of my character or position,
which does not contemplate an efficient dischai
ge of duty and the best interests of my country -
I acknowledge my obligations to the masses of .
my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher |
objects than personal aggrandizement gave di- *
rection and energy to their exertions in the late- |
| canvass, and they shall not be disappointed. |
They require at my hands dilligence, integrity,, 1
and capacity, wherever there are duties to lie*
performed. Without these qualities in their pub- ;
lie servants, more stringent laws, for the pie- ;
vention or punishment of fraud, negligence and j
peculation, will be vain. With them, they will ;
Ibe unnecessary. # *
But these are not the only points to which *
you look for vigilant watchfulness. Iho dan- j
gers of a concentration of all power in the Gen- i
eral Government of a Confederacy so vast as.
ours, are too obvious to be disregarded. Aou j
have a right, therefore, to expect your agents, j
I in every department, to regard strictly the limits, j
imposed upon them by the Constitution ot the j
j United States. The great scheme of our con- ;
| stitutional liberty rests upon a proper distnbu- j
tion of power between the State mid Federal au- j
; thorities ; and experience lias shown that the
| harmon y and happiness of our people must de
pend upon a just discrimination between the
i separate rights and responsibilities of the States,
and your common rights and obligations under
I the General Government. And here, in niv
| opinion, are the considerations which should
| form the true basis of future concord in regard
| to the questions which have most seriously dis-
I turbed public tranquility. If the Federal Gov
ernment will confine itself to the exercise of
! powers clearly granted by the Constitution, it
! can hardly happen that its action upon any
i question should endanger the institutions ot the
’ States, or interfere with their right to manage
j matters strictly domestic according to the will
of their own people.
In expressing briefly my views upon an im
portant subject, which has recently agitated the
nation to almost a fearful degree, I am moved
by no other impulse than a most earnest desire
for the perpetuation of that Union which has
made us what we are—showering upon us bles
sings, and conferring a power and influence
which our fathers could hardly have anticipated,
] even with their most sanguine hopes directed to.
a far off’ future. The sentiments I now an
nounce were not unknown before the expression
|of the voice which called me here. My own
position upon this subject was clear and une
quivocal, upon the record of my words and my
acts, and it is only recurred to at this time be
cause silence might, perhaps, be miscon
strueted. With the Union my best and dearest
earthly hopes are entwined. Without it, what
are we, individually or collectively ? What be
comes of the noblest field ever opened for the ,
advancement of our race, in religion, in gov- jj
ernment, in the arts, and in all that dignifies and
adorns mankind ? From that radiant constel
lation, which both illumines our own way and
points out to struggling nations their course,
let but a single star be lost, and, if there be not
utter darkness, the lustre of the whole is dim
med. Do my countrymen need any assurance
that such a catastrophe is n.ot to overtake
them while possess the power to stay it ? It is
with me an earnest and vital belief that, as the
Union has been the source, under Providence, j
I of our prosperity to this time, so it is the surest |
j pledge of a continuance of the blessings we j
| have enjoyed, and which we are sacredly bound j
to transmit undiminished to our children. The |
field of calm and free discussion in our country
is open, and will always be so, but it never has
been nor never can be traversed for good in a
spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness. —
The founders of the Republic dealt with things
jas they were presented to them, in a spirit
|of self-sacrificing patriotism, and as time
■ has proved, with a comprehensive wis
| dom, which it will always be safe for us
Ito consult. Every measure tending to
! strengthen the fraternal feelings of all the mem
! bers of our Union has had my heartfelt appro- !
, bation. To every theory of society or govern- !
I ment, whether the offspring of feverish ambi- j
i tion or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dis- j
j solve the bonds oflaw and affection which unite |
us, I shall interpose a ready and stern resist- j
ance. 1 believe that involuntary servitude, as it j
exists in different States of this confederacy, is 1
recognised by the Constitution. I believe that j
J it stands like any other admitted right, and that
the States where it exists are entitled to efficient
remedies to enforce the constitutional provis
ions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly
called the “Compromise measures,’’ are strictly
| constitutional, and to be unhesitatingly carried j
; into effect. I believe that the constituted au
thorities of this Republic are bound to regard
the rights of the South in this respect as they
I would view any other legal and constitutional
right, and that the laws to enforce them should
be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance
encouraged by abstract opinions as to their
propriety in a different state of society, but
cheerfully and according to the decisions of the
tribunal to which their exposition belongs.—
Such have been, and are, mv convictions, and
upon them I shall act. 1 fervently hope that the
question is at rest, and that no sectional, or am- j
bilious, or fanatical excitement may again !
threaten the durability of our institutions, or j
obscure the light of our prosperity.
But let not the foundation of our hope rest;
upon man’s wisdom. It will not be sufficient j
that sectional prejudices find no place in the pub
lic deliberations. It willl not be sufficeient j
that the rash counsels of human passion are re- 1
jected. It must be felt that there is no national i
security but in the nation’s humbled, acknowl
edged dependence upon God and his overruling
Providence.
We have been carried in safety through a
perilous crisis. Wise counsels, like those which
gave us the Constitution, prevailed to uphold it.
Let the period be remembered as an admonition,
and not as an encouragement, in any section
of the Union, to make experiments where ex
periments are fraught with such fearful hazard.
Let it be impressed upon all hearts that, beauti
ful as our fabric is, no earthly power or wisdom
could ever reunite its broken fabrics. Stand
in” as T do almost within view of the green
slopes of Monticello, and, as it were, within
reach of the tomb of Washington, with all the
cherished memories of the past gathering around
me, like so many eloquent voices ot exhorta
tion from Heaven, I can express no better hope
for my country than that the kind Provi
dence which smiled upon our fathers may ena
ble their childreu to preserve the blessings they
■ have inherited.
- —————
! Wi)t (Times emb Sentinel
| COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. *
] FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 11, 1853.
l A few more Remarks uponjthe Inaugural.
\ Some whig and union presses have been very loud
\ in their commendation of the views of the President
upon the compromise. We ourselves find uo fault
I with them. The compromise was satisfactory to a very
* large majority of the Southern people. e could not
• exnect a Yankee to take higher ground in defense of
j our rights thau we ourselves stand upon. If we had
| demanded more, General Pierce would have insisted
j upon more, as is very clearly indicated in that portion of
j the address in which he boldly insists upon the old
Republican doctrine, that “if the Federal Government
will confine itself to the exercise of powers clearly
granted by the constitution, it can hardly happen that
its action upon any question should endanger the in
stitutions of the States, or interfere with their rights to
manage matters entirely domestic, according to the will
of their own people s” and stiU more strongly in the
preceding sentences in which the true basis of future
concord is stated to lie, not in submission to aggression,
but in a wise and “just discrimination between the
rights and responsibilities of the States, and your com
mon rights and obligations under the General Govern
ment.” By all which it is dearly indicated that in the
opinion of the President the discord which has disturb
ed the quiet of the republic for several years past has
resulted from the interference of the General Govern
ment with the domestio institutions of the South.
Nor do we find fault with tho glowing eulogium pro
nounced by the President upon the Union. lie means
a Constitutional Union in which a “just discrimination”
is made between the rights of the State* and the rights
of the Federal Government. For the preservation of
such a Union the Southern Rights movement was
made; and to that movement we attribute all that is
good amd wholesome in the compromise—and to it alono
we are iudebted for the refusal of Congress to apply tho
| Wilmot Proviso to all the Territories of the United
j States, after every Novthern State but one had insisted
upon such action.
We cannot commend too highly the bold and manly
position of the President upon the questions involved in
the Monroe doctrine. “The rights, security and re
pose of this confederacy, reject the idea of interference
1 or colonization on this side of the ocean by any foreign
power beyond present jurisdiction as utterly inadmissi
ble.”
| _lf this is merely bombast, it is contemptible. If it jsl
] the settled policy of the administration, it is the moat
; momentous declaration in the address. It gives “form
and pressure’’ to one of the ghosts of American politics,
and indicates that the contest for supremacy between
the United States and Europe, in the new world, is now
at hand. We abide tho issue without faltering, in the
confident assurance that we are now entering in good
earnest upon our destiny. Providenoe has placed the
Anglo-Saxon Race on the continent for the development
of great principles. It is destined to extend from pole
to pole, and to carry with it our pure religion, and oar
glorious liberties. No obstacle can arrest our progress;
jj and if the bloated despotisms of Europe shall attempt
j it, on their head be the consequences.
1 Perhaps it may escape the notice of some of our read
ers, that the President emphatically condemns the doo
ttrines of Kossuth on Intervention. European wars and
tumults, “whilst confined to the nations which gave
them existence, and within their legitimate jurisdiction,
cannot affect us, except as they appeal to our sympathies
in the cause of human freedom and universal advance- ;
ment,” is the position of the new administration. This, i
we believe , is the universal conviction and sentiment of I
the South.
There are many other positions taken in the address j
which we would be pleased to notice and commend, !
| but as they are palpable on the face of the address, we )
l will not fatigue our readers with further comment upon j
i a document which all of them will read with interest, j
We cannot help from adding that there is a warmth, ;
j a cordiality, a boldness, a directness, a republican sim- j
j plicity in the Inaugural which touches our hearts, and j
commands our confidence. We doubt not out* readers
i will experience the same feelings on its perusal.
Hail Storm.
At about a quarter after two o’clock yesterday, a ter
rible hail storm swept over out* city, and during the
space of 10 minutes, did immense damage. Almost
every house in the city was injured. The Warehouses
of Mr. Rankin, Gunby, Daniel & Cos. and of I{. S.
Smith & Cos., were all partially blown down and unroof
ed Six or eight store houses about Rankin’s corner
had their front walls entirely prostrated. Many private
residences were partially unroofed. Almost every chim
ney in the city is down and our shade trees cumber the
streets with their fallen trunks and broken branches.
Taylor & Co.’s Gin Factory was unroofed and incalcu
lable injury done to a large number of Gins already
finished, and to the tools and machinery used in the
manufacture. It is reported that the bridge in Girard
was blown down, and a waggon, driver and team pre
cipitated into the depths below.
No lives were lost in our city,
j It is useless to grieve over unavoidable ‘calami tys.—
j Industry and energy will repair it, and we are happy to
see that even before the storm had abated, many of
| our energetic citizens were busily engaged iri removing
the wreck and repairing the damage it had caused.—
1 The damage is immense, but in the confusion conse
quent upon so great a calamity, it is impossible to esti
! mate it.
Burglary.
\V o understand that a party of Burglars entered the
Book Store of J. W. Pease, on the night of the
9th inst., and abstracted about SIOO worth of Gold
Pencils, a quantity of knives and a small amount of
money.
The same party attempted to enter the Jewelry Store
of Foster and Purple, but were frightened off before they
had accomplished their designs. They left one of their j
tools in Mr. Pease’s Store, and a lot of them at Foster
and ParpleV
A Fost Master Elected.
We publish to-day the proceedings of the p, M
and King club at a meeting held in this city on
inst. They resulted in the chango of the name ‘
club, and the election of Michael N. Clarke ns p
Master for this city. It 9eems that Messrs
Jones, Torrance and Clarke were all nominated • ’
tho office and were voted for in the meeting, but wl C
er with their knowledge or consent or the know],
and consent of their friends, the proceedings do not
form us. Neither are we advised as to the number of p .
sons who attended tho meeting. All this is importm
to be known, before much force will attach to the
tion of the meeting, and we hope some gentleman f
miliar with the facts, will communicate them to h
public.
We fully recognize the right of the people to dt :
nate a suitable person to fill the office of Post
and have looked with favor upon the action of the pc
pi* in some sections of the country where regular elec
tions havebeeu held for this purpose. Indeed we Se „
no impropriety in such an expression of opinion in
meeting of the party, but then public notice ought to
be given not only of tho meeting, but of the specific ob
jects to be attended to at it. We are not advised that
all this was done at this meeting. Tho subject is an
important one, as the interests of several highlv re
spectable gentlemen are involved in it, and indeed
the public generally, and we make these suggestion
not because of any objection to tho nominee, but so;
the purpose of eliciting “the truth, the whole truth, an
nothing but the truth.”
Adjournment of the Thirty-Second Congress.
The two Houses of Congress adjourned sine die, at
noon, on Friday ; having been in session from eleven
o’clock the day betbre, and taken a recess of about one
hour durmg that time. The Civil and Diplomatic Mu
propr union bill was near being lost, and was only savec
by the House reversing its action, rejecting the report of
the joint committee on conference.
We learn from the Washington Republic, that this bili
j amongst other things, raises the salaries of the VicePrcsi
! dent and the heads of the Departments from five to eight ,
: thousand dollars per annum ; appropriates one hundred
’ thousand dollars towards supplying Washington with a
i better supply of water ; twenty thousand dollars for the re..
the Long Bridge and thirty thousand fora
I bridge at the Little Falls ; and creates the office of As
j sistant Secretary of State, with a salary of three thousand
! dollars per annum.
All the general appropriation bills were passed ; and
I in addition to other measures of importance, the bill estuli
! fishing the Territorial Government of Washington.
Heavy Failure iu Boston.
j Baltimore, March 7. — Joseph C. Bates, a hardware
: dealer in Boston, has failed to the extent of $300,000,
The Boston Collectorship.
| Baltimore, Marcli 7.—The Collector of Boston resigued
i his office on Monday.
Rail Road Collision.
j Baltimore, March 6.—A collision has occurred on t!ie
| Pennsylvania Rail Road, whereby ten immigrants hart
! been killed.
Democratic^Meetingr.
j Agreeably to previous notice given, and iu accorJaiio
| with the Constitution of the Pierce & King Club of Mu,*■
| cogee county, said Club met at the Court House on tin
i evening of the 7th of March.
The President having taken his seat, Francis M. Brooks,
Esq. was requested to ae t as Secretary. The object of
the Club being called together was then explained by the
President, which was to dissolve the same.
; The Hon. A. C. Morton then arose and made a lew
appropriate remarks, respecting the harmony which had
• been evinced by* the Club since its organization, and tlu
I happy* results which had grown out of it, in uniting the
i different wings or factions ot the Democratic Party iu said
j count y> aml h °P in ? “i our future efforts, the same harino
j ny might prevail.
j Francis M. Brooks then offered the following resoiu
| tions, which were unanimously adopted :
Whereas, By the Constitution of this Club, and the
i regulations which have controlled its actions since its or
| gamzation, its dissolution should take place when infor
! inat j on should be received of the Inauguration of FRANK
LIN PIERCE to the Presidency of the United States-,
1 where the nearly unanimous voice of the country lias
placed him. And whereas, information has been received,
and the fact is matter of history, that the choice of the
Democracy of the nation is its head tor the next four years
riieietore, Resolved, lliat the objects contemplated
by the formation of this Club have been accomplished.
Resolved, 1 hat the Club by its regulations, and the
vote of its members, is now adjourned, sine die.
Resolved, further, That the establishment of this Club
has resulted in the restoration of harmony* in the Demo
cratic Party of this section, torn and distracted by* difficul
ties resulting from a difference of opinion upon the sec
tional questions which lately* agitated the country. The
Democracy of Muscogee are now a unit, prepared to en
ter upon the canvasses before them, with the like spirit
which characterized their action in the contest just passed.
Associations tor the promotion of a good object are the
surest guarantees of its success.
Be it resolved, then, liiat we are still united, and un.-
del* the same officers and regulations, resolve ourselvt’
into the Democratic Association of Muscogee for the pre
servation of the principles and integrity of the party.
Resolved further, That for the safety of our party,
present and future, such persons should alone become the
objects of Executive favor, whocombinethe requisite quaK
location?* ot honesty, capacity and worthiness, and whose
selection would meet with the approbation of this Asso
ciation, and the public generally.
Resolved, That having no trusty official at the seat of
Government to represent the interests of the Democrat",
of this section, that we will designate by vote, the person
esteemed by this Association most worthy of Executive
patronage.
After the adoption oi the foregoing resolutions, Mr.
David J. Barber submitted the following resolutions, which
were adopted:
only office of importance in the county of Muscogee in the
gift of President Pierce. And, whereas, it has ewer Leu.
and we believe should ever he, the cherished doctrine of
the Democratic Party, “that the expressed will of the
people must not be disregarded.”
.therefore, be it resolved, That we now select by ballot
a competent person for Post Master of this city. ‘
Resolved, I hat the name of the person so selected, shall
be forwarded to our Chief Magistrate, with a just and fair
representation of his honesty and capacity, and signed bv
the [secretary of this Association.
In accordance with the above resolution, the Associa
tion proceeded to ballot. The names of R C. Forsyth.
M. Torrance, Wiley E. Jones, and \I. N. Clarke, tiav
mg been announced by their respective friends as candi
dates, and upon counting ihe same, it appeared that M.
N. Clarke had received a majority of all the votes cast,
and was then declared the choice of the Association,
The Hou. A. C. Morton then submitted for enrollment
as a member ol this Association the name of the Hon.
Alfred Iverson. Also, that the name of Dr. Alexander