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A Romantic Life.
Obituary notices have nearly monopolized
our pen of’ late. There are fe v eras in our his
tory which have been marked by so many
deaths of prominent individuals, as the last
three months.
In our obituary columns, to-day, will be louud .
another addition to the list of remarkable de- |
ceased, in the death of Madame Zulime Oar- j
dette, the mother of Dr. Gardette, of this
city, and of Mrs. Myra (’lark Gaines. She
died in this city, at the residence of her son,
Dr. Gardette, at the advanced age of seventy
eight years.
This lady was the heroine of that intensely
interesting romance in real life, which was
developed in the celebrated lawsuit of Mrs.
Gaines.
Her maiden name was Zulime Carriere. She
was horn in the old French colony of Biloxi.
Her parents were emigrants from the land of
poetry and romance—the favorite home of the
Troubadours-- Provence. The blood of the
Gipsy race, which, in the early days of Louisi
ana, settled along our sea-coast, and whose ;
lovely daughters were the special objects of the
admiration and love of the gallant French cav
sdiers who established the first colonies, mingled
with that of the poetic Provencal. From sueh
a stock, it is not remarkable that Zulime Car
riere should have derived extraordinary person
al beauty. The charms of herself and her three
sisters, were universal themes ol admiration in
the colon vof Louisiana. ’The warm and geni
al climate, and luxurious atmosphere of the sea
shore, iipened thesecharms into full maturity at
a very early age. Zulime had hardly emerged
into her teens, before her hand was sought by
numerous suitors The succeesful aspirant
gained bis point, as Claude Melnotte in Bul
wer’s play did, —by bolding an imaginary coro
net, or other insignia of nobility, before the eyes
of a beautiful, but unsuspecting girl of thirteen.
She was caught by the glittering bait. The
Frenb nobleman soon dwindled into a confec
tioner, and, what was worse, a married man,
who had never been divorced. He was arres
ted and tried by an ecclesiastical court in this
city, for bigamy,—was convicted and sentenced
to be punished, but afterwards escaped, and was
no more heard of. Thus ended Zulime’s rela
tion with Jerome De Grange.
Pending this proceeding, and after the discove
ry of De Grange’s previous marriage, there grew
up an intimacy between Zulime and Daniel
Clark, then a leading man, in this colony, a
dashing, whole souied Irishman, reported to be
very wealthy,—of popular character and agree
able manners. Clark was just the gallant, chiv
alrous man to espouse the cause of an unpro
tected and wronged woman.
It is said—hut as from this point starts the
protracted litigation which has recently enga
ged so much of the time and attention of our
courts, we must be understood as giving the
version related by the deceased lady herself and
her friends—that Clark having met Zulime in
Philadelphia, and satisfied himself as to the ex
istence of De Grange’s bigamy, and the conse
quent nullity of his marriage with Miss Carriere,
promptly offered In • ..is hand and heart, butsug
gested the prudence of keeping their marriage
secret, until they could complete the proof of
De Grange’s crime. They were then married.
Os this marriage but ono witness was living
when the suit was brought by Mrs. Gaines, and
that was the sister of Zulime. But there were
corroborating circumstances upon which the
proof of the reality of such a connection was
rested. After her marriage to Clark, in 1802,
Zulime returned to New Orleans, to take further
legal proceedings to invalidate, or rather au
thenticate, the illegality of the marriage with De
Grange. A suit was brought for this purpose
in the civil courts of the Territory, and judgment
was obtained against De Grange. In the mean
time, Clark had advanced in years and honors.
The gallant youth of 1802, had become the am
bitious politician and millionaire. As the popu
lar man of a powerful party, he was sent aMele
gate of the Territory to Congress. Here lie
soon forgot the poor Creole girl, and he began
to meditate a more brilliant marriage connec
tion, The object of this aspiration was the
lovely Miss Canton of Maryland, a grand-daugh
ter of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, who after
wards become Marchioness of Wellesley. She
was a great belle, and Clark’s fine manners
and wealth, no doubt, rendered him quite a desi
rable match, for so brilliant and accomplished a
beauty. They were engaged ; but some stories
of his enemies caused a sudden termination of
their relations. On hearing of his courtship of
Miss Canton, the unfortunate Zulime again went
to Philadelphia to procure proofs of her marriage
with Clark. But alas ! Clark, it was alleged, un
der the influence of a reckless ambition, had
made way with those proofs, and poor Zulime
again found herself the victim of man’s treachery.
In a feeling of desertion and helplessness, alone
among strangers, whose languge and habits were
foreign to her, she accepted the hand of Dr. Gar
dette, who generously and magnanimously, re
lying on her truth and sincerity, united his fate
and fortune with hers. From that period her life !
flowed smoothly on in the discharge of her du
ties as a wife and mother.
Shortly after her marriage with Gardette, i
Clark had suffered his severe rebuff from the
lovely Miss Caton. In a spirit of true penitence,
he hurried to Philadelphia, saw Zulime, and de- i
dared his determination to*proclaim their mar- j
riage. But it was too late. She informed him
that she was Mrs. Gardette. Clark was deeply
distressed at this, and exhibited a sincere peni
tence. He sought to atone for his desertion of
the mother, by kindness to the daughter, who
was born in 1806, of this secret marriage. ‘Phis
was Myra Clark. She was placed in charge of
an intimate friend of Clark, Colonel Davis, who
raised and educated her as his own daughter.
It was not until she had reached maturity, that
Myra discovered the secret of her history. Since
then, as Mrs. Whitney and as Mrs. Gaines, she
has prosecuted her claim to the property of
Daniel Glark, as his lawful heir, with a zeal,
earnestness and energy, which have rarely been
equaled in the annals of litigation. The diffi
culty has been to establish the marriage between
Zulime and Daniel Clark. Certainly, a mys
tery has long hung over this case, which only
the dead could rise from their graves, and satis.,
factorily determine.
Ihe once lovely Zulime, pissing through so
many reverses and misfortunes, returned, in her
old age, to New Orleans—her old home—and
passed a peaceful and happy life, in the family
of her son, respected and beloved for her many
virtues. She died at the age of seventy-eight,
the youngest of her family—two of her sisters
having attained their ninetieth year, a longevity
common to the old inhabitants of Louisiana,
and particularly of those horn on our sea-coast.
N. O. Delta.]
flimtz BmimtL
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. _
SATURDAY EVENING, SEPT. 24, 1853.
FOR GOVERNOR:
11ERSCHEL V. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN.
FOR CONGRESS:
Ist. DISTRICT JAMES L. SEWARD.
lid. DISTRICT A. H. COLQUITT.
Hid. DISTRICT DAVID J. BAILEY.
lVth. DISTRICT W. B. W. DENT.
; Vth. DISTRICT E. W. CHASTAIN.
VIItICDISTRICT THOS. P. SAFEOLD.
Vlllth DISTRICT J. J. JONES.
MUSCOGEE COUNTY NOMINATIONS.
FOR SENATE,
JOSEPH STURGIS.
FOR REPRESENTATIVES,
ALEXANDER MoDOUGALD,
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
The Public Lands—Bennett’s Bill—Position f
James Johnson.
According to promise we resume the consideration of
the Congressional career of Hon. James Johnson.
The publio lands of the United States are an im
mense possession. They are a publio mine which far ex
ceeds in richness “the wealth ofOrinus or of Ind.” The
great body of the publio lands now owned by the United
States were obtained by cession from Virgina, by pur
chase from France and by war with, and purchase from,
Mexico. The cession by Virginia w;.s made with di
rect reference to the payment of the debt contracted
during the Revolutionary war 5 there is, however, but
a comparatively small portion of this magnificent
domain now in possession of the United States. The
great bulk of the publio lands were ohtained by pur
chase and war ; the purchase money was taken from
the publio treasury ; the treasury was filled by taxes on
imports, of which the South paid much more than her
proportionate share. It would seem, therefore, that
equity and good faith required that the proceeds of
the sales of the public lands shall be return
ed into the treasury, so that the burthens of taxation,
which bear so unequally upon the South, might be re
duced, and the publio debt discharged, which was con
tracted in their acquisition.
The constitution gives no power to Cou rcee othoi*
than to sell or dispose of the public lands. The money,
therefore, accruing from the sale of them, is like any
other money in the treasury, and can only be appro
priated to the carrying out such powers as the consti
tution confers upon Congress. No man or party has
ever claimed for Congress the power to build Rail
roads, or to support schools in the States by the appro
priation of money out of the treasury ; there is no such
power in the constitution 5 sueh a use of the public
money would be a gross abuse of power, so clearly un
constitutional as to shock the common understanding.
And if Congress has no power to appropriate money, then
clearly it has no power to appropriate the public lands
for this object; as we have clearly shown that it has
no other power over them than to sell them.
There has been an exception made to this limitation
in new States ; but it rests upon the assumption that
a grant of a small portion for public improvements would
increase the value and facilitate the sale of the ballance,
and thus the public treasury, in the end, would be the
] fuller by the operation.
We are now prepared to enter into the merits of
Bennett’s Bill. W’hat is Bennett’s Bill? We an
swer ; It was a Bill introduced into the House of Repre
sentatives on the A. D. 1851, by Mr. Bennett,
of New York, to give to Missouri, three millions of acres
of public lands, to Alabama and lowa, three hundred
thousand, to Michigan, twenty-five hundred thou
sand, to Wisconsin, do., to Louisiana do., to Mississippi,
two hundred thousand, to Florida, do., to Arkansas,
three millions, to California, three millions, to Illinois,
one million of acres, in all twenty-seven million of
neres, of the public domain, and worth, at five dol
lars an acre, one hundred and thirty-five millions
; of dollars, to be used in building Railroads in these
| States ; and also to give to Indiana one million of
acres, and all the public land remaining in its limits,
! and to Ohio two millions of acres, and all the publio
j land remaining in its limits, and to each and every oth
er State in the Union, except Texas, one hundred and
: fifty thousand acres of land for every Senator and Rep
resentative they had in the 3*2d Congress ; and one
hundred and fifty thousand acres to every organised
Territory in the United States, and a like amount to
the District of Columbia —an amount of money almost
incalculable—to be appropriated to the support of schools
in their respective limits.
There are other clauses in the Bill, but they relate
to the manner of locating the lands, and selling the
game <fcc., and are not germaiu to the matter in land.
For this Bill —this monster Bill—your Representative,
fellow citizens, the Hou. James Johnson, voted as you
will see be referring to vol. 24, page 1626, Congres
sional Globe; yes he voted to give away for Railroad
and school purposes about sixty millions of publio do
main, worth, at 5 dollars an acre, the immense sum of
three hundred millions of dollars ; thereby increasing
the taxes to that amount in the end, and committing the
Federal Government, by indirection, to a gigantic scheme
of Internal Improvement unparalleled in magnitude in
the annals of Legislation.
If Mr. Johnson were asked if he would oonsent to
take three hundred millions of money out of the Trea
sury, and give it to the States, for the purpose of buil
ding Railroads and establishing schools, he would con
sider himself insulted. He is opposed to Internal Im
provements by the General Government! But where is
the difference between taking money out of the Treasu
ry for this purpose and appropriating the public domain,
which when sold, will put that- much money in the
treasury, and lessen in that proportion the burthen of
taxation ? We have already shown that the Bill is un
constitutional. And let no man undervalue this ob
jection. The constitution is the charter of our liberties,
and the bond of union. Trample it under foot, and the
last barrier which shields the South from the despotic
tyrany of a fanatical majority, at the North, will be bro
ken down, and the South be left to all the horrors of 3
false philanthropy, or to the defense of their own right
arms. This is a fatal objection to the Bill and leaves
Mr. Johnson without excuse for supporting it.
But not only is the Bill unconstitutional —it is impo
litic and ruinous to the highest and best interests of the
United States.
The distinguishing characteristic of our system of
Government is, that the States are independent and
sovereign ; and afford convenient and organized bodies
through which resistance to Federal tyrany may be
effectually made, whenever lust of power shall betray
the Federal Government into an abuse of its authority.
This is indeed the great conservative feature in our
Government —the feature which saves us, alike, from
the alternate oppression of anarchy, and of des
potism, to which all other Republican Governments are
exposed. It is therefore of the last importance to pre
serve the sovereignty aud independence of the States.
The perpetuity of Union, and the happiness, and pros
perity of the people alike demand this.
Against the independence of the States this monstrous
Bill aims an effectual and deadly blow. It offers a
bribe to submission to the unconstitutional action of the
Federal Government. As it is with a man, so it is
with a State ; make him a benefieiency and you rob
him of his independence. By placing the States in
the attitude of beueficieneie6 to the Federal power, Ben
nett’s land bill places them in the inferior position of
dependents ; elevates the Federal Government over the
States ; and thus destroys the best safeguards to popu
lar liberties.
These a great and fundamental objections to the
Bill. But there are many others equally solid.—
Our theory of Government is that, ‘‘that is the
best Government which governs least.’’ Wo look to
the Federal Government for protection from foreign
aggression, and from domestic violence, and to the States
and the people for everything else. They must subdue
the primitive forest, build roads, erect schools and
colleges, and all the other appliances of a high civilization.
In this respect we are a peculiar people. The despot
isms of the old world have much more splendid systems
than ours. Their armies, their navies, their Govern
ment schools, roads, and other public works, are much
more magnificent than ours, but their misfortune is,
that all that is done, is effected by the Government.
Our system is different. Theirs exalts the Government,
ours exalts the people. By doing every thing, their
Governments leave the people nothing to do. They
are, therefore, unenterprising, uneducated, vicious and
slaves. By doing but little our Government forces the
people to do every thing. They are, therefore, enter
prising, educated, and free, and under their care this
western wild has bloomed and blossomed like the
rose.
Bennett's Bill proposes to change this system—to
take all public enterprises out of the hands of the States
and people, and give them over to the care of the
Federal power. The result of this policy is apparent —
America will be turned back from her high career, and
be made to follow -jn the wake of European despotism.
The excuse for all these evils is, that the public lands are
a sourco of corruption, and endless strifes in Congress.
They are so, simply because unfaithful men are attempt
ing to divert them from their legitimate purposes. Sell
them, and put the money in the treasury, and all these
corruptions aud Buifve win But if the public lauds
are now a source of corruption, it is confined to Con
gress. The State Legislature at least are left pure.—
But once place in llu-ir hands the disposition of millions
of publio money, as Bennett’s Bill propose to do, and
how long will it be before this flood of corruption,
which is now confined to Congress, will innundate the
whole land, and spread its contaminating influences to
the furthest corner of the Republic ? The proud State
of Georgia spurns this corrupt bribe. She is competent
to the fulfillment of her own high duties, independent of
the corrupting aid of the Federal Government. By
her own capital and energy, she has intersected her
extremest borders with a net work of Railroads, whioh
challenges the admiration of her confederate States.
Colleges and schools dot her surface, and she only waits
the proper moment to place the means of education at
every man’s door. She is a great, sovereign and inde
pendent State, and will acknowledge herself the men
dicant of no power on earth, by entering into the dis
graceful scramble for its offal. This greatness, this
sovereignty, this independence, the Hon. James John
son has done all in his power to destroy, by giving his
vote for Bennett’s Land Bill* Thank God, there
were Republicans enough in Congress to defeat the
monster, and strangle it in its cradle. No doubt the
honorable gentleman will attempt to excuse himself by
pointing to the names of other men who voted with
him for the Bill. They are not candidates before us
for office. We have nothing to do with them. Let
them answer before their own constituents ; let him an
swer before his, for this outragious attempt to make the
State of Georgia subsidiary to the Federal Government
No doubt he will insultingly ask if we are opposed to
Rail Roads and Schools? No, we are not; but we
choose to build our own Roads and establish our own
Schools, and are in favor of other States doing the
same. No doubt, he will assert that the new States
will grab the publio domain, and thus deprive us of our
share in it. It is his business to prevent this by seeing
to it, that it is sold, and the proceeds put into the common
treasury. The theme is inexhaustible, but we have
said enough to prove that the Hon. James Johnson, in
voting for Bennett’s land Bill, has shown himself un
worthy of a seat, on the floor of Congress, from the
proud State of Georgia, which ehoses to be the equal
and not the beneficiary of the Government of the U.
States.
We have but room to add, that if this monstrous bill
ever becomes a law, and sixty millions of land are forced
upon the market, that large corporate companies and
bloated capitalists will become the purchasers, and thus
the public domain, instead of being a reserve, for the
benefit of the poor of the land, at one dollar and a
quarter per acre, will be converted into the means of
building up the fortunes of rapacious speculators, who,
having a monopoly of wild land, will fix their own price
upon it.
The Conservative party of Mclntosh county have nom
inated Randolph Spalding, Esq ~ for the Senate, and Capt.
Edward Bird, for the House of Representatives, in the
next Legislature.
Death of another Methodist Preacher.
Rev. J. W. Starr, another preacher of the Metho
dist Church, being the third this year, died in Mobile
Ala. September 20th. He was buried an the 21st in
stant.
Death of Capt. Wiltberger. —Capt. P. Wiltber
ger, proprietor of the Pulaski House, Sav., died in Brook
lyn, R. 1., on Thursday, ‘22d. inst.
Savannah and Pensacola Railroad. —The Council of
Savannah have appropriated one million dollars towards
the construction of the Savannah and Pensacola Railroad.
Dix, Vroom and Brown.
These three names have figured very conspicuously
in the Conservative press in Georgia. Whenever proof
has been demanded that Pierce has appointed free
soilers to office, the reply has always been “Dix, Vroom
and Brown.’’ Dix and Brown have had a hearing in
our columns. Brown always voted against the free
soilers ; Dix always opposed the abolitionists, and though
he voted for the Wiltnot Proviso he also voted for
the annexation of Texas, and the consequent spread
of slavery in the United States. We now have
an explicit denial from a whig paper in New York,
that Vroom is a free soiler. The New York limes
a very able and influential whig paper, gives to
Mr. Toombs a rebuke for his inconsiderate denunciation
of Dix, Vroom and the President. It says :
“ Mr. Toombs does less than justice to three very respect
able gentlemen in this paragraph.
“1. To Hon. John A. Dix, who, in his letter to Dr.
Garvin, has most explicitly declared himself a foe to aboli
tionism ; a friend to the Compromise ; and upon the whole,
a more strict constructionist than Mr. Toombs himsell.
“2. To Hon. Peter I). Vroom, who has in no instance,
through a consistent political life, exhibited the slightest
partiality for Garrison and his creatures. Baltimore never
contrived a platform so awkward aud shapeless that Mr.
Vroom hesitated to mount it. fie clave to Geueral Case
in 1848; advocated the Compromise, both before and after
its passage; and lent the whole force of his character and
name to repress the spirit of opposition, as manifest in the
first instance, in New Jersy as anywhere else. No man
less properly merits the name Mr. Toombs lends him.
“3. To the President, who is thus acquitted of appoint
ing any other abolitionists than such as may be included
under ‘the examples not given and should accordingly be
discharged, cleared.”
Now, let it be distinctly understood that neither Dix,
Vroom, or Brown are any favorites of ours ; we do not
endorse them ; we would have preferred that office had
not been given to them ; we insist, however, that they
are less free soilers than Webster, Fillmore, Corwin,
Hubbard, and Meridith ; aud that the Conservative
party is guilty of the greatest inconsistency in denoun
cing Pierce, for giving them minor offices, when they
voted for a worse Freesoiler for President of the United
States.
Rebuke the Administration.
One of the candidates of the Conservative party in
this county having urged the election of Chas. J. Jen
kins, upon the ground that it would rebuke the Ad
ministration for making Freesoil appointments, we pub
lish with the consent of the author, the following let
ter as a reply. It was addressed to the Mass meet
ing of the Democracy at Kingston ; and is a very able,
interesting communication. Read and digest it before and
voting, and then perhaps you will think Mr. Jenkins
ought to be rebuked for his love of Freesoilers instead of
Mr. Pierce.
Columbus, Sept. sth 1853.
Gentlemen: I yesterday received your circular of the
26th ult., and thank you kindly for the invitation to your
meeting at Kingston. Allow me to be frank in expressing
my dissent to your proposition, that the other party are de
seiting their former principles and adopting our own ; they
have neither changed their principles nor adopted ours ; if
sueh was the fact, the whig party being extinct by their own
resolve and public declaration, there could exist no neces
sity for anew organization; but, notwithstanding their pro
fessions, it is “ the same old coon ” in anew dress, under
the name of “conservative,” that is continuing the war upon
the true democracy of the State. Thejprinciples of this
party are the same as ever ; how can it be otherwise when
it is principally composed of the same men, who for years
have been fighting under ilie brood federal banner of Henry
Clay, and Daniel Webster ; a party which never regard
ed the sovereignty of the States, or the rights of the States
of sufficient weight to resist a bare majority in Congress;
a party which bows to the will of a majority, as their prac
tical constitution ; a Southern party, which, from the time
of its formation in 1840, has sung poeans on all occasions
to the success of Federal encroachments upon the rights of
the South ; a party which in times of need, and in the hour
of trial, joined the North in denying to tho South its consti
tutional right to an equal participation in the newly ac
quired territories ; a party which not only submitted to the
order of northern fanaticism to lower our standard of equal
ity, but with ruthless hands aided in pulling it down, de
nouncing us who tried to keep our gallant colors flying, as
traitors to our country ; a party which were engaged in tu
multuously rolling over even the States of the South, an
electioneering ball with the invidious and significant inscrip
tions of “Massachusetts— ever faithful” —“South Caroli
na—hemp for traitors This party placed the law of
Mexico, (a conquered country) above their constitution,
and revelled in their low, vulgar, and disgusting adulation
of the partizan politicians, whose genius, extraordinary tal
ant, and superior information had enabled them to make
the great discovery that the law of Mexico overrides the
American Constitution !! ! No matter how great may have
been the errors of the democracy, this “ same old coon ”
sometimes whig, and sometimes “conservative,” has been
uniformly opposed to all practical vindication of the rights
and equality of the South ; they have submitted to partial
and unjust legislation, and actually aided their northern al
lies in all acts of oppression upon the South, until from
habit and association they became so submissive as to de
clare that the South, (their own people) had no right to en
ter California with their slaves, and that a majority in Con
gress had the constitutional power to proscribe slavery
from the territories. And it is this party, which has unbal
anced the government, and reduced the South to a fawning
menial, which now ask the guardianship of the rights of
freemen. Shame upon Georgians, that such a party, whose
chief strength has ever consisted in humbug and violence,
and the impudent presumption of its leaders, should still
have a foot hold in this State. Upon what principle do
they oppose the democracy and the State rights party ?
Mainly, according to their charge,. that President Pierce
has made some appointments from the ranks of free soil- j
ers. If the charge was true to any impartial extent, you and
I might make the’objection, but how can they, or any of
them, object to the appointment of a free soiler ? It would
be much more consistent for them to object to Jefferson Da
vis, Judge Campbell, and others of that class, than tor those
with whom they were palpably and undeniably in close
cooperation. I ask, in all candor, with what face can a man
who supported Webster object to a freesoiler, when, if elec
ted, all his appointments must have been freesoilers, if he
were true to his known principles, and repeated declara
tions. Are the faces of Filmore men made of iron or
brass, who object to Pierce on account of a freesoil ap
pointment ? For one I cannot see how such men can mus
ter the courage to make an objection so inconsistent with
all their late associations.
This new conservative party proposes to be sectional. If
it would maintain such a position; it would be less objec
tionable, but is it not impossible tor it to take any other
course than to fall in with its old allies the whig?, at tha
North; it is constituted of whigs, and all their inclinations
and principles carry them in that direction,as straight as the
needle points to the pole. If they had changed their prin
ciples, they would join the democracy, lor, after all the pro
fessions of politicians, there is but one great point of differ
ence, and that is between the adherents to a written consti
tution, limiting the Government; and those who advocate
submission to a majority in Congress. However, gentle
men, the administration of the General Government has no
j connection with our State elections ; it is consolidating the
States to combine the elections, and make them wholly
dependant upon the action of the General Governrmnt, and
1 I protest against all such impolitic and unholy mixtures.
Although president Pierce has gone much'farther in sup
porting the Constitution, and defending the rights of the
South, than any of his Georgia detractors, still we should
attend to our own State Government, mixing it up
with his administration. The two candidates for Governor
are both men of intelligence and talent, their claims upon
public favor should be based upon their merits, and their
views ol State policy. The one is objected to on account
of his democracy and his religion, while the other is op
posed from his prominent adhesion to the whig or conserv
ative party, and for his restrictive opinions in regard to the
elective franchise. The groat number of religious sects
prove that the subject is difficult ol comprehension, and,
therefore, the Constitution has wisely provided that all
should he protected in the free exercise and enjoyment of
their opinions. The Algerian law may as a local law,
which legislators scarcely ever feel authorised to notice or
oppose, be satisfactory to the people of Augusta, but the
distinction maintained, cannot be tolerated or defended un
der our republican system of government; it is not only an>
te republican, but it is aristocratic in the extreme, and to
carry the principle into practice, in State legislation, must
soon produce Lords and Nobles.
Respectfully yours, 11.
To W. W. Clayton, )
Nathan Land, [ Committee, &e.
Wm. T. Wofford. )
All the Chances.
We understand that the Conservative party are hav
ing tickets printed and circulated through the State
some of which are headed “Union Ticket,” others
“Conservative Ticket,” others “Republican Citizens
Ticket,’’ and we would not be surprised if others again
were headed “Democratic Ticket.” It seems, there
fore, that though the Mongrel party in this county have
nominated a ticket to represent but one “phase” of
their party, that the wiser heads in other parts of the
State are pandering to the tastes of several “phases”—
indeed of everyy “phase” of their piebald organization
except the “whig phase.” This unfortunate class seem
to be entirely overlooked, nay, shunned and disowned,
as well in this, as in every other part of the State.
Let Democrats beware of these tickets and vote none
but the regular Democratic ticket, with Ilerschel V.
Johnson’s name at the mast head, and the names of our
Congressional and county nominees.
THREE DAYSLATER FROM EUROPE.
ARRIV AL OF THE AFRICA.
New York, Sept. 22.
The British mail Steamship Africa with Liverpool
dates to Saturday the 10th inst., has arrived at New
York.
Liverpool Cotton Market.
The sales of Cotton in the Liverpool market for the
week ending on the 9th inst., comprise 33,000 bale s, ot
which speculators took 2000, and exporters 6000 bales,
| leaving 25,000 bales of all descriptions for the trade.—
i The quotations are .as follows : Fair Orleans, 6 7 Bd.;
Aliddlinjz Orleans, 6 to 6 1 Bd.: Fair Uplands, 6 5-Bd.;
and Middling Uplands, 5 7-gd. The demand was mod
erate, and prices in favor of buyers. The lower grades
had declined the most.
Manchester Trade. —The trade at Manchester was
moderate, and holders were not pressing their stocks on
the market.
Rice. —The advance heretofore noticed in Rice has
been lost, and the market is again quiet
Havre Cotton Market
The Havre cotton market continues unchanged. The
sales since the Arctic’s departure on the 7th inst., ave
raged 600 bales per day.
London Money Market. —Consols have declined
and are quoted at 96 3-4. The Money market is
higher.
The War Prospect revived.
No definite change has occurred in the aspect of the
Eastern Question.
The reply of the Czar to the “Vienna Note” as modi
fied by the Sultan, could not arrive for some days by
courier. But his failure to telegraph his reply, has oc
casioned renewed apprehension.
It is stated in Paris, on the authority of the Russian
Embassy, that the Czar refuses any modification of tho
conditions of the “note” coming from the Sultan.
The Roman States are in a troubled condition.
Frauee is quiet.
The French and English funds have declined.
Capt. Vanderbilt had arrived in the Bosphorus,
Rumors from Washington.
Washington, Sept. 18.
The Russian, Prussian and Austrian Ministers have
filed in the State Department their protest against tho
course of Capt. Ingraham in the Kossta affair. Russia
and Prussia side with Austra against the United States.
Secretary Marcy’s views on this momentous matter are
matured, and will probably be submitted to the Cabinet at
its meeting to-morrow. These views occupy about eigh
ty pages of manuscript, and the effort will be the grand
document of the Administration. It will be given to the
public in a few days.
Hon. Philip Phillips, the new Democratic member of
the House of Representatives from the Mobile district of
Alabama is here. I predict a splendid career for this
learned and eloquent gentleman in the coming congress.
It is believed the gentlemen who are to have the French
and Chinn Mission have been determined on. Their
names have not been made public, but it will not surprise
me if a gentleman from California goes to China.
American Timss:]
Yellow Fever at New Orleans.
New Orleans. Sept. 22.
The interments on Tuesday wore 37, including 17 by
jellow fever.
The weather to-day has been cold.
Nationa IConvention. — Boston Sept. 22.—The Con
vention of the National Democrats have nominated Brad
ford L. Wells, for Governor of Massachusettcs. The Con
vention denounced the coalition, and stigmatized General
Cushing as a Free Soil Whig. They also expressed
sympathy for the New York Hunkers.
Massachusetts Convention. — Baltimore. Sept. 22.—•
The Democratic State Convention of Massachusetts have
nominated Mr. Bishop for Governor.
GAS FIXTURES,
THE subscribers having engaged competeut workmen, will be
prepared to fit up Stores and Houses with pipes, burners, and all
necessary apparatus for the use of Gas. This work willbewar
anted, and done under the superintendence of the Engineer oi
ttie Columbus Gas Light company. ’VHITTELSEV &. cO.
According to the by-laws of the company, the houses and
stores will be fitted up in the order ol their application.
A Register Book is now ready at the store ot Messrs. *4 hntel
sev & CO. C. E. DEXTER. Sec’ry.
April 15 w&twtf Columbus Gas Light Company