Newspaper Page Text
<L\mts attfo
COLUMBUS, GEOKGIa7^ _
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 27,
FOR GOVERNOR.
HERSCIIEL V. JOSIYSOW
for congress
-Ist District—James h. Seward, of Thomas.
3d. u James M. Smith, of Upson.
4th *• Hiram Warner.
sth “ ‘Jno. H. Lumpkin.
Oth “ Howell Cobb, oi Clarke.
Congressional Convention, 2d District.
We suggest that the Democratic Congressional Conven
tion for the Second District be held at Americas, on \V ed
needay, 11th July next. The Supreme Court will be in
session at that time in Americus. What say our Demo
cratic cotemporaries to this suggestion ? Ihe time and
place ought to be agreed upon at once. wtwtd.
Democratic Hally !
There will be a Mass Meeting of the Democratic Party
of Muscogee county at Columbus, on Saturday 7th July.
Gov. Johnson has consented to be present and ad
dress the people. Other distinguished gentlemen will be
invited and are expected to attend. The citizens oi Mus
ogeo and the adjoining counties, without distinction ol
parties, are respectfully invited to bo present.
WILLIAM TEN NELL, J
.1. F. BOZEMAN,
M. J. WELLBORN, {.
ALFRED IVERSON, f Committee.
M. J. CRAWFORD,
TENNANT LOMAX, J
Columbus, June 26, 1854.
The “No Party” Party, and the “Spoils.”
An intelligent lover of liis country makes no vaunt
ing boasts of superior concern for her welfare. When
we hear loud professions of disinterested devotions on
the one hand, and senseless denunciation on the other,
an iuvoluntary and uncontrollable and contempt for
the self constituted, all sided, and protruding ignorance
of the blatant pharisee, cuts off so much as a feeling of
opposition, even which otherwise might bo aroused to
scourge with, at least a monosyllabic epithet, such
miserable aud pitiful tools of either their own lolly or
duplicity.
There are those, who, affecting to despise “Party”
and “party machinery,” and doubtless a lew persuade
themselves that it is not mere affectation—throw them
selves outside of party contests, vauntingly proclaiming
themselves superior, and immeasurably above the
“tricks” of party movements. Such are seen period
ically, the leaders of a “band of patriots,’* who gra
ciously condescend to mingle with the “vulgar crowd,”
and for the nonce honor them, and “the country,’’ with
their wisdom, and pure and disinterested co-operation,
as leaders in the crusade.
During certain epochs, “patriots” spring up like
mushrooms of a night. These “patriots are almost
alwaye without a party, that is to say, having been rout
ed upon their own issues, and which, no longer having
vitalityjthey, suddenly become disgusted with man’s ava
rice and want of principle. Like poor human nature, days
of repentance comes when adversity overwhelms them.
In retrospeoting their own career, the ghosts of so rnanv
well devised plans, miscarried ; the remembrance of
ineffectual schemes, secretly, and most admirably con
cocted j beating hearts, sick, at last, with hopes de
ferred ; finally, the chagrin of defeat, the desertion of
position ; the isolation of their proselytes ; the sad
crushing consciousness, that they have no longer an
abiding place, and “lost in loos itself,’* the world ground
reflects their own despair ; betrayed by their bitter de
nunciations and accusing knowledge of plans other’s
and motives.
The truth is now, as when Junius utterred his phillip
ics against this phariseeism “ Professions of patriot
ism are become stale and ridiculous .’’ Never was this
nearer truism than at the present time. Men disap
pointed in political aspirations, without hope—but in the
tuinof otheas, endeavoring to butld up themselves by
warring udon those above them, use the very accusa
tions which their own consciousness suggests as being
guilty of themselves.
This, as we have said, is especially trne of the pres
ent times. The Whig party, as a party has plunged
into the Serbonian bog of Know Nothingism. By the
merest ehiohanery, they are endeavoring to strengthen
themselves with the outside cry of party corruption,
and disaffection to the South. They have cast about iu
every direction for an anchoring plaoe ; have invoked
every breeze to fill their sails, and with the most un
blushing effrontery and presumption, avow themselves
the only true champions of public good, and sectional
safety ! What a picture do the opponents of the De
mocratic party present ! At first it had the “dry rot,”
and the South was being sold to Aboltionism. This tu
sion of all the sound elements , God save the mark
understood better the duty of patriots and Southern
men, and so invoked a “Union of the South for the
safety of the South.’’ Hardly had the words died
upou ther lips, than a “national” movement was made
in Philadelphia, and these “saviours” of the South cry
Hosannah, to the god of Know Nothingism’. We do
not say that every individual of the fusion movement
was so false to his professions, but the body of the
“party’’ which was in fact “no party,” nor can be
above a faction, as long as the Democracy maintains
its organization.
How stands the “no party,” “people’s party’* now ?
Some of its warmest adherents avow its exclusive sec
tional character ; others, equally as ardent and attach
ed to the bantling declare it a “Union National Move
ment,” in other words, the offspring of Know Noth
ingism, whose great mission it is to preserve the Uniou
at all hazards, to keep down the “Irish,” to encourage a
religious iutolerance, and, in the absence of any other
hope at present, especially to worry the Democrat
ic party. O ! what a pure party, and what noble ends
it has in view ! Such preachers of ptlitical purity, pa
triotic aims, disinterested devotion and self-sacrifice,
have not been seen for many a day !
If ever there was a party smelling after the flesh
pots, this “no party” is by its acts, self-confessed. —
Their short race will soon be run. Good meD, and
true, will ere long see into what hands they have fallen.
Many have trusted them, but shorter what tergiversation
trickery, promises, threats, rewards, contradiction—have
they not been guilty of ? O 1 what a pure party is this,
which calls upon the “people*’ the “dear people” to
put down corruption and cut off this “wild hunt
after the spoils.’’
A Case or Poisoning. —We learn that an entire
family residing in the lower part ot the city, were poi
soned the other day—Mrs. Malcoro Persons, her three
children, father and sister. A negro the
cook, belonging to Mr. John Walker, is strongly sus
pected. At laet necounts three of the family were bet-.
,er * *wo are still dangerously ill. The negro has runa- (
way, ‘ ■ , : i
How the Democracy voted on the Nebraska-
Kansas Bill.
Id a speech delivered by 11. K. McClay, Esq., at
Americus recently, we find the following paragraph :
Nav, out of forty Northern Democrats in the House of
Representatives, there were but twenty-one who voted lor
the bill, and the party was only kept from open rupture, by
the formal announcement of the Union newspaper—the or
gan of the administration—that the Kansas bill was no test
ofpartyalliar.ee. I give all honor to the twenty-one na
tional men -who voted with us upon that occasion, but I do
not consider for that reason the party to which they belong,
demands my support.
When a prominent and respectable gentleman like
Mr. McClay attempts to form public sentiment, it is a
pity be does not first verify his facts. In this instance
Mr. McClay mistakes the facts and does very great in
justice to the Democratic party. The facts are these.
There were 87 Northern Democratic Representatives
in the last Congress who voted on the Nebraska-Kansas
bill. On the passage of the Nehraska-Kaneas bill, 44
Northern Democrats voted lor the bill and only 43
Northern Democrats voted against the bill. Now if
the majority rule is to determine the question of sound
ness of parties the Northern Democracy are sound on
the Nebraska-Kansas act. A majority of the Northern
Democrats in the House voted for the bill, and it is,
therefore, apparent that if the question bad been left
t to them alone, we should nave had the bill without the
I help of a single Southern vote, Whig, Know Nothing
and what not, was oast against the bill. In this state
1 of facts, is it r.ot prepostrous to attempt to form anew
party, out of the elements in opposition to the Democ
i racy, with any hope of success in a canvass in which
i the Nebraska-Kaneas bill is the main issue? Our
friends in the Northern States are all members of the
Democratic party, taking the vote on the passage of the
Nebraska-Kansas bill as a test of soundness, and if we
wish to sustain and strengthen them and thereby pre
serve our rights in the Union, we must join the party
to which they belong. They will not quit their old
party to gratify, the prejudices of Southern men. They
love the Democratic party as much as Mr. McClay
hates it. They have nothing to gain by quitting tlieir
time honored party. Their rights are not attacked.
But they say to Southern men, “we, the Northern De
mocracy are the friends of the South •, we alone voted
for the Kansas bill; we are attacked for this vote by
Northern Whigs, Know Nothings and Abolitionists ;
| come to our aid ; with your help we can put them
down.” To such an appeal Mr. McClay and his friends
| say “1 have been a W T hig from my boyhood. I can
| not call rr.yself by vbur name.’’ Is this reply salisfac
i tory ? We leave the people of the South to give the
answer.
The Corner Stone upon the Col tun bus Move
ment.
We have denounced the Columbus Movement as a
sham. The proof upon this point is cumulative. The
Chronicle Sentinel regards it as a national organiza
tion. Mr. Jenkins denies that it is a sectional party.-
We have yet to find the first friend of the Movement
outside of Muscogee County, of any prominence, who
agrees with the chief authors of the movement as to
its form, character and objects. We, therefore, pre
dict that the Convention of Bth August will split asun
der, and that all tho sound elements in it will fall baak
upon the Platform of the Georgia Democracy. Our
neighbor of the Corner Stone, has d : scovered the no
tional tendency of the Movement, and, in an article
headed The character of the Columbus Movement ,
indulges in some very pertinent remarks lo which we
desire to call the attention of the public.
“This movement bears sectionalism upon the face of it.
The country wants sectionalism and demands it. The
sectionalism of the movement is its life and its soul, and
gives it all its strength —without its sectionalism it is
worse than worthless, and shall we demoralize and de
stroy it by calling it national ?
Why shall we call it national ? To catch national
mon ? they are the very men we are opposing. To de
coy men into it by falsehood and deception ? Such a
course is unworthy of the cause. To get numbers ? the
more men the worse, if they are to pervert the move
ment to any other than its real object.
We would not give a straw for the movement if it is
to be made a mere machine to catch upon any and every
pretext, voters to beat the Democrats, either for State or
national offices. We want it for the purpose of binding
together the people of the South, not to turn this man or
that party out of office and put others in, but to defend
the South against the North, to assert our rights as
equals, and to defend them as becomes free and brave
men—aye, to defend them if need be, to the death—and
to this end, and for this purpose, we had rather start
with a few honest, earnest men who are agreed upon the
one great point and determined to pursue it, and to sac
rifice everything to it, than lo start with thousands who
merely wish to make the organization subservient to their
own personal advancement.
“We repeat it is sectionalism and sectionalism alone,
which can give this movement power or value. If any
man wants a national organization let him go to the De
mocratic Party. It is not only the best national organi
zation that exists, but is the best that can be formed. It
can and will grind to powder any other national organ
ization at the South, as it ought to do—sectionalism is the
only thing that is, or ought to be stronger than it. It is
stronger than a national Democracy—because it is the
only thing which can save the South. The feeling is
strong among the people, and is growing stronger every
day.”
Spoken like a man and a patriot, brother Bethune.—
It presents the true issue before the country. We op
pose the formation of a sectional party, at this time,
because we believe we can more surely accomplish the
admission of Kansas by adhering to the national De
mocracy under whose lead the Kansas act was passed.
If we fail of our object we are pledged and so are the
Georgia Democracy to go into a sectional organization.
The Corner Stone believes the time has now arrived
for a sectional organization. It is an honest difference
of opinion as to a question of policy. But the idea of
forming a national organization, co extensive with the
Union, to crush sectional encroachment , out of the
rotten materials opposed to the national Democracy is
so palpable a piece of hurnbuggery as to be unworthy
of a moment’s consideration. Such, however, we be
lieve, will be the effort of the Convention of the Bth
August. We warn Southern Rights men to guard
against this iniquity. Opposition to the Democracy is
the life and soul of the Columbus Movement outside of
the 2d Congressional District.
Georgia Delegates to the Philadelphia Know
Nothing Convention. — A Philadelphia paper repre
sents the following named gentlemen as delegttts to
the late Convention in that city, viz; Jacob R. Davis,
F. H. Cone, Washington Poe, Joshua Hill, C. Leitner,
of Columbia, B. J. Head and J. J. Word.
Know Nothing Statistics Corrected.
The Know Nothing presses of Georgia publ.th to the j
world .that there are in the State Depart.! ent 12 1
Americans aid 46 Foreigners in office ;in the Treasury
Department 139 Americans and 27S Foreigners ; in the ;
Interior Department 33S Americans and 500 Foreign- |
ers; in the Post Office Department 11 Americans aod j
80 Foreigners. This is all false.
The Washington Union of June 19th, pub iehes a j
denial of three statistics, which has appeared for tho j
earth time in that paper, and yet the Know Nothing
papers reiterate their oharges. The facts are thus set
forth by the Union :
1. The Post Office Department employs in Washington
100 persons. Ol these, 88 are native bom Americans and
12 foreign born. Os the 12, five wore appointed before the
present administration cam© into power—leaving seven ap
pointed by the present Postmaster General.
2. The Interior Department employs 798 person?. Ol
these, 604 are native and 88 foreign, and 106 whose birth
place is unknown.
3. The State Department employs at Washington oo
persons. Os these, 30 are native and 5 foreign born.
4 The Treasury Department employs at Washington
and in the custom houses, light house? and coast survey,
2,093 persons. Os these 1,845 are native, 227 foreign born,
and 26 whose birth place is unknown.
It appears from the.-e records that in the four department?
named, there are 2,567 native, and 332 foreign born citizens
employed. A similar statement from the other depart
ments Would not increase the proportion of foreign born ap
pointees. What we have given is sufficient to stamp the
charge as a gross falsehood.
The foregoing refutation was procured by the Union
from the records of the four departments in September
last, and adds that it is “now enabled to state authori
tatively that the oharges made since that time have not
increased the relative proportion of forein boru citizens
in office.”
Lumpkin, Ga., June 2?.
Messrs. Editor :
At the urgent request of his friends, James Clarke,
sen., Esq., has kindly furnished us with the enclosed
copy of his speech for publication.
You will please do us the favor to insert it in your
next paper and oblige,
Very Respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
BENJ. MAY.
JAMES GRAHAM.
MARTIN BURKE.
JOHN A. TUCKER.
JOHN B. RICHARDSON
D. W. C. THORNTON.
Speech of James Clark before the Mass Meet
ing of Stewart County, of the 19th of June.
Mr. Chairman :—This meeting has been called for the
investigation of subjects of vital importance to the South.
A meeting ot more importance in its bearings never has as
sembled in our county. Hence, the necessity of grave and
mature councils and a free interchange ot opinions upon
those questions which we shall this day be called upon to
decide. In these deliberations, a full participation of all
parties are invited The occasion demands it. In this
solemn hour this bickerings of party animosities should
cease. They are unfriendly to truth. We should meet here
not only as Georgians, but as American citizens, and as in
habitants of the greatest and proudest Republic in the world ,
not only as friends to the constitutional right? of the States;
but as friends also ot the Union of the States. Whilst we
adopt measures for the vindication of our rights as a South
ern State, under the Federal constitution ; anxious regard
should be had to the preservation of this great confederation
oi State* 5 , “as the palladium of our political safety and pros
perity.” Discarding all partial or selfish views, we should
consult together in the spirit of au enlarged and enobling
•patriotism.
Under the influence of such sentiments, our country, our
whole country, and nothing but our country, will be at once
our watchword and our aim ; and we shall be prepared to
act with all true men, whether at the North or South, or
East or West, whose object is the public good, and whose
solemn purpose it is to live and labor as well for the pres
ervation of the Unton as for the preservation of the consti
tutional rights of the States.
For, fellow citizens, let it ever be remembered, let it never
be forgotten, that in the idea ol the preservation of the con
stitutional rights of the States, and in the idea of the preser
vation of the constitutional union of the States, there is no
incongruity, no antagonism, but perfect harmony. As
long ns the Union, as framed by our fathers, under the great
charter of our national and States and individual rights, ex
ists and continues to perform its constitutional functions ;
our i ights as States w iii be preserved. The truth is, we are
parts and parcels of one great system, of one unbroken con
sistent political whole. Without the States are preserved in
the full possession and enjoyment of all their constitutional
powers and privileges, the Union cannot be maintained.—
So without the Federal Union, within the limitations and
restrictions of the constitution, is supported and permitted
freely to put forth over all portions of this extended land
hor conservative and protecting power, the States have no
assurance of permanent safety. It is from the same instru
ment that they derive rights and powers. Whilst on the
one hand, power is communicated by this paper to the
Federal Government, by this same paper powers and rights
are reserved to the States. By supporting this National
Government in its constitutional exercise of power, that
line by which rights and powers are “reserved to the States
respectively and to the people,” is kept plain and distinct.
Thus it is alone, by the preservation of the Union and the
rights and immunities of the States and people which com
pose it, that the beauty, unity and harmony of this compli
cated system of government, under which we have enjoyed
so many blessings, can and wiil be preserved.
These, fellow citizens, are my principles, and I shall in
the approaching contest affiliate and act with that party
which for the time being, is the most willing and the best
able to carry them out. lam no party man ; I never have
been, except on important occasions to effect important ob
jects. The constitutional rights of the States and especially
of my native State, have always, to me, been dear ; but the
security and preset vation of this Union,has been my earliest,
and I trust, it will be my latost desire; and I can have affini
ty with no party or men that will rashly take measures for
the security of the one that may unnecessarily endanger or
destroy the other.
What is the object of the present meeting ? It is to de
liberate upon the resolutions commonly called the “Amal
gamation Resolutions of Columbus,” and to organize anew
party in Georgia, of which these resolutions shall be the
Platform. To the leading object of this movement l am
utterly opposed. The complexion of this meeting and of
many of the men and circumstances that gave it origin, are
such as may well induce every reflecting conservative man
anxiously to inquire/* Watchman what ol the night 1” Does
every thing around us betoken safety to the dearest interests
of the American people ? Are there no baleful influences
abroad ? Union men of 1850, you who aided in the elec
tion of that great Georgia Convention from whom eminated
the Georgia Platform, beware! When you behold a great
meeting headed by a motly group of Fire-eaters, Disunion
ists and Know Nothings, and every order of Ktraism and of
discord ; when you behold the bitterest political enemies
suddenly converted into fast and loving friends, all joining
in fraternal concert in the formation of anew party ; send
ing their letters missive to every portion of the State, and
! moving heaven and earth to disquiet and unsettle the public
i mind, and organizing a great sectional and geographical
I party. I say again, beware; I sound the alarm. It is for
i the people to hear and to heed.
| I object to this movement because it wholy premature.
j Whatever may be the necessity of such a movement in a
! future and darker period of our history, now, is certainly
; not the time. It is admitted on all hands that this is an at-
I tempt to form a great Southern party. It was the same
! movement and headed by many ot the same men which in
I 1850 met with such signal rebuke. It is an attempt, 1 re
peat, to form a great sectional geographical party. This
appears most distinctly in the preamble to the resolutions,
j and also in one of tho resolutions published to the world.
Well might the “father of his country” at the conclusion
of his eventful and illustrious public life in his Farewell
Address to the American people warn them against “par
ties characterized by geographical discriminations” as dan
gerous to the Union. The dangerous tendency of these
sectional factions, “he who runs may read.”
Oppos.tion and jealousy of section against section, in
which strife and hatted are engendered and strengthened,and
inflamed, whose criminations and recriminations are float
ed upon every breeze.are but the living,moving firebrands that
produce the dissolution and ruin ota people. Their facili
ties of intercommunication are but the strife of enemies face
to face, whenever the expression of reciprocal scorn and
abuse are succeeded by blows.
VV henever that day arrives when part£ hatred shall de
stroy all sympathy and commerce between the North and
South ; when the South shall have no friends at the North
and the North no lriends at the South, and in which noth
ing better than suspicion and distrust shall dictate their
language and their conduct to each other, then we may
well say, “farewell! a long farewell to all our greatnesr!”
the glory will have depar-ed from Ureal, the Union and
prosperity of these States wilt go down in darkest night.—
Human nature is the same in every age, whether we view
it as illustrated in a quarrel face to face between man and
man, or in a great organized quarrel of the States North
and South of Mason and Dixon’s line. The tendency is
either case is to the violent collision ofoposing forces and
to the shedding of human blood. Fellow citizens, I agian
repeat, that this Columbus movement which has been sent
into the world with such a mighty sound of trumpets, is
premature. It is a reckless jumping ahead of the GeorgiE
Platform and of the spirit ol the pieamble and addiess
which accompanied and illustrated that paper. Whenever
the time arrives, as anticipated by thejGeorgia Platform,
when Congress shall refuse to admit a Territory into the
Union on account of slavery, or shall, by its unconstitution
al legislation, usher into actual existence any of those
wants mentioned in ths fourth article of the Georgia Plat
form efdrpgd possibilities existing vvfaojy iq the future; then,
and not till then, shall I be prepared “to resist even (as a
last resort) to the disruption of every tie that binds us to the
Union.” The time may come. The aggressive action of
the Federal Government made the subject of warning in
this article of the Georgia Resolution, may come. Con
gress may become reckless and regardless of its constitu
tional powers and may infringe on the rights and safety of
the South. Heaven only knows. But should such a time,
big as it would be, with awful and tremendous impost,ever
come, as a Union man of 1859 and standing.upon the Geor
gia Platform. 1 for one would be prepared tor action. 1
say further, in such an event, the people of Georgia will
stand together as one man. But until that time actually
arrives, 1 forbear, and hope for better things. “Sufficient
unto the day is the evil thereof.” “The Empire State of
the South” in her sovereign capacity, has taken a firm, de
termined and noble stand. Expressing her attachment to
the Union and her estimate of her constitutional rights as one
of its members. She utters from the halls of her capital the
solemn alternative that would press upon her, should those
rights be invaded. Here was tne utterance ofa voice which
carried moral power and influence to every portion of the
land. And here let the whole people of Georgia unitedly
stand ; reproving every partial and impartial display of hot
haste and offensive suspicion ; and seeing to it, that we do
nothing calculated to hasten any of those events which we
hope may never come.
i again repeat, that this movement for the formation £,
a Southern party, is premature —fraught with mischief arid
danger and“that continually.” Where is the inducement?
What valuable purpose can be now attained? Has not
Georgia already, and in the most solemn and imposing
manner, taken position, and uttered her determination. Can
we, in this way add to the force of these great resolves ?
Can we augment their influence, by perpetually talking
about what we intend to do? Fellow citizens, the resolu
tions of the Georgia Platform a;e lies Judicata of a
wholepeople. No mere party organization can add aught
to thvir moral power; and nothing under heaven, I trust,
will,or can shake their validity, I again ask, then, what
useful object to the country can be accomplished by this
movement? Note is the most unseasonable and unfit time
for such agitation before the people. We have no reasons
I now to complain or to sound forth the harsh and offensive
j notes of apprehension and suspicion. At this hour we have
reasons to congratulate ourselves that it is as well with us
a? it is. For the last seven years the South has been regu
larly gaining ground and increasing her influence in the
confederacy. For the last seven years, by the fidelity and
zeal of our own servants, and the co operation of our nor
thern friends, and by the intrinsic justice ol our cause, the
South has made regular advances in the vind cation and
establishment of Southern Rights.
When the “Wilrnot Proviso,” that degrading badge of
Colonial inferiority, was attempted to be forced upon us,
the South ralied her forces; many of the choice spirits of
North came up to the rescue, and the unhallewed attempt
was cloven down. When the territorial bills of Utah and
New Mexico were introduced, the South asked that they
should be admitted into the Union free from all slavery re
strictions; it was granted,and the right of Congress to leg- J
islate, or dictate legislation, on the subject of slavery was
abandoned. When a strong fugitive slave law was reques
ted to reclaim our fugitives lrom service, and make the pro
vision of the Constitution available in our favor, wo were
told to frame a law to suit ourselves. The law was pre
pared by Southern members of Congress, with most strin
gent provisions, and triumphtly passed, by the aid ofa re
spectable Northern vote. When the repeal of the Missou
ri Compromise, with its odious restrictions, which had de
graded and insulted us, for more than thirty years, was de
manded, an act of Congress was passed fully recognizing
the sovereignty of the Territories over slavery, and abol
ished the disparaging restriction, of which we. had such
just right to complain. And last, not least, to complete the
magnificent climax of Southern progress,the great territo
ries of Kansas and Nebraska were organized under the
broad shield of that local sovereignty on the slavery ques
tion which is the inalienable right of the South. In all
these demonstrations of advancement in the establishment
of Southern Rights, many eminent and patriotic Northern
men stood by us, “side by side and shoulder to the wheel,”
and wielded a most effective balance of power in our fav
vor; at a time too, when nothing elsec iuld have secured
our triumph. These very men, although many of them
may ho temporarily beaten down by Northern fanaticism,
are still alive and active, and in the full possession ol their
laculties, and as much our friends novy as they ever were
before, and prepared to make every effort to roll back the
torrent which has swept them down, and to regain that po
sition in the councils of the nation, whi#Ji will enable them
effectually to serve us in those great questions of a coming
day, upon the decision of which in our favor, we have sol
emnly proclaimed that our continuance in the Union will
depend. Is now the time to withdraw from them our en
couragement and favor? Would it comport with the noble
chivalry of the South? The time was when the voice of
that ancient Commonwealth, that contains the bones of
Washington and Patrick Henry, was heard with profound
veneration in every portion of the land. Where is the pat
riot that does not respect, even now, what, on important
occasions, the ‘‘Old’Dominion” may now do. The late
triumphant e’ections in Virginia show, that, whilst she is
the last that wiil desert a fallen friend, she is also the last
one that will ever cringe or truckle to the base bought vic
tories of an arrogant toe.
I again repeat, is now the time, by invidious local and
sectional combinations, to lose the support of our North
ern friends? At this particular juncture, having reference to
the shadows that are cast before us, would it either bo po
litic or wise? Tho question of the admission of Kansas in
to the Union, with a constitution sanctioning slavery, must,
very shortly, be met in Congress. In the determination ol
this question there is wrapped up our weal or woe, so far
as either depend on our continuance in the Federal Union.
If this territory is not admitted free from all manner
of restriction in relation to slavery, we stand pledged before
the world, that let others do as they may, Georgia must
not, will not, cannot remain in the Union.
Who does not desire the preservation of this Union ?
Where is the man who does not desire the preservation
and perpetuation of this mighty and growing Republic,the
last hope of humanity throughout the world? And yet by
the destruction of the nationality of our party, at this mo
mentous period, by proclaiming a wholsale distrust of Nor
thern fidelity; by cutting off all affiliation with Northern
parties and Northern men, we shall inevitably lose that
Northern support which, in the time of final trial, when the
Kansas question is brought before Congress, will, under the
irrevocable Resolve already made by Georgia, as certainly
force us out of this Union as the seasons will continue to
visit us, or as the year will continue to roll around.
Bare with me, fellow citizens, and permit me here for a
moment to enlarge. Admission of Kansas is the para
mount question ot the day. It is paramount, not only on
account of the great principle involved, but because it in
volves a contingency that may remit in the dissolution of
this Union. How would we stand on this question, under
the auspices of a party exclusively sectional and Southern?
Let plain, stubborn facts be met for one moment face to
face. Suppose the present project embodied in the Colum
bus movement to succeed here, and to succeed in all the
Southern States, and a great Southern party were formed,
and that the Kansas question, which involves so much,
were to become exclusively a question between the North
and the South; how and where would we stand? What
would be the result? With no Northern votes in our favor,
we should be inevitably defeated, “horse, foot and drag
j oons.” Being a minority in Congress, we are powerless
to carry any measure except by the aid of Notthern votes.
What folly, then, what desperation, so to frame our party
that this indispensable Northern support will be lost in the
great and tremendous hour, upon which is suspended the
destinies of the States of America as a united people.
But you ask what shall we do ? Many of our patriotic
citizens have lost their old party affinities and attachments,
and are now anxiously enquiring what is b/st for them to
do. New issues have been formed, new events in the his
tory of the country require, in some sense, anew modifica
tion of parties. You desire a stand in the approaching
contest, where, as Georgians and American citizens, you
can, in favor of your count-y, exert the most effective in
fluence It will not do to join the Know Nothings, for of
them you know and can know but little. “Shadows,clouds
and darknes rest upon them./ By joining them you may
blindly launch your hark upon a dark and perilous sea of
mischief, without a shore. It will not do to reconstruct
the old national Whig party; for that party at the North
ha? become the stronghold of Abolitionism and every oth
er ‘ism.’ that can imperil the best good of the country: and
I have already said enough to show that it will never do
to enlist under the Columbus banner; for that banner will
be tattered and torn, and may become the miserable insig- |
nia of the defeat of the South and the ruin of our country.
The question, then, again occurs, whither shall we go that
we may, most effectually, serve our country in her greatest
time of need? In answer, let me suggest to you, a word of i
council, which has the best evidence that it is honest, be- 1
causo it is the council by which your humble speaker will
be guided. If there can be found already in existence in i
the Stats any well organized party, sufficiently national ;
to preserve and encourage our Northern friends,and which, j
at the same time, recognizer the great principles of South- j
ern and States Rights: if there be any party, whose action j
will preserve intact the rights arid immunities of the States, j
and at the same time maintain and secure the Federal Un- !
ion; ii there be any party amongst you, {which is able to i
command Congressional majorities in your favor, on issues |
involving your dearest interest as a people, and which will
insure, for the great offices of the government, the election
of men that wiil “never leave nor lorsake u?,” in the name !
of every thing that is sacred, let us, a? once , give our ad
hesion to that party.
But, you ask, can such a party be found? I answer that
it can; itexists here, in this paper , [holding up the Demo
cratic Platform;] it exists in the great Democratic party, as
remodeled, and purified and perfected, by the late Demo
cratic Convention. It is national ; it therefore embraces
and encouragesoiur friends at the North, who have stood
by us in cur tunes of need. It is in le.vor o! South
ern Rights, for it stands on the platform of your own sov
ereign people in Convention assembled. It is a well or
ganized party, having active affinities with every State of
this confederacy; and capable of bringing to bear upon any
measure, a combined influence which nothing can resist.-
As many of the old party issues have„passed away, this
party is sufficiently liberal in its principles, to accommodate
every man in every portion of the State, be he whom ho
may, that is not a hot-headed disunionist per ee.
If Union of the South ever was important, it is especial
ly important now. This union can he effected now on the
Democratic platform, as lately published, wiihout compro
mitting any principle which we may holdfdear. Here, wo
shall find all the valuable principles of the Columbus Flat
form, and clear ol their offensive and dangerous geograph
ical features; here, we shall find a party already well for
med to our hands, and a party , with that meral power, and
those extensive and imposing national affinities, which
time and habitual concert of action, and a long line of il
lustrious service to the country, alone can give. With our
adhesion, with a general Union of the South, under the
banners of this great party, the rights of the country and
of the whole country in the Union and’with the Union,can
and will be preserved and perpetuated.
To the Platform of the Democratic party, as lately re-
vised and published, 1 subscribe my name and give in my
adhesion; and in the name of this party, fellow citizens, I
invite you to do the same.
in conclusion, permit me to offer as a substitute to the
resolutions already read, the following, as the senso ot this
meeting:
RESOLUTIONS.
Ist. Resolved, That the Democratic Platform, as revi
sed by the late Democratic Covention, contains all that
can he desired by the South for the vindication and securi
ty of Southern Rights.
‘2d. That this is a platform on which every citizen of
Georgia and every Southern man may usefully and honor
ably unite.
3d. Resolved, That the nationality of this party, gives
it strong claims to the support of those who, with the Fa
ther of his country, believe that the Union of these Sates, is
the Palladium of our political welfare and prosperity.
4th. Resolved, lastly, That the Columbus Southern
Union Resolutions, this day read, contain a sectional and
geographical provision, which makes this platform such as
no conservative or union man can sanction.
Retaliation upon Massachusetts. —The Charleston
Standard says: “When the government of Massachu
setts shall have established that the clause of the con
stitution in referenoe to the return of fugitives from la
bor, declares a right, but confers no power of enforce
ment upon the General Government; that with respect
to this clause of th 6 compact she is still sovereign, aud
that she trespasses upon the rights of tho State but does
not contravene the powers of the General Government,
—we will be prepared to meet her. If she insists that
the act is an indignity to us in our organized political
capacity we will be able to repeal it; and if reduced to
tbe necessity of retaliation,—of confiscating property of
her citizens in payment of the injuries occasioned by
her confiscation, nnd of rending, if needs be, tbe strue
ture of this Union, —it will be a source of especial satis
faction to us to find that action forced upon us by the
sovereign action of the State of Massachusetts ; and we
will tell the Commercial Journal if he have interest in
the action of that State, that so soon as one slave shall
have escaped to that State,fvvhose restoration shall be pro
hibited by the provisions of the law in question, that
instant will the property of every citizen of Massachu
setts within the limits of the State whose rights are
injured, be liable to answer for the outrage, and the
law of confiscation in that event will be no violation of
our Federal constitution.”
Slavery in the Dutch Reformed Church.— ? The
question of slavery has been troubling the Synod of the
Reformed Dutch Church, in session last week at New
Brunswick, New Jersey, for the first time in the his
tory of that church. Rev. Thornton Butler appeared
from the Classis of North Carolina, stating that it had
seceded from the German Reformed Church, and wish
ed to connect itself with the R. D. Synod. The com
mittee on correspondence recommends its admission.
It was discovered that three out of pasters in the
Classis were slave owners, and this provoked a warm
discussion. Finally the Synod was relieved from its
embarrassing situation by the withdrawal of the appli
cation.
Mercer University. —W 7 e learn from the Tempt*
ranee Banner of the 16;h inst., that the final examina
tion of the Senior Class of this institution took place on
Tuesday and Wednesday of last week, after which the
honors were cor.fernd as follows: Ist honor upon
F. E. Wimberly, and 2d upon G. M. Fatterson and
A. S. Worrell, and the 3.1 upon J. A. Simmons and
B. F. Walker. There are eighteen members in the
graduating class. The commencement day occurs on
Wednesday the 25th day of July.
Sudden Death in Staunton , Virginia. —On Mon*
dao afternoon Dr. Jos. Addison Waddell, an old and
j highly respectable citizen of Staunton, died quite sud*
i denly. lie was in the 65th year of his age. lie was
| a son of the “Blind Preacher,” whose eloquence was
| immortalized by Wirt in the “British Spy.” Dr.
| Waddell was a physician of great eminence in his pro
| session, and a man of pure and elevated piety. Through
[ the whole of his long life he enjoyed the highest con*
! fidencc and respect of all who knew him.
More Rich Developments.
The last Lauderdale Republican contains a communi
cation from Mr. C. W. Henderson, one of the most highly
! respectable ci.izens of that county, giving a full exposition
> of the introduction of the Know Nothing Order into East
Mississippi its signs, passwords, grips, objects, dec., &c. —
Mr. Henderson was President of the “Marion Council,”
j and speaks from his own personal knowledge. The Order
’ was first introduced into Lauderdale by Gen. W. S. Patton,
formerly of that county, but now of Jackson. The Grand
President or Priest of East Mississippi, is Wm. S. Rag”
land, “an uncompromising, influential Whig, who has
avowed to some of his confidential friends, that the object
oj the Order was to de feat the Democratic party .” The
name of the Grand Priest of the Order of “Stars and
! Stripes” of Mississippi, John, of Jackson, figures eonspi
; c-uously. From this document, it appears that all the
; Democrats who have been inveigled into the Order in
Lauderdale county have abandoned it. We have no doubt
but many high toned, honest Whigs will follow their ex*
ample, and thus leave it without a corporal’s guard. We
never saw a Humbug collapse faster than this Know
Nothing trick.
Let the light be spread before the people. The secret
organization will see it only to despise it. The corrupt
demagogues who originated the scheme to advance their
own selfish ends, w hen the mask is torn from them will
writhe and die like the animalcuhe in a drop of putrid wa
ter, subjected to the influence of a solar miseroscope.
Mississippian.]
Correspondence of the Charleston Standard.
Equestrian Statue of Jackson and Washington.
Washington, June 10,1855.
Clark Mills, the American artist, has changed very
much in his personal appearance, since he fiistcume here
from Charleston to make the equestrian statue of Jackson.
His labors of mind and body in producing this masterpiece,
has turned his locks gray and blanched his cheek. But
he is still fuil of enthusiasm and hope. In erossiug the
street yesterday, he espied us, and as usual, hauled up his
quiet little “carryall” and stopped for a chat. He has de
eded upon his eonception for the grand equestrian statue
of Washington, for which Congress has liberally appro
priated ; but its execution will be delayed until the inau .
guration at New Orleans, ou the Bth of January, 1856,
of the Statue of Jackson--a copy of the one here. After
studying all the published memoirs of the Father of hie
Country, and gathering every tiadition and recollection of
him, our artist has chosen to represent W esh ngton n
the most trying and exciting eeeue of the Revolution,
whf&n American troop# at tvere waveHfijr