Newspaper Page Text
The Maine Liquor Law in England.
The following extract from the London Times
handed to us by a friend, will show how the
Maine Liquor Law is regarded in England :
It is very interesting to us who sit in old Eu
rope, following old methods of government as
a matter of course, to see what can be attemp
ted and done by a people really and immediate
ly self-governing. We may doubt and disap
prove of some things done by our Republican
brethren across the Atlantic, and think that we
should not like this, or the other liability or cus
tom of theirs ; but it is to be hoped that we can
cordially admire and honor certain occasional
achievements of theirs, which are quite beyond
anything we can effect or dream of effecting.—
We really hardly know anything more striking
than the history of the rapid abolition of the vice
of drunkenness in several of the States of the
American Union ; and it is with feelings of the
deepest respect that we desire to direct atten
tion of our countrymen to the action of the
State of Maine with regard to that vice.
Tbo Maine Liquor Law was obtained by
the simple determination of the majority to
abolish intemperance in the form of drink.—
They did it through the ballot boxes —by elec
ting temperance men to the Legislature. For
many years valuable experience had been accru
ing. The ordinary temperance movements had
been tried there, as elsewhere in the Union ;
and with the same partial success. The success
can never be more than partial where tempta
tion and conflict remain. As long as rum and
gin shops stand open, and smell of spirits is in
the air, the weak and wavering will suffer un
der conflict with temptation, and often fall;
physicians will tell in private increase of soli
tary drinking—the worst of all ;and the “pledg
ed” will be in a lower state than ever—having
added perjury to their first weakness. It ap
pears, from experience, that it is terrible mistake
expect so serious and difficult a process as self
control from such a stimulus as association in a
temperance society, and thus it turned out in
Maine, as elsewhere. So the Legislature was
looked to, not to limit and regulate the sale of
intoxicating liquors; not to institute a string
ent licensing system, but to prohibit utterly the
sale of intoxicating liquors for drink within the
bounds of the State.
Every city and town is required or permitted
to appoint annually, through its municipal of
ficers. an agent, who is licensed for the year,un
der responsibility to the magistracy, to sell
spirits for the purpose of the mechanic arts and
medicine ; and. lip to this time, it appears that a
sufficient supply is obtained for all such purpos
es by this provision. And in every other way,
the law appears to work as a prohibitory law
ever does, and certainly to the benefit of socie
ty within that state. A dram shop may be
opened hero and there, just outside of the bound
ary line ot the state ; and a citizen here and
there, may import a cask of spirits, and give
away the contents among those who will do
him some favor in return; but these are small
matters. There is a general purification—the
smell is not in the air—the dram shops are not
open before the eyes—the temptation does not
beset the will—the struggle does not perplex
and weary the brain and conscience. The so
cial results are so clear that the example has
been followed. Rhode Island has followed in the
wake of Maine, and also has Massachusetts,
with the exception of Boston, where the muni
cipal authorities strong in vested interest, still
hold out. The doubt was, at first, whether a
law F so stringent could stand—whether the se
cond year would not undo the work of the first.
It appears not. Experienced American citizens
believe that it would npw be impossible to get
the law repealed.
The first sentiment of Englishmen on hearing
this story seems to be amazement that citizens
will submit to such a law. They feel that there
would be danger to our liberties if such a law
could pass our our Parliament and throne to
morrow. No doubt; but this is because we do
not, as a people desire it. If the Americans
were not self-governed, they would rebel sooner
than admit of legisletion so stringent. But
they are self-governed, and therein lies the chief
interest of the whole matter. They decreed for
themselves first, the universal education which
disgusted them with drunkenness, and warned
them to save the next generation from it ; and
they next decreed, the exclusion of what they
consider a physical, moral, and social poison.—
It has been the act as oi a spirited man who,
while disposed to resent dictation as to his per
sonal habits, imposes a law’ on himself, and sub
mits thus to a discipline which he would spurn
if it came upon him in any other way. Our fel- i
low'-citizens cannot but watch with” deep inter
est the development of this very strong transa
tlantic experiment.
A Hint to Rising Statesmen.
“One reason,” says a writer in the Boston
Transcript, “why the South has almost all the
Presidential nominations has been that her poli
ticians are better cultivated, socially, than ours,
and are making capital with the leaders, at
Washington, in the drawing-room and at the
dinner-table, while our Northern politicians are
spending all ot their, force making long and elo- ,
quent speeches. There is great influence in
speeches and orations, undoubtedly; but there
aie times and seasons when smiles and oyster- !
sauce make a greater impression.” Elsewhere!
the writer observes: “1 he true secret of Mr,
Clay’s undying popularity was that his man
ners were so genial and engaging that those
who had once approached him never forsook
him. bo, too, Mr. Calhoun’s magical influence
in bouth Carolina ma\ T be traced mainly to the
same cause. All who were * honored with his
acquaintance always loved him. One of ©ur
citizens, who happened at one time to be in
Charleston, when Mr. Calhoun arrived there j
from Washington, and saw’ how the citizens
gathered around him, and witnessed the frank, i
easy and natural manner with which all classes j
saluted him and entered into conversation with ;
him, without form or introduction, was quite j
amazed, it was so different from anything he
uic seen north.’’ The same writer “expresses !
the opinion that Daniel Webster would have I
reached the 1 residential Chair,if his manner had !
been more gracious.
he l , l !°T!t T ?° ke, i being asked G eorge 111. if
r<ls> rep ! ied “ ] r Dot
Si rms tint) Btvcixnd.
* COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. *
WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 20, 1853.
The Supreme Court.
We are amazed to find that there is an organised
effort in at least two counties in the State, to abolish
the Supreme Court ; and as we do not know but that
this grave heresy may have some adherents in the cir
cle of our influence, we feel constrained to attack it thus
early and strangle the monster in its cradle.
The State of Georgia, more perhaps than any other
in the Union, is in need of a Court of Errors and Ap
peals, and it leally amazes us to learn that any man who
has a stake in the community should desire to abolish it.
Our Judges hold their office for but four years, and
in our variable and constantly shifting population, it is
almost certain that but few of them can retain their
seats for more than one term. Abolish the Supreme
Court, therefore, and every four years we will be cursed
with anew judge, anew code of laws, and anew ju
dicial procedure. The Superior Court Judge will be
supreme,Jand thelaw, instead of being sought for in vol
umes of reports, must be issued fresh from the mind of
every new occupant of the bench. No two lawyers, it
is well known, are agreed upon hardly any difficult
point of law. When, therefore, it is considered that
the opinions and decisions of a superior court judge of
to-day have no binding efficacy upon the judge of to
morrow, the com nunity can form some opinion of the
dreadful uncertainty which will necessarily rest upon
titles to property, when there will be such frequent
changes in the courtoflast resort, as is certain to be the
case under our system, if the supreme court is abolished.
It is a frequent so'-rce of complaint even now that the
supreme court occasionally reverses some of its deci
sions. Weimag’ne, however, that this is rarely the
case, and that many of the instar ces cited to prove this
point, would, upon careful examination, be found to be
mere vacations of the application of a principle to suit
■new and different facts. Be this as it may, it is certain
that a court composed of three who hold office
for a long series of years, and which reports its deci
sions in well bound calf skin covers, will be more cer
tain and uniform than those of a court composed of one
judge for a short period, and then of another, and an
other, every four years, whose decisions ore forgotten
the moment the case is decided in which they re de
livered.
Nor is this uncertainty a small evil. So great indeed
is it, that one of the wisest and best judges that ever
lived, has left it on record as his opinion, that “bad
laws which were certain, were preferable to good laws
which were uncertain.’’ It is a fruitful source of litiga
tion ; it fills the docket with cases, and the lawyers’
pockets with fees ; but it embarrasses the transfer of
property, dampens enterprise, and stops up the channels
of trade.
But this is not the most cogent argument against the
abolition of the supreme court, though in itself it ought
to be sufficient to silence every caviller.
Under oar system the judge is elected directly by
the people, and is compelled to ride his own circuit
continuously.
Now it cannot be disguised that every man has his
friends and his prejudices and his affec
t'ons : and that it is impossible for weak human nature
not to yield more or less to such influences. Add to
this the fact that our elections for judges are mixed up
with the passions and animosities of political contests ;
that the judge knows who voted for and who against,
him ; and that he is compelled continually to pass
judgments upon eases in which the pecuniary interests
of his personal and political friends and enemies are in
volved, and it is demonstrated that he must be more
than man if he can rise above the influences by which
he is surrounded and hold the scales ofjustiee with an
even hand. The decisions of a court under such cir
cumstances cannot be respected by unfortunate lit'x
gents the law will be brought into contempt, and its
mandates, instead of being cheerfully and willingly obey
ed by a contented community, will be resisted or evaded,
and society will suffer all the dreadful evils which curse
a semi-barbarous people. Under our present system,
1 the errors into which the superior judge is led by fa
vor and affection, or passion and prejudice, are carefully
put on record by learned counsel, and are referred to
the three judges of the supreme court, who, far
removed Jro.n the parties, their prejudices and
strifes, enter upon their investigation with unclouded
minds, and decide as to law and equity shall appertain.
We do not pretend that their decisions are always right.
The attribute of unerring wisdom appertains to God
alone. But we do insist that they are more likely to be,
right than those of the judge of the superior court can be
surrounded as he necessarily is, by so many circum
stances adverse to a full, fair and impartial decision.
It is objected to the supreme court that it imposes
the necessity for increased taxation upon the people !
The argument is so contemptible that we would not
notice it, if it were not seriously urged by a very res
pectable meeting of our fellow citizens. In reply, we
have only to say, that the citizen has a right to demand
of the state “sure and speedy justice,” and if it be once
established that the supreme court is necessary to this
result, he lies a right to demand it, even though it in
creased the burthen of taxation four-fold But the ad
ditional tax is so small that no man feels it, and would
not turn on his heel to get lid of it.
We will not pretend that our present judicial sys
tem is by any means perfect. The court ought to be
made stationary so as to be able to command the use of
the best authorities and more time ought to be given for
decision after a cause is argu and. In this reform we will
cheerfully co-operate. We have not time to elaborate
these points now. AVe may refer to them again here
after.
SET The Vice President of the United States, Mr.
King, was this morning carried on a bed to the steam
boat Cuba, by which he will be conveyed to his home
in the interior.
There was, we learn, r,o sign of improvement in his
condition. —Mobile Tribune 14 tli inst.
Gov. Foote has revoked his proclamation ordering j
the election of five members of Congress by the people !
of the State at large, and has issued another proelarna- ’
tion, ordering an election for a member from each of !
the four districts, in accordance with the act of 1846‘
and one—the fifth, or additional member under the
new apportionment—by the people of the State at large,
as provided for by the act of 1850.
The newly appointed U. S. District Attorney for New
Mexico is a native Mexican, who, after beiug educated j
iu the United States, practised law with considerable
success in St. Louis, Mo. So he is a capital selection.
Mr. Rives, the United States Minister in France, has
tendered his resignation to Gen. Pierce.
Bunker Hill Monument Struck by Lightning. The
Bunker Hill Monument was twice struck by lightning,
on Wednesday afternoon, during the thunder storm.
Fortunately the lightning was drawn to the rod, and
probably has done no damage to the structure. Per
sons who were in the monument at the time were con
siderably alarmed at the concussion, and “thought the
monument was going over.” The bottom of one of tne
rods where it entered the earth, “ was slightly melted ;
and a gentleman near the top, who was passing down
and holding by the rail, received a shock from which
ho did not recover entirely for a couple of hours. The
second shock, Mr. Goodenow says, sounded like the
crash of a large quantity of glass thrown down the in
side of the monument. — Aurora.
Mrs. Tyler's letter in Ireland. —At the recent cele
bration of St. Patrick’s day in Dublin, Rev. Dr. Cahill
thus enthusiastically expressed himself with regard to
; Mrs. Julia Gardiner Tyler :
“1 long to stand in the presence of the patriot, the
accomplished Mrs. Tyler, and the incomparable ladies of
America, that I may 7 offer to them the deep homage
; of m3 7 grateful heart—that I may present to them the
j respect and enthusiasm of the people of Ireland for the
! withering chastisement they have inflicted on the sain-
I ted cruelty of the Duchess of Sutherland, and for the
; graceful dignity with which they have exposed the well
! meaning hypocrisy of her noble committee.”
A Bobber Chief in Cuba. —A late letter from Ila
-1 vana to the New Orleans Delta, says :
“I have to inform you that news has been received
I from the country, that a famous robber called “El Man
co,” that is, One-armed, is causing quite a consterna
| tion. lie is at the head of upwards of a hundred
j men, and is setting all at defiance, killing the Spaniards
| in all directions.”
|
Temperance in Indiana. —New Albany city and
township have voted against license by a majority of
407. Indianapolis has voted against license by a ma
jority of 196. Lafayette has voted against license by
a majority of 261. Rushville has voted against license
by a majority of 65. Evansville lias voted for license
by a majority of 219. New burg has voted against li
cense by a large majority.
Soil of the South. —We have received the April
number of this valuable agricultural paper. We no
tice among the articles a premium essay on Agricultural
Education. It is a valuable article and should be
widely read, particularly by the planting community of
the south. It is filled with instruction and useful hints
to the planter. No farmer should be without this ex
cellent paper.— Mobile Tribune.
Soil of the South for April. —This number of this
invaluable agricultural paper is filled, as usual, with
useful, practical and most interesting articles. No one,
after a while, who pretends to cultivate the soil, will
be without this paper.— Montgomery Advertiser.
Gold Discovered in Texas. —Rich Gold deposits
have been discovered in the streams and gullies west of
the Colorado river. Texas. Many persons are now
working them at a fair profit.
Lola Montez. —Lola Montez, charged by the stage
manager of the Varieties with assault and battery, had
a hearing to-day before the Recorder, and was bound
over to appear at the next sitting of the Criminal Court
for trial.
The Maine Law. —Rhode Island, Connecticut, Ver
mont, Maine, Massachusetts and Minnesota have all
given popular majorities against the sale of ardent
spirits.
Fifth District. —A communication ;n the Dalton
Times mentions Col. Lewis Tumlin, as a suitable can
| didate for Congress, in the Fifth District,
Appointment. —Denison, of,South Carolina, has been
| installed as Chief Clerk of the Census Office at Wash
i mg ton.
| -
Awful Murder. — Boston, April 11.—An awful
murder was committed at Fall River, on Saturday even
: ing. A man named John Murphy seized his wife,
and after tying both her hands and feet, poufed oil of
vitriol down her throat, burning her to death.
Whaling by Electricity. —Mr. 11. Uichten, of Bre
men, the inventor of the process of killing whales by
! electricity, has arrived at New Bedford, from a whal
ing cruise upon the north-west coast, during which
he is said to have successfully tested his invention.
M e learn by a telegraphic dispatch to the Charles
ton Courier , that George S. Walden, of Centre, Chero
kee county, has been appointed United States Attor
ney for the Northern District of Alabama, vice Jes- j
ferson F. Jackson, of this city, removed.
The Democrats of Carroll county have held a meet
ing, approved of the sentiments of President Pierce’s
Inaugural, and appointed delegates to a State Conven- ;
tion, with instructions to support Gen. Haralson for !
Governor.
Mr. Soule.
JTlie dispatch to the New Orleans Picayune
from Baton Rouge, where the Louisiana legis
lature is in session, says :
“Much sensation has been created among the
politicians here by the receipt of the news of
Mr. Soule’s appointment as Minister to Spain.
There are about a dozen candidates for his
place in the Senate.”
We believe that generally the politicians look
with a sort of envy on the preferment of Mr.
Soule This results in a measure from his for
eign birth ; but more in consequence of the pe
culiar dignity of character which he possesses.
Mr. Soule has some of the qualities of our
older statesmen. He will not stoop too low for
self-respect.
We think the appointment is a most excellent
one. It will be good for the country ; first, be
cause Mr. Soule understands better than most
of our home bred men the duplicities of foreign
diplomacy. He spent his early life in opposing
the dynastic corruptions of Europe, and saw
into their sources and habitudes with his own
eyes.
But he is sensitive on the question of slavery,
and has fathomed some of the necessities and
proclivities of the institution. No sounder man
on the subject can be found in the country. We
only fear that he may carry his convictions too
resolutely into bis practice, when, perhaps, a lit
tle stratagem would be useful.
At this particular time, and if the last news
from Spain be true—that England has prevail
ed on that Government to emancipate its slaves-^
this mission will be of vast importance—requir
ing watchfulness, wisdom, knowledge, sound
ness of conviction and earnest resoluteness of
Durpose. These qualities—or most of them—
we think, are in the possession of Mr. Soule.
[Mobile Tribune.
A Political Judiciary.
A short editorial which we published some time since
against the policy of making party nominations for the
responsible office of Judge, has, we are informed, cre
ated some dissatisfaction among a portion of our party
friends, and has caused us to lose one or two highly
esteemed subscribers. We have deemed it prudent to
remain silent heretofore on the subject, and give the
public mind time to cool before ‘we entered upon our
defense. Hoping that the time has now arrived, we
earnestly appeal to every right minded man, to read
and carefully meditate upon this short article before he
finally makes up his opinion upon this subject.
We will be allowed to preface what we have to say
with a few operations upon the position and duty of an
Editor in respect to his party and his country. Ilis
first allegiance is due to his country ; he cannot there
fore do any thing which would injuriously affect the
people, nor suffer it to be done by others, if in bis pow
er to prevent it, without committing treason against his
native land ; and this treason is aggravated bv the ele
vated position he occupies. No matter how mean and
low an Editor may be, he has an influence of no or
dinary character. Thousands on thousands, weekly
read what he writes, and in spite of themselves, imbibe
his sentiments and opinions. He enters the houses of
his patrons with the smile and receives the welcome of
a friend. Their wives and children are introduced to
his acquaintance, and he is permitted to .hold familiar
intercourse with them. lie ought therefore to be an
honest and true man. If he be such, he will approve
what he thinks right, and condemn what he thinks
wrong. There is no alternative, and what is wrong
in itself is not made right because it is endorsed by his
party.
In respect to the Judiciary, it has long been our
solemn conviction that the prosperity, happiness and
freedom of the people were in their keeping. AVe
have seen the baleful influence of a corrupt Judiciary
upon the morals of a community; under it, crime went
unpunished, life became insecure, the good and indus
| trious citizen trembled under the anger of the dissolute
and vagabond, until, outraged by the grossest perversion
of justice, the community arose in their might, and as
serted the supremacy of law, God forbid that our
i eyes should ever look upon the like again ! AYlien the
angry passions of men once break loose from the re
straints of law, there is no limit to their violence, but
the freaks of their leaders ; and life, prosperity, and all
else that men hold dear are held at the sufferance of a
mob !
A corrupt Legislator is an intolerable curse, but he
is but one among many, and his evil machinations may
bo counteracted by the purity and patriotism of his as
sociates. But a Judge reigns supreme in the Court
House ; from his decisions there is in many cases no
appeal ; and the hopeless victims of his tyranny, injus
tice, and corruption are robbed or murdered at his
pleasure. AVliere so much is at stake, it is a crime to
consult party expediency. We cannot ask ourselves
whether a candidate for this high office bo whig or
democrat. Is he honest ? is he capable ? yea ; then a
gootLcilizon is bound by the most sacred obligations to
vote for him. Is he dishonest ? is he incapable ? yea ;
then a patriotic man cannot vote for him even if his re
fusal is at the sacrifice of his life. There are duties
higher than the obligations to party ; there are interests
more sacred than party triumphs; and when party
j calls upon a citizen to betray them, it forfeits its claims
1 to respect, and prostitutes its powers to corruption.
Upon this general survey we might rest our defense ;
and would do so in perfect confidence that our motives
| and conduct would bo appreciated and approved by an
j honest people ; but that we desired to call attention to
!an article upon this important subject which w t o find in
| that sterling Democratic Journal, the Southern Stan
\ dard, published in Columbus, Miss. In it, our position
sustained, and the deplorable evils which will in
| evitably flow from an attempt to drag our Judicial sys
| tern into the political arena, are exhibited with a force,
! and power, and truthfulness which cannot fail to carry
! conviction to every candid mind.
[From the Southern (Columbus, Miss.) Standard. ]
A POLITICAL JUDICIARY.
The question of making our Judicial system
of election of Judges and District Attorneys a
political issue, has been boldly announced in
this State. It has been recommended to tne
Democratic party of Mississippi, in the year of
our Lord, 1853, that the “true policy is to sub
mit the question as to who shall be the candi
date, to the arbitrament of a fairly constituted
Convention of the party”—that is, who shall be
candidates for Judges, District Attorneys, &c.
We shall meet this question at the threshhold,
and while we have a voice to raise against it,
and a hand capable of writing a lino in opposi
tion to it, both shall he exercised to crush now,
and we hope forever, every attempt to bring the
Judicial Bench and the Bar into the arena of
politics, it becomes every man who desires an
independent Judiciary—one of talent and learn
ing, one above the caprice of the times, the
whim of a party majority, and above and be
yond all, free from the leprosy and corruptions j
of party and the influence of the party dema- |
gogue—and yet, more independent of the ma
lign .slang, the wit and the passion of a mere
party press—we say, that it becomes those who
desire an elevated Judiciary, to crush while they
may, the attempt to drag our Judicial system
into the political arena.
iSo one dare go beyond us in relying upon
! the wisdom and patriotism of the people. We
i believe they intend to do right, and the history
| of Republics prove that when left to themselves
! and their own good sense, that they have with
j a sagacity as clear as it vas methodical, em
ployed the very means designed by a higher
than earthly wisdom apparently, to work out a
result best adapted to their necessities. It is on
ly when the voice of the consummate political
bant is heard in their counsels, that they are
liable to sieze upon the plausible, and usually
dangerous systems, and are, by them, betrayed
into errors, which lor years after they are only
enabled to rid themselves of, by patient labor
and suffering. Fhis question of Political Judi
cial elections, has some points to commend it
to party approbation, but none to those who
look beyond its immediate influence upon party.
Vv e are told that our opponents concentrate up
on the man who represents theii opinions, and,
uuder the specious cry of no-Partyisni, draw
off 1 rom the Democracy votes enough to defeat
.he Democrat and elect the Whig. If this
proven anything, it shows that even, now, our
judicial elections are too much the subjects of
bargain, and that instead of drawing them still
further into the vortex of party sound sense and
an enlightened patriotism, would endeavor to
separate the Judicial from the Political election
by a distance still wider. The legislature has
on several occasions attempted this, but the party
press, fearing that one of its levers was to he
stricken away, was either sullen or silent, and
hencethe people were uninformed of the real
issue.
But now we have the question sprung in di
rect form, and we are deliberately recommen
ded to nominate by conventions, our candidates
for Judges, District Attorneys, &c. This, and
we call upon the people to note it, is to be a
Party move. The Judge is to be selected by
the Convention because he is a party man! lie
is dependent upon Party for an election, and
must, of course, administer the law according
to the party usage. Alone responsible to Ins
party for bis conduct, he is wholly beyond ob
ligation to the minority, and as a partisan, he
must mete to the opponents of his party, no
more justice than the interests of the majority
would seem to warrant. If told that this is
pushing the system to extremes, we answer
truly that it is ; but we ask, when was the time
in the history of men that they have, as a peo
ple, voluntarily abnegated a power they posses
sed, or where they have yielded profitable pow
er, without an equivalent? If told that this ex
treme is not what is desired, we answer, well,
it may not be, but then, these are the recorded
results, whenever and wherever the Judiciary
has been dragged into the arena of Politics.—
England, on three occasions, has been cursed
with a political Judiciary ; Poor Ireland, the
land of patriotism and eloquence, is now wading
through the coercive rule of a Political Judicia
ry. Franco has drawn from that fountain its
bitter waters on thirteen different occasions,
and up to this hour, its Judiciary system is a
mockery and a curse. Rome, once the metro
polis of the world, paid tribute in blood through
several centuries for her Political Judiciary.—
Almost every State of which we have historical
record furnishes damning proofs against a Po
litical Judiciary.
It is natural for men to incline towards those
with whom they agree either in politics or re
ligion in almost every controversy 7 . It is still
more natural for men to incline towards those
to whom they are indebted for position and
honorable power. And it must be a master
mind, encircled with a moral power far b ■
yotid that with which most men are endowed,
capable of rising above both the natural incli
nations of friendship, and the prejudices of Par
ty. We know how stubborn these prejudi
ces are : how implacable these hatreds become.
The constant irritation but adds to them, and
the abrasion of time removes but little, if any,
ot the cankering rusts which grow but to ex
tend deeper their poison. Shall we then, look
ing at this question, not as one narrowed
down within the horizon illumined by mere
party lights, but as one affecting the masses,
as operating upon humanity, not for the hour,
but as reaching into a distant future, bo de
nounced when we say mat no human re
straints, howsoever ingenious they may be, can
prevent a Political Judiciary from working
wrong and oppression, when based upon Par
ty success? The ancient maxims of Justice
and Law; the precedents which time, and the
wisdom ot the civilized world have stamped as
genuine; and even the statutes of the hour,
would all be warped to meet the demands of
a partisan controversy. Instead of entering
the Halls ot Equity 7 , the litigants would he
dragged betore a political forum, and instead of
deeistons of Law, we should have profound
analysis upon political jurisprudence, and learn
ed opinions upon the rights of majorities syn
thesised. This is inevitable.
W e shall be told that no Judge could retain
his seat against the tide of indignation such
conduct would conjure up. H ere lies the fa
tal error. No J udge would step from the law pre
cedents into the charmed circle of political pre
cedents. He but inclines at first in that direc
tion. Every man of reading and reflection
knows the rest. The path to a political despot
ism is stepped by inches, arid y 7 et there is time
enough in tour generations, to i\ach a maximum
ot evil sufficient, which i! opeited at once, to
arouse a spirit of rebellion. It is the single
drop ot water that destroys the stoiiv, so is it,
by steps cautiously made, that the right* of mi
norities as well as the freedom of majorities, are
sapped. But the political Judge seeks the ap
plause ot party 7 more than the serenity of mi
approving conscience. His judicial existence
hangs upon the capr ice of party, and he hugs
the sy 7 ren that showers upon his head honors.
Party is the Deity he worships, and no incense
is so sweet in his nostrils as the ground-swell
of the multitude.
What if his decisions are not according to
precedents? If statutes have been warped, and
I Equity been smothered? The Judge is but a
j man, and he is the organ not of Justice, but- ot
Party. 11 is errors, if errors there be, together
, with all his usurpations, belong to party, aiul
party is responsible for them. He has read the
| annals of men to but little purpose, who has
tailed to learn that unbridled power is fatal to
its possessors, and that least of all is it tolerable
where the responsibility, the whole check upon it
excess, is destroyed by the number among whom
it is div ided. The judge is but the exponent of
Party, and bis sins, if he sins in the direction ot
party interests, are the common property of p sr ”
ty and are divided among the many. L ve1 ’
little whelp of Party, feels both honored an a
dignified'by being permitted to de
fender of the dirty acts of party. >—**
Associated numbers mav do with impunity th*w
which would sink the individual in the depths' 1
deep that the hand of resurrection would new;
reach him. W hatever is done in the name <>>
and for party, and is adopted by party,
simple division among numbers, of the labor o
the individual; and if the labor is but the propago
tion of evil, the individual is but the recipi ent °‘
partisau gratitude and adulation just in prop’
tion as he may have been abused and tradm 1
by the opposition. Is this Natural History, <- u
the ravings of a disordered fancy ? *
There is no great national railway to freed o
any more than there is to Paradise. ft ls
patient exertion and progressive additions 10
their influence, that freedom is acquired b\ 1