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COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 6, 1855.
FOR GOVERNOR.
IIERSCIICL V. JOHNSON.
FOR CONGRESS
-Ist District--James L. Seward, of Thomas.
3tl. “ James HI. Smith, of l pson.
4 t h <• Hiram Warner, of Jleriwether.
sth “ Jno. 11. Lumpkin.
(ith a Howell Cobb, ol Clarke.
Congressional Convention, 2d District.
We suggest that the Democratic Congressional Conven
tion for the Second District be held at Americus, on Wed
nesday, 11th July next. The Supreme Court will be in
session at that time iiv Americus. What say our Demo
cratic cotemporaries to this suggestion ? The time and
place ought to be agreed upon at once. wtwtd.
Democratic Hally !
There will be a Mass Meeting of the Democratic Party
of Muscogee county at Columbus, on Saturday 7th July.
Gov. Johnson has consented to be present and ad
dress the people. Other distinguished gentlemen will be
invited and are expected to attend. The citizens of Mus
cogee and the adjoining counties, without distinction of
parties, are respectfully invited to be present.
WILLIAM TENNILLE,')
J. F. BOZEMAN,
M. J. WELLBORN, I
ALFRED IVERSON, f Committee.
M. J CRAWFORD,
TENNENT LOMAX, J
Columbus, June 26,1854.
Northern Aggression and Southern Retaliation.
We have long desired to call the particular attention
of our readers to the 14th resolution of the Platform of
the Georgia Democracy recommending “to our next
Legislature the adoption of such retaliatory measures
as their wisdom may suggest and shall be in ronfoimity
with constitutional obligations, in view of the action of
the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Vermont, and
the threatened action of other Northern States, virtual
ly repealing the Fugitive Slave law, and denying to
the citizens of the South their constitutional rights.”
This subject has often been incidentally alluded to in
the Southern press but has never received that delibe
rate and general attention to which it is entitled.—
Some four or more years ago it was brougt to the notice
of the Alabame Legislature by Governor Collier, but no
action was taken in consequence, we presume, of the
soothing effect of the Compromise measures. Some ef
fort was made about the same time to bring the subject
before the Georgia Legislature by Thomas C. Howatd,
now of the Atlanta Intelligencer , but nothing was done
from a similar cause. A learned and distinguished citi
zen of this place discussed the subject in our columns
immediately after the passage of the obnoxious laws of
Vermont, referred to above, and we very unexpectedly
got into a controversy on the subject with our neighbor
of the Corner Stone. At the recent Democratic Con
vention of the State of Georgia the subject was brought
to the notice of that body by A. Nelson, of Fultion, and
the 14th resolution was, in consequence, unanimously
adopted. Since then, a remarkable letter from John C.
Calhoun, to Percy Walker, of Mobile, Ala., on the sub
ject, has been given to the public.
In that letter, Mr. Calhoun, speaking of abolition
agitation and action, says:—“l regard State laws, in
tended to embarrass tho reclamation of fugitive slaves as
unconst tutional, insulting and dangerous. Nay more!
the right to hold our property implies the right to hold
it in peaee and quiet; and therefore the toleration of so
cieties, presses and lectures, intended to call in question
this right, and to overthrow our institutions, is such a
violation not only of international laws, hut also of the
federal compact, as we cannot acquiesce in without ul
timate ruin. There is, and can be but remedy short of
disunion, and that is to retaliate on our part, by refusing
to fulfill the stipulation, in their favor, or such as we may
select as the most effectual. Among these, the right
of their ships and comrneroe to enter and depart from
our ports, is the most effectual, and can be enforced. ’’
“That the refusal on their part would justify us to
refuse to fulfill on our part, is too clear to admit of ar
gument. Nor is there any impediment from the power
of Congress to regulate commerce among the States.—
The right of tho States to adopt laws to protect their
health, their internal policy and peace and safety, is
paramount to the right of Congress to regulate com
merce.”
The stand taken by the Georgia Democracy and tho
publication of this remarkable letter ofoneofthe brightest
intellects and the profoundest constitutional lawyers this
couutry every produced, has attracted public attention
to the matter in every part of the Union. It has been
discussed in every part of the country. The universal
opinion of the sound and portion of the
American people is, that the unjust, oppressive and un
constitutional legislation of Vermont and Massachusetts,
whereby the people of the South are robbed of their
property, places those commonwealths outside the comi
ty of States and will justify the South in passing ex
treme retaliatory measures. Vermont and Massachu
setts, by their legislation, have willfully renounced
their allegiance to the Union. “By the legislative coun- |
tenanee (they have given to the the theft and robbery
of Southern property,’’ says the Louisville Journal , an
extremely national journal, ‘‘by the immunity (they)
promise to the thieves and robbers, and by the official
exaltation of the more prominent of the aiders and abet
tors of those thieves and robbers, (they) knowingly vio
late all sense of propriety and justice, and hurl a pre
sumptious and vindictive defiance against the whole
South.’’ These sentiments are common to the South
ern people: nor are they extravigant. JSlave stealing
has become so common that many persons do not look
upon it with that abhorrence which it ought to excite
in every just mind. Suppose then that Massachusetts
should pass a law forbidding her officers and citizens,
under heavy penalties, from aiding or abetting in the
capture of Kentucky mules, whether strayed or stolen, in
her State limits ; that armed mobs turned out to resist,
evcu to death, their capture: that those of her citizens
who engaged in these mobs were applauded by the
people of the State and eleoted by the public voice to
high office, what would be thought of Massachusetts by
the civilized world ? She would be denounced from
Nova Zembla to Terra del Fuego as a piratical State j
and her citizens would be hung as pirates upon appre
hension by all civilized States and people. Well, sub
stitute slaves for mules, and how is the ease altered? !
Instead of lessening the outrage upon the slave holding j
States, it aggrivates it, in as much as one of the terms
of the Union was the speedy delivery to his owner, by |
the Several S'ates, of‘“fugitives from service or labor.” j
There is some diveisiiy of opinion as to the sorest
and most effectual modes of retalia ion—none whatever,
so far as we know, as to the policy and necessity of it. j
A writer in the Spitii of the South objects to Mr.
Calhoun’s plan of directly prohibiting the introduction
of Northern shipp ng and commerce into our port* on
the ground that it would bring the State and Federal
authorities into collision. He, however, suggests tho
propriety of the passage of laws by the Southern States
making it a good plea in bar to a suit in law or equity,
or to a bill of indictment for pergonal injury, that the
plaintiff or prosecutor was a citizen of those States in
civil suits, that the consideration was merchandise pur
chased or manufactured in those States,
The Louisville Journal suggests that the Southern
States might, by way of retaliation, pass a law declaring
that, after a named day, nothing of the groth or product
of Massachusetts’ soil or labor imported into the South,
should be deemed the subject of larceny or rubbery,
and that the stealing or robbery of no such thing should
be punished within the Southern States respectively.
Either of these remedies would, we believe, either
cure the New England States of their fanaticism, or drive
them out of the Union. The measure suggested by
the Louisville Journal, though abhorent to the moral
sense, is in strict conformity to the laws of Massachu
setts and Vermont on the subject of slavery, and would
probably prove in the end the most efficacious. If
generally adopted by the Southern States, it would act
as an embargo upon the foreign commerce of the of
fending States. Most of their factories would be stop
ped in year. Their capital and labor would be trans
ferred to other States. They would be forced to fulfill
their constitutional obligations to the South or see grass
grow in the streets of Boston.
As to the propriety of such legislation we quote and
adopt the following remarks from the Louisville Jour
nal :
“Every man of intelligence will at once exclaim that
such legislation will be a plain violation of the spirit of the
Constitution, which so olearly contemplates a free inter
communication between the citizens of the different
States for the purposes of commerce. Granted : it is
clearly so; it is as fiagraDt a violation of the spirit of
the national compact as could be devised. But, in the
estimation of Southern men, it is not at all more so than
1
the similar legislation of Massachusetts as to their slave
property. Will she appeal to the moral sentiment of
the South against an infraction of the Constitution,
which, with honorable men, should be deemed as invio
lable as its plain unambiguous letter ? They will taunt
her with her own dereliction not only as to tho spirit
but as to the plain letter of the Constitution. They
will tell her that she attemps to deny to Southern men
the plain right of transit through her territory for their
slave property, and attempts by her legislation to disable
the Federal Government from fulfilling a duty in the
restitution of such property, expressly enjoined by the
Constitution in the plainest and most indisputable man
ner. llow fat Southern Legislatures will suffer them
selves to be controlled by the mere spirit of the Consti
tution, when not tied by its express language, she can
judge by the conduct of her own Legislature, when guil
ty of a wanton aggression and not Rtimulated, as the
South will, be by a thirst for retaliatory revenge. By
taking away the protection of her laws from the owner
ship of slave property, and by inciting her oitizens to
j the theft and robber) of such property, Massachusetts
repudiates the duty es comity which she owes her sister
States, and outrages the moral sense of the South just
as grossly as if she had done the same thing in regard
to cottou or tobacco. In the estimation of Southern
men, there is no difference between the two. In a mo
ral point of view, they consider the one as muoh as the
other a violation of her duty, as a party to the national
compact.”
The Fourth ol July.
The National Annivesary was celebrated by our gal
lant military companies wi/h much spirit. After pa
rade, the Columbus Guards, Capt. Semmes, the City
j Light Guards, Capt. Colquitt, and the United Rifles,
Ist. Lieutenant Wilkins, commanding, repaired to
Temperance Hall, where a large %udience had already
assembled, composed of both sexes. The exercises
were opened with prayer by Dr. Higgins, pastor of the
Presbyterian Church.
Capt. Semmes then introduced to the audience, Pri
vate M. 11. DeGraffenried, of the Columbus Guards,
who entertained the audience in a most felioitous ad
dress and read the Declaration of Independence with
much force and spirit.
Capt. Colquitt then introduced the orator of the day,
Private J. A. Fox, of the City Light Guards. The
address of Mr. Fox was very happily conceived, abound
ed in beautiful thoughts, beautifully expressed, and was
delivered in a most captivating style of oratory.
The large audience frequently cheered both the
speakers, and thus gave evidence that the spirit whioh
animated their revolutionary sires still glowed in the
breasts of their descendants.
The ceremonies were concluded with the benedic
tion.
The United Rifles.
The organization of this volunteer corps gives evi
dence of an improving state of feeling among our mil
itary men. W’e had supposed the two old companies
had absorbed all the sons of mars in Columbus. Wo
are glad to find that we are mistaken. The appearanoe
and spirit of the United Rifles give assurance that
there is abundant raw material in the city for another
company. The following offioers of the new corps were
elected recently : Capt. Ist Lieutenant F.
G. W 7 ilkins ; 2d Lieutenant J. D. Baldwin*; 3J Lieu
tenant T. P. Larus.
Know Nothings nt Barnesville Ga.
A private letter under date of Juue 30th says : “At
this place we have a counoil of Know Nothings, crack
ed up for its numbers. About the 23d, six of the mem
! bers applied for dismissal cards. Five were granted 5
one was refused. It was soon fouud out that the gen
j tleman retained was joined by ten more members and
such was the dismay of the Brotherhood that they took
the responsibility of refusing dismissals to all the mem
bers. The father of one of the young men thus held
i in “bonds” hearing what was done, walked up to the
j village and notified the Secretary that he had come to
have his son’s card or the records and would not leave
| until he had one or the other. This notice brought
’ the card in short order.”
Oveiby not Coming Down. —There is a very er
i roueous and unfounded report being circulated through
some portions of the country, that Mr. Overby intends
j withdrawing his name as a candidate. The report is
utterly false. No such idea has ever entered bis head.
We have the following expression from his own mouth :
“There is but one party under IleaveD that coaid get
me down and that is the Prohibition party.’* No doubt 1
many would willingly circulate and have tho.e who hear |
believe the report, but we are happy to say, Mr. Over- j
by is a man that never “takes water,’’ (spe kng after <
the manner of men.)— Tempsrcnce Banner of last ‘
Saturdy. 1
—— \
Gov. .Johnson in Columbus Gvernor John cn ?
will address the people of Columbus at Temper, noe Hal] j,
ou Saturday, 7th inst., at 11 o’clock. The who® O'ra- ii
m unity are respeotfully invited to att< nd. °
Burglary.—' The Jewelry store of Mr. Boeuffclet,
on Drayton street, was forcibly entered, on Saturday
afternoon, by burglars, and robbed of various articles of
value. The entranoe was made by forcing one of the
baok windows, in the absence of Mr. B. No trace of
the offender or the goods stolen. — Sav. Jour, tj* Cour.
2nd.
A. 11. Stephens’ Speech.
We commence to-day the publication of the speech
of A. H. Stephens, delivered at Sparta. The ballanoe
will follow in due season.
Rain and the River, — During the last ten, days all
this section of the oountry has been visited by abundant
rain. The corn crop is placed beyond danger and will
be unusually abundant. It is feared that the cotton
i crop will be injured if the season ia prolonged. Our
river ia again in boatable order.
Difficulty Settled. —We are pleased to learn that
the difficulty pending between Messrs. E. C. Bullock
and Henry C. Hart, and whioh was likely to result in a
duel, has been settled npon terms honorable to both
parties,
From Washington.—What’* in tho Wind I—Resigna
tion of the Commissioner of Patents—Removals, Etc.
Washington, June 30,1855.
Messrs. Davis, McClelland and Wilson were closeted
yesterday for a long time. Wilson, you remember, was
decapitated for Know Nothingism.
Judge Mason, Commissioner of Patents, has positively
resigned. Mr. Shugert, chief clerk of tho Patent Office,
will receive the appointment.
I was informed that eighteen heads were taken off’ to
day at the Treasury Department.
Washington, June 30 1855.
The long contemplated resignation of Mr. Mason, Com
missioner of Pateuts, it is said, has taken place. He will
leave next Thursday for more lucrative pursuits.
Mr. Blake, the new Commissioner of Public Buildings,
has given bonds in the sum of $60,000, and appointed Mr.
Roche, the retiring city collector, as his clerk.
Mr. Crampton, the British Minister, it is understood,
has taken umbrage at the administration for preventing
the departure of recruits for the Crimea.
Five clerks and one messenger attached to the Treaury
Deparment were removed this morning, on political
grounds.
Washington, July 1, 1555.
During the month of June, about twenty clerks, mes
sengers and watchmen have been removed from the de
partments for political reasons.
; Mr. Waldo, Commissioner of Pensons, has not yet de
| cided as to the acceptance of the Connecticut Judgship to
which he was recently elected in Connecticut.
Tho Pension Office commences issuing eighty acre
bounty land warrants next Tuesday.
The total number of applications received for land war
rants up to the present time is 182,000 ! the total number
of warrants issued, 7,550.
The net amount in the Tresury subject to draft is $lB.-
430,712.
Personal Intelligence*
A letter from Havre, dated June 1, says:—General
Dix and famiiy were at Geneva on the 25th of May,
journeying, by easy conveyances, to Nice. Mrs. Dix has
been alarmingly ill, but she has improved slightly, and I
will not despair of her recovery while there is room for
hope. They talk of leaving for home in the Arago, on the
4th of July.
Ex-President Van Buren and his son return, I under
stand, in the Pacifio. Mrs. Van Buren remains at Vevny,
with the children.
Orson Hyde, one of the Mormon saints, is now in St.
Louis, for the purpose, it is said, of marrying twelve more
wives to whom he is affianced.
The Weather in New Tork.
New York, July 2.
The weather in this city is intensely hot, and the ther
mometer indicates a temperature of 95 deg.
State Temperance Convention. —This body wiP mett
at Marietta on Wednesday the 10th. After it shall have
adjourned we will know whether Mr. Overby will run the
race through, or decline in, behalf of some other candi
date.
Clerical Resignation. —We regret to learn from the
Milledgeville Recorder, that the Rev. C. P. Cooper, the
esteemed pastor of the Methodist Church in Milledgeville,
has been compelled to resign his charge on account of ill
health.
The Milledgeville Recorder and the Macon nomina
tion.
The Recorder warmly espouses the cause of Judge An
drews, and suggests that the Convention called in behalf
of the Columbus movement to meet in Milledgeville on the
Bth August, be converted into a great mass meeting, and
that “all the friends of Southern Union and Americanism
be represented on that occasion, and in the spirit of pa
triotic concession and conoileation unit© their efforts.”
Incident in the History of North Carolina.
At the late Commencement ol the University of North
Carolina an address before the Literary Societies was de
livered by George Davis, of VV ilmington. His theme was
“ The Early Times and Men of Lower Cape Fear.'’ The
Speaker recited, during the cowre of his oration, the fol
lowing thrilling and ever memorable incident in the history
of the old North State. In speaking of the position of
North Carolina in the great struggle lorAmerican Freedom,
he said:
“In the first of the year 1766, the sloop of war Dilli
gence arrived in the Cape Fear, bringing the Stamps. Now
look what shall happen! She floats as gaily up the river
as though she came on an errand of grace, with sails all
set, and the cross of St. George flaunting apeak, her can
non frowning upon the rebellious little town of Brunswick,
as she yawns to her anchor. People of Cape Fear, the
issue is before you! The paw of the Lion is on your heads
—the terrible lion of England! Will you crouch submis
sively, or redeem the honor that was pledged for you? You
have spoken brave words about the rights of the people
have ye acts as brave? Ah! gentlemen, there were men In
North Caroliaa in those days.
Scarcely had the stamp ship crossed the bar, when Col.
Waddell was watching her from the shore. He sent a
messenger to Wilmington to his friend Col. Ashe. As she
rounded to her anchor, opposite the custom house at Bruns
wick, they appeared upon the shore, with two companies
of friends and gallant yeomen at their backs. Beware,
John Ashe!—Hutjh Waddell, take heed! Consider well,’l
brave the perilous issue you dare! Remember i
that armed resistance to the King’s authority is treason !
In his palace, at Wilmington, the “Wolf of Carolina” is
already chafing against you; and know you not that yon
der, across the water, England still keens the Tower, the
Traitor’s Gate, the scaffold and the axe? Full well they
knew; but
They have set their lives upon a east,
And now must stand the hazard of the'die.
By threats of violence they intimidated the commander
of the sloop, and he promises not to land his stamps. They
seize the vessel’s boat and hoisting a mast and flag, mount
it upon a cart and march in triumph to Wilmington. Up
on their arrival the town is illuminated. Next day, with
Col. Ashe, at their head, the people go in crowds"to the
Governor’s house, and demand of him James Houston, the
stamp master. Upon his refusal to deliver him up forth
with, they set about to bum his hou.-e above his head. Ter
rified, the Governor at length complies, and Houston is
conducted to the market house, where, in the presence of
the assembled people, he is made to take the solemn oath
never to execute tne duties of his office. Three glad hur
rahs ring through the old market house, and the stamp act
falls still-born in North Carolina. (Cheers.) And this was
more than ten years before the Declaration of Independ
ence, Dine before the Battle of Lexington, and nearly eight
before the Boston Tea Party. Ihe destruction of the tea
was done in the night by men in disguise, and history bla
zonsit, and New England boasts of it, and the fame of it
is wo’-ld-wide. But this other act, more gallant and dar
ing, done in the open day by well known men.jwith arms
in their hands and under the King’s flag—who remembers
or tells of it? When will history do justice to North Car
olina! Never, till some faithful and loving son of her own
shall gird his loins to the task with unwearried industry
and unflinching devotion to the honor of his dear olu
mother.
From the Chronicle k. Sentinel.
SPEECH OF MR. STEPHENS,
Delivered in the Female Academy at Sparta on the 22 d
June. Written out by him and published at the re
quest of several of those who heard it.
, Fellow Ci\izens—Ladies and Gentlemen: Upon the
invitation of some of the people of your county, 1 appear
before you to-day, to speak upon the questions which now
engage public aitention. This announcement is notice
quite sufficient, without further exordium of the topics up
on which your hearing is solicit'd. “Know Nothingism,”
or Americanism,” as it is now styled, is the subject But
before entering into its consideration, as I intend to do, l
feel it to be duo, no lers to you thaw myself, to say some
thing in reply to certain rumors which have b 3n put in cir
culation in your community about me,and what I have said
on other occasions; the country is now lull of such and
other like rumors; they have all doubtless been u-ed, if not
originated, with a view to prejudice your minds against me.
It has, for the instance, been reported, as I have been in
formed, that 1 said “I would rather go to Hell with a Ca
tholic on on my back, than to Heaven with a Know .Noth
ing.” All 1 have to reply to this is, 1 never said it! —
Again, it has been reported that I said that there was not
“an honest man belonging to the American party.” To
this I have simply to reply, I never said it! On the con
trary, you have all seen it from uuder my own hand, that
some of the best men in the State, in my opinion, and the
best friends I had on earth, were in the order. How could
I then, with this declaration, say or assert that no honest
man was in the order? Nor do I look upon such men as
a “scurvy set,” as is intimated by Melancthon, an anonym
mous writer from this place, in the (chronicle i* Sentinel.
I look upon them as good men,but “unwittingly” misled ;
with honest motives, misled. And all that I have said and
shall say today to all such, who may hear me. is with the
viev\ r of showing them their errors, and not ‘for personal
offence. I have, and would talk to all such not only as !
friends, but brothers; and I would act towards them just as
I would towards a brother suffering and even rolling in
frenzy, under some fell bodily disease, caught from the un
seen malaria that floats through the atmosphere in the
seasons of plague and pestilence. It is with this -spirit I
have spoken and shall continue to speak on this subject, let
my Jriends think of me as they may.’
But again, I see it slated in an article published in the
Chronicle <fc Sentinel, over the same signature of Melanc
thon, that the wiiter had understood that in my “speech at
Crawfordville, I had said, that all or nearly all the preach
ers in the Georgia Methodist Conference were Know No
things,” and that I must consider them all as belonging to ;
the same “scurvy” set. Now, who Melancthon is may be ;
known to you or some of you. He has not made himself j
known to the public in these assaults against me. He cho- |
ses to “shoot,” not “spout” at me in the dark, as I said in j
Augusta. But I believe it is sufficiently conceded by the !
“knowing ones,” to warrant me in assuming that Dr. Pen- !
dleton, of your place, is the author. I shall 60 consider 1
him. He may be present, for aught I know. If so, I say ;
to him, and to you, that this report, as the others, is utterly !
without foundation. In my speech at Crawfordville, 1 did :
uotsay one word about Methodist preachers,or the General j
Conference. In Warrenton, where this report has been
circulated as it has been here, (being now given to the
world to make a lodgment where the refutation may, per
haps, never go) I gave the same denial Ido now. 1 stated
in Warrenton, as 1 do now, that while I had made no men- ‘
tion of Methodist Preachers, or any other Protestant de- i
nomination in my speech at Crawfordville, or speech else- !
where; yet I believed that many Preachers of all the de- i
nominations were members of the order, but for the honor
of Protestantism and for the sake of religion and good j
morals, as well as their own sacred calling, I trusted they j
did not give countenance to that general system of equivo
cation, deception and lying which marked the progress ol
the Order, and which was bringing truth tnto disrepute,and
Christianity itself into disgrace.
And does Melancthon or anybody else deny that such \
has been the general effect of the Institution wherever it has !
taken foothold? I have not sail, nor do I now say, that all ;
the members of the order do thus equivocate and deceive.
I have, and do distinctly affirm that many do not, but that
great numbers do; and that from the rise of the order, this
system of deception and evasion, or call it what you may,
has marked its progress. Can any one deny it? You all
know it is true. And if I but tell you what your conscien
ces assure you is true, and anybody takes offence at it, it is
not mo but the truth that offends all such. Let us look at
this thing a little, and consider it calmly and dispassionate- <
ly, in cool judgment—for Ido not wish to address you in
the language or tone even of passion. Is there a parent ‘
here, a father or mother, in this large assembly, who would
not chastise a child for such prevarication, equivocation
and deception as that practised by thousands of this Order?
and : which may be considered one of its leading charac
teristics, at least up to the present timo. If you should in
such case “spare the rod,” you would most certainly “spoil
the child.” The brightest gem in the aggregation of vir
tues which adorn human character, is truth. The parent
who neglects this principle in the tender years of his off
spring, may not be surprised to see those, who should be
a stay, a solace and an honor in his old age, bringing his
grey hairs down in sorrow to the grave. Is there a master
here who would not punish his slave lor such deception ?
Is there a ‘Know Nothing’ master here who would not ?
You know there is not. And if there bo one of the Order
here who has thus deceived his neighbor, he knows that
for a like offence against himself, he wouid punish his slave
—yea, he would whale him. Fellow citizens, you may
put down Cathodes by such means—you may put down
foreigners by such means—but by the same means you will
bow Dragon’s teeth broadcast in the land.
t Another matter of difference between Melancthon and
myself, which I may as well here notice,relates to the Jac
obin Clubs. I stated that the Society which afterwards
was known as the Jacobins, was organized under the spe
cious name of“the friends of the Constitution.” In this
he undertook to correct me. He says their first name was
“the friends of the Revolution.” I gave my authority,
Thiers, the French Historian. He produces the Ameru
can Encyclopaedia as his, and says that “analogy is very
much against the statement of M. Thiers.” I think veiy
differently. Apart from his being a Frenchman and one of
their greatest writers, the circumstances, facts and events
of that period, go far, in my opinion, to sustain him. This
Society was instituted on the 6th November, 1789. This
was soon after the Constitution was formed, which Louis
XVI swore to support. Revolution had not then shown its
head. It was not until the 21st September, 1792, after the
imprisonment of the King, that the “Proclamation of the
Republic” was made. That is when the Revolution was
openly avowed. The same society which at first, as we
have it in Thiers, styled themselves “the friends ofthe Con
stitution,” may then have assumed the new name of “the
friends of the Revolution.” This may, indeed, be consider
ed by many as a matter of no great importance, but I al
lude to it to show that, even in this very small matter, both
by weight of authority and “analogy” I was light. And
yet, after all, perhaps more importance should be given to
| ll than at fii>t might appear proper. It shows with what
I specious objects men may set out sometimes and what dif
j lerent results they accomplish. “The irienes ofthe Con
j stitution” was quite as specious a party name for good and
| , ™ e v.renchmeu at that day, as “Americans shall rule
America is lor good and true citizens of this country at
this time. But it is said again and again, by Melanthon
and others, that our people can never do ass renchmen did
that the standard of virtue is too high with us; and that
I have done great injustice to my own countrymen in sup
posing it possible that they could ever be the perpetrators
of such outrages as the Jacobins were. If any person has j
been offended by my reference to the Jacobin clubs—or by
any remark I made about them which is considered harsh
m their application to similarly constituted secret political I
i societies in this country, let me ask him to hear and consid
jer what Washington said of just such societies—this will
j be particularly appropriate at this time, as his great name,
I 111 *ny opinion, has been most impiously invoked to give aid
; and comfort to the present organizations. The‘Know No
! things’ are not the first secret political organization at
tempted to be instituted in this country. An association
ol this sort was founded r in Philadelphia during the Ad
ministration of Washington. The reason or “motive as
signed for it,” says Marshall, in his life of Washington, j
trom wnich book I read, was, “An anxious solicitude lor
the preservation of freedom, the very existence of which
was menaced by a ‘European Confederacy transcendent in
rower and unparalelled in inquity.’” How very like the
reason or motive which is now assigned for the present as
sociation; then people were asked'to organize in secret
against a “European Confederacy transcendent in pow
er and unparalelled in inquity .” Now they are called
op 2V n „." a ? < r t( i° r 2&Diz,e; against “Foreign Influence,”
and the Church of Rome ol “transcendent power and un
paralelled iniquity.” The organization thus constituted “on i
the model, Marshall says, “of the Jacobin club in Paris ”
appointed a ‘ corresponding committee to give moreexten- j
sive operation to their labors, and through whom they
W ?u- communicate with other societies, wliich might be
established on [similar principles thronghout the United
states. l hus the machinery was set going—on the Jaco
model—that is secresy— with associations
and corresponding committees—spreading their net work !
and spider meshes all over the land, under the ver y specious ‘
design _as avowed, of preserving freedom, the very exist
ence of winch was menaced or endangered by a “ Euro
pean Confederacy, transcendent in power , and unvoral
elled in iniquity.” Now what I aTk you to do is to hs
ten, and hear what Vi ashington said of fthese secret volit
teal societies started in Philadelphia in his dav and wh I*
he was President. He did not fail to bring S existence
KSSSiJU, ZyT™ ‘ Dd * tte “ Uon
-Our anxiety, analog from the licentious and open re.
sistance to the ljyvs in the western counties of P nn -1
vanio has been inoreased by the prooeedin ga of'certain
self-created sccieties relative to the laws and administra
tion of the government : proceedings, in our apprehen
sion, founded in political error, calculated, if not intend
ed, to disorganize tur government, and which, by whis
pering delusive hopes of support, have been instrumental
in misleading our citizens in the scene of insurrection.”
In a letter to General I*ee,of the 26th August, 1793
which I have before me, he uses these words :
“That.these societies (alluding to the same) were insti
ted by the artful and designing members, (many of
their body, I have no doubt, mean well, but know but
little of the real plan,} primarilary to sow the seeds of
jealously and distrust among the people of the govern
ment by destroying all confidence in the administration
of it; and that these doctrines have been budding ever
aince, is not new to-any one who is acquainted with the
character of their loaders, and has been attentive to thir
manoevres. I early gave it as my opinion, to the confi
dential characters around me, that if these societies were
not counteracted, [not by persecution, the only ready way
to make them grow stronger,] or did not fall into dises
teem from the knowledge of their otigin and the views
with which they had been instituted by their father Genet,
for purposes well known to the Government, they would
shake the Government to its foundation. Time and cir
cumstance have confirmed me in this opinion, and I
deeply regret the probable consequence?, not as they will
affect me personally, [lor I have Jnot long to act on this
theatre, and sure I am, that not a man among them can
be more anxious to put me aside than I am to sink into
the profoundest retirement,) but because I see under
popular guises the m st,diab jlical attempts to destroy the
best fabric of human government and happiness that has
ever been presented to the acceptance of mankind.”
This letter and these sentiments I commend to the
sober consideration of every one who bears me. Have
1 ever said anything stronger or harsher against the dan
ger to be apprehended from these secret political societies
that we now have, than the Father of his Country said
against very similarly organ : zed bodies in his day ? He
‘‘deeply regretted the probable consequences” of them
in his day, not as they would “affect him personally
[and so I can say with perfect truth as recards myself,)
but because lie saw under popular and fascinating
guises, the most diabolical attempts to destroy the best
fabric of human government and happiness that has
ever been presented to mankind !
Fellow citizens,if this language is harsh or strong,it is not
mine. It is the language of him who was “first in war, first
in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.” Lis
ten to the words, then, as not coming from me—hear
them as the warning of one who, though dead, yet from
the grave speaketh. But it is said that the same objec
tions will apply with equal force to all other secret socie
ties, such es Ma?ons, Odd Fellows, Sons of Temperance,
&c. Not so. The objections I urge, apply solely to te
cret political societies. When men pssooiate for objects
of charity or other purposes, which relate only to thtni
sei, nobody else hrs’ -my interest in knowing their coun
cils ; but when they combine to adopt measures which
may affect the live?, liberty or property of others, all
others whose righ's may be affected by their councils,
have a right to know what they are about, Political so
cieties are thoce which seek to get control of the Gov
ernment, by which every man’s life, liberty, and proper
ty may be affected. This is a distinction that Washing,
ton made himself. Ftr at the close of the war of tho
Revolution, several of the officers—he amongst the num
ber—formed a society known as the Cincinnati Society.
It was an association of friendship and charity ; and by
means of which, lh< ‘e who had been so long together in
the scenes of war, might be annually brought together in
some fraternal way to enjoy the blessings of peace. It
had nothing to do with polices So far from it, and
so averse was Washington to all such political societies, on
the bare suspicion being entertained that it might become
an engine in political conte-ts, that upon the first meet
ing of the Cincinna i Society, of which he had been cho
sen President, he recommended its di&bandonment, which
was virtually done.
Mr. JefF.rson also recognized this line of distinction
betwen bare private assoei itions and political societies.—
This he did in a letter of his which I have before me,
written on the 6th March, 1822. To this letter I ask
special attention. It wr • written in answer to one pro
posing to him to become a member of a society for the
civilization and improvement of the Indian Tribes. The
society had a charitable object ; it was not 6<cret either ;
but when looking intoj its constitution, he discovered a
“maohine ol gigantio stiture.” It looked in the details
of its operations towards a connection with politics. It
was this which caused him to refuse it liis countenance ©r
membership. He says :
“That the plan now proposed is entith and to unmixed ap
probation, I am not prepared to say, after mature consid
eration, and with all the partialities which its professed
object w’ould rightfully claim from me. I shall not under
i take to draw the line of demarkation between private as
sociations of laudable v ews and unimposing numbers, and
thc -e whose magnitude may vitalize and jeopardize the
march of regular Government. Yet such n line does ex
ist. I have S’ en the days—they were those which pre
ceded the Revolut ‘on, —when eveu this last and perilous
engine became necessary, but they were days which no
man would wish to see a second time. That was the
case when the regular authorities of ihe Government bad
combined against the rights of the people, and no means
of correction remained to them but to organize a collateral
power which, with their support, might rescue and secure
their violated rights But such is not the ease with our
Government. We need hazard no collateral power which
by a change of its original views and assumption of
others, we know not how virtuous or how mischievous ,
would be ready organized, and in force sufficient to shake
tho established foundations of society, and endanger its
peace and the principles on which it is based. * * *
* It will be said that are imaginary fears. I know
they are .? at pre: mt; I know it is impossible for these
agents of our choice, and unbounded confidence,to harbor
machinations against the adored principles of our Consti
tution as for gravity to charge its direction and for graved
bodies to mountg upwards—the fears are indeed imagi
nary ; but the example is real—under its authority as a
precedent future associations will arise w T iih objects at
which we should shudder at this time.” (Now mark what
follows.) “I he Society of Jacobins in another country was
instituted on principles and views as virtuous as ever
Kindled, the hearts of patriots It was the pure patriot
ism of their purposes w’bich extended their association to
the limits of the nat’on and rendered their power within
it boundless ; and it was this power which degenerated
their principles and practices to such enormities as never
before could have been imagined. Yet these were men
and we and our descendants will be no mere. The pres
ent is a case, where, if ever we are to guard against our
selves; not against ourselves as we are , but as we may
be ; for who can now imagine what we rnay become un
der circumstances not now imaginable ?**>:*
vireuiiifciauces doi now imaginable ? * * *. *
| * h . ese considerations have impressed my mind with force
so irresistible, that (in duty bound to answer your polite
letter without which J should not have obtruded an opm
j ion; I have not been able to withhold the expression of
| them. Not knowing the individuals who have prrpo.ed
j this plan, 1 cannot be conceived as entertaining personal
, disrespect for them. On the contrary, I see in the print
ed list persons for whom 1 cherish sentiments of sincere
j friendship;—and others, for whose opinions and purity of
! £ ur P;* e * have tbe . hi g h t respect. Yet, thinking as I
do, that tnis association is unnecessary—that the govern
ment is proceeding to the same object under the control
ot the law; that they ar e compel* nt to it in wisdom in
means, and in inclination ; that this association, this wheel
wit in a wheel, is more likely to produce collision than
lam KnrniT * “ . ma^nitude of dangerous example,
lam bonnd to say, that as a dutiful citizen, I cannot, in
conscience, become a member of tins society ; possessing
8s Undoes, my enfre confidence in the integrity of its views.
* , , ‘ e P ea > therefore, my just acknowledgments
■or the honor propc and to me, I beg leave to add the
assurances to the society and yourself of my highest confi.
denoe and consideration.”— Thos. Jefferson.
In this l e |ter it will be seen Mr. Jefferson ackr.oiclcd
g’es a line of distinction between private associations and
political societies. And especially su. has may rival the
(government in their magnitude and power. lie thought
too, that such might be restored to in times of
Revolu;l>n, but only in such cases. He refused to commit
himself with the one prop->sed, though it possessed his
entire confidence in the integrity of its views, bare'v
because of tbe danger that might result from the concen
trated power of suchaa organization and because of the
example. What he says of the Jacobins I would espe
cially conmend to the calm reflection of all who boast so
much of tbe high standard of virtue in this country, which