Newspaper Page Text
&inm mttr BentincL
• COLPMBPS, GEORGIA
WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUG, 22.
FOR GOVERNOR.
IIERS€II£L V. JolL\>o\.
FOR CONGRESS-
J <t District--James L. Seward, t Thomas.
til I, 4 JU. J • Craw lord of Muscogee*
3d. “ James M. Smilli, of l r p*on.
Ith “ Hiram Warner, of Meriwether.
sth “ Jno. If. Lumpkin, of .Floyd.
Oth “ * Howell Cobb, ol Clarke.
7 tii I,niton Stephens, ot Hancock.
ftlh “ A; H. Stephens, of Taliaferro.
Adopted Citizens and the Ballot Uox.
We give place to the communication of Albert Alonzo
not because we believe there is any set purpose on the
part of the Know Nothings to resort to so palpable a
violation of the law, as he suggests, hut to correct any
misapprehensions which may exist in the public mind
as to the powers of superintendents of elections This
is settled by acts of the Legislature approved December
523, IS3O, and December 22, 1835. “When any doubt
shall be suggested as to the legality of any vote offered
at any election, held in any election district, in auy of j
the counties of this State, it shall he the duty of the j
superintendents of such election, before receiving such j
vote, to,administer to the persons ottering it, together,
with the oath now prescribed by law, the following
oath, viz: J, A. IJ., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that
1 have not tiiis day voted at any election, held at any
place in this State, for Governor, members of Congress,
electors of President ‘and Vice President, members ol
the Legislature, or county officers, so help me God :”
Prince’s Digest, page 11)4, sec. 18. Again: “That
from and after the passage of this act, the oath requir
ed by law to he administered to voters at elections for
members of the Legislature and other civil officers of
this State, shall be as follows: I do solemnly
swer or allinn (as the case may be) that I have attained
the agio of twenty one years; have paid all legal taxes
which have been required of me, and which 1 have had
an opportunity of paying according to law ; that I am a
citizen of the United Slates, and have usually resided
in this county for the last six months, and have con
sidered it my home, or place of residence during that
period, so help me God.” Prince's Digest, page 197,
sec. 53,
It will thus he seen that the power of the superin
tendents of elections is confined to administering oaths.
And very properly : for in the hurry and confusion and
excitement of election it would be impossible for them
to determine upon the validity of naturalization papers.
This duty devolves upon the Courts of the county. If
a man takes an illegal oath and thus by fraud and per
jury acquires the privilege of voting, he may at once be
bound over to appear at the Court to answer for the
crime, when, on conviction, he is punished by line and
imprisonment. An additional reason for thus limiting
the power ol the superintendents of elections may he
found in that clause of Magna Charta which declares
that no citizen shall be deprived of any right except by
the judgment of his peers. If the power were grunt* and
to superintendents of elections to pass upon the validity
of naturalization papers, and, when in their judgment
they are insufficient, to deny the voter the privilege of
voting, there would be a clear violation of this great
fundamental principle of English and American free
dom. The right of every citizen to vote peaceably and
without interruption or obstacle, except such as the law
interposes, is the great bulwark of American freedom.
Neither does it make any difference whether the vo
ter be adopted or native. The right of one is as
sacred as the right of t lie other. The people ought not
to suffer any right to be trampled on by any body,
class or clique. This sacred regard for right is the
cement which holds our-political fabric together. De
stroy the sacred reverence for it, which has heretofore
characterized our citizens of all classes, and the splendid
fabric which our fathers created with the expenditure of
so much blood and treasure will tumble about our ears
and crush in one common ruin the spoiler and the spoil
ed, the powerful man and the beggar.
Let us then stand by the laws as they are and enforce
them, no matter how odious they may be to us. If
they are wrong, let them lie changed. The man or
party that would trample upon them while they stand
recorded upon the statue book is a usurper and a tyrant
and only lacks opportunity to become a Nero or a Cali
gula. Let the people maik such tin n.
‘ihe Louisville Riots and the National
InteUigencer.
\\ o y vj!l not allow oursdvt.s to be drawn into a par
ti.'itn view ol the Louisville riots. We have furnished
out readers wiili the facts its reporter! by the Louisville
Courier arid leave them to form their own opinions as
to which party was in fault. We have no idea that
any such bloody scenes will be enacted in Georgia dur
ing the coming election. While we utteily condemn
the principles and practices of the Know Nothing order,
ami will do all that an honest man and peaceful citizen
may do to expose their evil tendencies, we have con
fidence’ in the virtue, intelligence and patriotism of a
large majority of the members of the order in Georgia,
find would as confidently appeal to them to aid us in the
protection of the humblest citizen in tlie full enjoyment
of all Ids rights, as well as in the preservation of the
public peace, as to the most loyal and patriotic of our
own party. There is, therefore, no necessity for an
angry war between us and them ovgr the Louisville
riots.
Every good citizen, of every party, must condemn
riot, muider, and arson, no matter by whom perpetrated.
\\ u should consider ourselves and our parly eternally
disgraced, it we were to countenance such crimes
against the peace of society, or by word or deed ex
cite let lings which would lead to such dreadful out
bursts of popular fury as disgraced the devoted city of
Kouisville on the day of election.’ Rathe than carry an
election by such means as were resorted to on that oc
casion, we would prefer to give way to our opponents
to surrender to them the polls, to renounce for a season
the elective franchise, and appeal to the sober second
thought of the people for a redress of our grievances ;
not lor fear of bodily injury ; not for love of life ; (f r
, UlB dvaresl lo “odd we sacrifice to defend our
*r.g it to vote peaceably without let or hindrance) hut
tor love of liberty and hatred of tyranny. We tire un
.ilteiabh * o!,Vi! iced that it it once becomes usual for
ejections to be decided by force and violence, that the
d-o* of the Republic will have ended. if, iheietore,
we decline to make the Louisville riots a party issue’
it must not he smi thied to inability on our part to meet
tie is. ue tendered, but a fixed put pose to do all m our
power 10 preserve the purity of the ballot box, and to
nothuig which will tend, even remotely, to H ,ve
unt,nance to similar scenes in uut own happy land
He mute particular attention to the following’ article
from the National Intelligencer in which that able and
conservative Wing journal gives expression to views
almost identical with our own :
From the National Intelligencer.
“The evidently not impartial, and we trust greatly
exaggerated telegraphic dispatches from Louisville, re
cord scenes of riot, violence and bloodshed, during the
election held in that city on Monday, whuh aU true
lovers of la tv and order will denounce in the most solemn
and emphatic language.
“It matters not—to adopt the language of the Balti
more Patriot —it matters not that the occasion was one
of great political ferment, it matters not who weie the
aggressors, the assailants and the assailed are alike de
serving of indignant reprobation, since they were both
guilty of violating the law by usurping the authority of
the Judiciary and avenging with their own hands their
real or fancied injuries. It is from such shameful riots
as these that our institutions are brought into disgrace.
It is not ono city alone which suffers from the effects of
sanguinary lawlessness —the whole country shares in
the opprobrium. If such outrages are continued—if
the majesty of the law is not rendered paramount to the
acts of individuals —if, in broad day, and in the midst
of a crowded city, we are to settle our quarrels with the
Bowie knife, the revolver, and the firebrand, we had
better close our tribunals, ignore all government except
that of force, and be prepared to try conclusions with
the first person wo encounter iu the street.
“It is strange that tire people of the United States
a people so sensitive of the opinion iu which they are ;
held abroad ; who pride themselves on the freedom ;
they enjoy, on the tolerance they avow, and especially I
on their capacity for self government —should suffer ■
themselves to become guilty of acts which are scini
barbarious in their character, and so utterly destruc
tive of all those conservative elements upon the per
manence of which depends the existence of the Re
public.”
South Carolina Politics ami Politicians.
The Democracy of South Carolina, alarmed at the
federal tendencies of Know Nothingism, have resolved
to crush it at once and forever in that gallant State, by
calling together and organizing a great Southern Rights
party, the prime object of which shall be to protect the
South against the aggressive policy of the abolitionists.
The proceedings of the meeting in Charleston at which
this movement was inaugurated are on hand and will
be published as soon as convenient. The 4th resolu
tion of the Georgia Platform was adopted and the
Know Nothing order denounced in the language of the
Muscogee Democracy.
The Know Nothings of Charleston held a meeting on
tho night preceding this grand demonstration of
j the people and, doubtless with tho intent to break the
force of the blow, renounced all allegiance to the Na
tional Grand Council, repudiated tho doctrine of the
supremacy of the Supreme Court as asserted in the
Philadelphia Platform, declared their devotion and al
legiance to the State as superior to jhair love of the
Union, struck out the term “Catholic’’ and all semblance
of a religious test form the official records and obligations
of the order in the State, and cut off all fellowship with
the Northern lodges. This is well; but it will not
save the bek-agued troops of Sam. He is dead in South
Carolina. We shall hear no more of his success iu
Charleston or Columbia. His change of front in the
midst of battle will prove as fatal on a political as it is
known to be oil a martial held. The people will be
sure to renounce a party which is compelled to renounce
its principles to prolong a feeble existence.
War among the Louisiana Councils.
It may be known to our readers that a large majority
of the Know Nothing Counoils in Louisiana have repu
. dialed the Bth or Catholic article of the Philadelphia
Platform and are actually running a Roman Catholic
1 for Governor of Louisiana. There is, however, a por
tion of the order in Louisiana which adopts the whole
of the Philadelphia Platform. They profess to be the
| only Simon Pure members of the order of Know Noth’
| ings in the State and denounce their repudiating breth
■ ren with a gusto that we feel ourselves utterly unable
|to emulate. Hear the True Della:
The members of the three Councils which publish tlioir
proceedings in tlio True Della this morning, are (lie only
persons really qualified to represent the national order ol
Know Nothings ; those who follow the lead ol such pseudo
organs as the Bulletin, Bee, Delta, Picayune and Crescent
newspapers being, it is said, hungry office hunters, who
arc ready to sacrifice every real principle lor which the or
der contends, and which every true member has sincerely
at heart, for a mess ol public pottage.
‘The-mask is, we are happy to see, about to be torn from
the laces of all such wretched pretenders, who, while open
ly repudiating the platlonn of the Order as adopted in
I liiladelphia, are nevertheless for ever boasting their fideli
ty an d loyalty to its organization and constitution, both
ol which bind every member firmly to the principle ol the
Htli aiticie of ihe platlonn, to which, lor sake of office, the
parties referred to are lor the present willing to give the
go by.
” ‘Phis dishonest and unfair proceeding wili not be tolerated
by the geuine Councils of the Order.
Persons at all familiar with the membership of the
order, will agree that the description given of the large
majority of the order in Louisiana is a very accurate
delineation of the concern in every State in the Union:
—“hungry office hunters, who are ready to sacrifice
every real principle for which the order contends, fora
mess of public pottage.” The True Della must draw
its pictures from real life.
Nomination Declined.
We are requested by J. N\ Carter, Esq., to tender
i bis thanks to the Democratic party of Talbot county
j for the unexpected and unsolicited honor they have
I conferred uppon him by nominating him as their can
; didale for the Legislature, and to make known to them
| that he most respectfully declines the nomination on
account of private and personal considerations. Mr.
Carter, however, deeply sympathises with the Democrat
ic party in its severe contest with the Know Nothings
and tile Abolitionists. Mr. C. urges the Southern peo
ple to union at home, to the cultivation of a spirit of
l. ve and charity for each other and a determined re
sistauce to the encroachments of abolition.
We regret Mr. Carter's inability to accept the dis
tinguisiied honor conferred upon him. We hope,
however that his place on the ticket will be immediately
tilled by a good and true man, and that the Democra
cy of Talbot will press on to victory.
Public Dinner to J. F. Dowdell ill Oak Hntvrry.
The friends and neighbors of Hon. J. F. Dowdell
have determined to give him a dinner at*Oak lioweiy,
Ala., on Friday the dlst inst. It will be a gala day.—
Distinguished speakers from all parts of the country
have been invited to be present and address the people,
w ho are invited to attend without distinction of parties
duiioE of the Macon Circuit.— The Know Noth
ing Party have nominated Ffi W arren, Esq., as theit
candidate for Judge of the Macon Circuit. The De
mocracy will run Judge Powers and will-probably elect
him.
Di fen County. — Hon, F. B. Cone is the K. N.
Candidate tor the Senate, and Gocrge O. Dawson, for
the House,
Sober Second Thought.
We respectfully call the attention ot our readers to
tlie very able and dispassionate communication over tho
above signature. The writer clearly shows that the
object of l he Northern Know Nothings in demanding
an extension of the period of residence as a preliminary
to naturalization is to enable the nat ve abolitionists to
exercise a pet.y tyranny over the honest immigrant.
It is hardly necessary to say that the Southern people
will aid in no such villainy. If they suffer from the
privileges now extended to foreigners why do they not
alter their State laws and deny to them the privilege of
voting? The late Massachusetts Legislature was
almost unanimously Know Nothing and though they
found time to wander through the State in committees
insulting defenceless women and children, and perpe
trating other outrages against public decency, they
never so much as thought of altering the laws which
allewed foreigners to vote. Other Northern Legisla
tures have followed the example of Massachusetts, How
can such inconsistencies be explained ? But ono an
swer occurs to us. These fanatics, and bigots, and
demagogues did not want to kill the goose that lad
the golden eggs. They had been exalted to high office
by an appeal to tho prejudices of tho people against
foreigners ; and were unwilling to do anything to cool
the publio mind. A law, requiring a foreigner to re*
side twenty-one years in Massachusetts before he was
allowed to vote, would have broken down their party,
and left them at home in tho secluded walks of life,
j Now, if these Massachusetts abolitionists will not help
j themselves, when they have the power, it does seem to
J us to be excessively quixotio for us of the South to get
| into a stew over their imagined wrongs, and turn to
quarrelling with each other because the Yankees allow
the Irish to vote. We hope to hear from “ Sober Seo
oud Thought” again.
‘ Westminister Review. —Wo have reoeived through
Leonard Scott & Cos., New York, the Westminister
Review for July, 1855. The following is its table of
contents : Spinoza ; International Immorality • Self-
Education ; The Physiological Errors of Teetotalism ;
The Decline of party Government ; The Earth and
Man ; The Foreign Policy of the United States; Con
temporary Liter’ojniß
Death of Isaac 11. Bronson. — IVe learn from the
Journal <s• Courier that the lion. I. H. Bronson,
of the District Court of the United States for the Nor
thern District of Florida, died at Palatka, Fla., on the
13th inst., of pulmonary consumption.
President Southwestern Railroad. —ylt a meeting
of the directors ill Macon, on Thursday, Kith, R. K.
Cuyler, Esq., the able President of the Central Road,
was unanimously chosen President of the Southwestern
Railroad, in the place of its late President, L. O. Rey
nolds, deceased. Mr. Cuyler will hold the office until
the next annual meeting of the stockholders in Feb
ruary next, when another election will take place.
[For the Times & Sentinel ]
Upper Georgia Politics.
Rome, Ga., Aug. 15, 1855.
Messrs. Editors: —The country letvveen Dalton and
Knoxville is unsurpassed in ‘beauty and productiveness ol
soil. As the traveler streams along at the rate of 30 miles
an hour, (un the best railroad South) innumerable tilings ol
interest meets his eye. Corn and Clover fields in almost
endless contiguity present themselves. An occasional con
catenation ol mountains, with now and then a peak raising
its azure grandeur to the clouds interrupts the oceanic scene.
Rich valleys extend alar out till to his vision they melt into
the sky. This is the country which clogs our Georgia mar
kets with wheat, com, horses, &c. 1 being so much in
debted to it for my physical self cannot bo so ungrateful as
to pass it unnoticed.
The day I passed up the East Tennessee and Georgia
Railroad, two men and two horses were killed by lig ning
in the neighborhood ol Cleveland. They wore being pro
tected from tho rain by a shelter when the melancholy af
fair occuired.
On politics there is but little I have that you have not al
ready seen and heard. A candid Know Nothing fixing
here gives it as his opinion that there will he some doubt
as to which of the political parties (Overby’s excluded,)
will carry Cherokee Georgia; that the Know Nothings
would have to increase greatly to stand a showing at the
coming election. 1 learn .that discontent has shown itself
in the camp in this place. In truth a great many
have withdrawn from the order, and more are expected
soon to bid their adieus. Garnett Andrews’ sublime gen
ius for submission, and his love for the Union being an “in
stinct stronger than reason, a sentiment purer than reli
gion,” as Gen’l Bethune had it, is telling encouragingly
for the Democracy. 1 heard an old Democrat say the oth
er day that the“Anti-K. N.” boys were not saying much
but were in a mighty good humor. So I believe. Silence
shows contentment.
Not to refer to the various objections that can be urged
against the K. N. party, and which have been so fully set
forth by you and others', and which will exercise incalcu
lable influence against it, the announcement of and recent
comment upon the fact that the power of qualifying vo
ters is delegated to the Slates by the Constitution of the
United States, will tend greatly towards the defeat of a
party trying to regulate the sore:eignty of the people of
Massachusetts and other Northern States. ‘They will
pay about as much attention to it as we should to a request
from them to allow our slaves to vote or to free them.
Yours, Truly, B.
For the Times &, Sentinel.
lion. M. J. Crawford.
Messrs. Editors: —Agreeable to previous appointment,
Judge Crawford addressed a respectable puition of the cit
izens of Marion at Glenalta, on Saturday, 18th inst. lie
entertained the audience with a speech ol two hours length,
which, for wholesome logic and incontrovertible argu
ment, we have seldom heard surpns-ed. The earnest and
wrapt atiention with which he was honored throughout
the whole of its delivery, was proof conclusive thatit car
ried conviction, deep and abiding, home to the hearts of
his hearers. This is no reckless assetlion, but the honest
sentiment ol one little inclined to ofler indiscriminate adu
lation, or blind homage at the shrine of any man or petty.
However any one may have dithered with him in regard to
the subjects discussed, all will.doubtless, have the candor
to admit that it was a dispassionate, eloquent and powerful
argument.
Messrs.-Editors, on the ide of October. Marion will be
right side up. Withdraw als from the Know Nothings are
safd to be taking place in all parts ol the county. From
every portion of the District, which Judge Crawford has
visited, the most cheering accounts greet the ears of his
friends. To those who think that Judge Crawford h de
posed to retire from the contest.with Col. Hawkins, we say
lay not ‘the flattering uuction to your souls.” Wherever
they have met in discussion, Judged Crawford has raked
that gentleman sere and-aft, and however he may wriggle
under hit scotching eloquence and irresistible arguments*
hi will continue to “pile on the agony” until the friend? <. f
Sun are compelled to take the “curbed thing” and bury if.
To the lovers of civil and religious liberty throughout
the 2nd Congressional District, without distinction of party,
we say remember to go to the polls on the lust Monday in
October and deposite a vote for your gallant and inconu|-
tible standard bearer, whose heart is as true to the South
as the needle to the pole.
To the Democracy of Muscogee we would say, advance
your standard high; rally with one mind and one heart to
its support, with hearts buoyed by the recent triumphs ol
your lung cherished principles, and with a zeal unquencha
ble, remembering, that victory belongs not to the strong
but to the viglant, the active, and the brave.
AGRICOLA.
For the Times & Sentinel.
Alteration ol .the Naturalization Law^—The
Right flr> Vote.|
Messrs. Editors: —There are no doubt many persons
I who have been induced to join the Know Nothing order
so'ely l>ecaue of their belief that the alteration ol’ the nat
uralization laws, and the extension ofthe time for the natu
ralization of foreigners, necessarily extended the time ftr
them to vote in the several States. 1 have, myself, been
under the impression that the alteration of the naturaliza
tion laws would have this effect, but such is not the case.
naturalization, and the right to say who shall vote, are two
distinct subjects belonging to two distinct powers. While
Congress was given the power to “establish a uniform rule
of naturalization,” the States by the same constitution, re
tained the right to say in their, constitutions, who should
and who should not vote.
Before being naturalized, a foreigner cannot hold real
estate in the States, nor have many other rights belonging
to citizens. Alter being naturalized he can hold property,
sue, an<J|be|sued, and enjoy every other right belonging to
a native born citizen—except that he cannot vote unless
the constitution of the. State authorizes him to do so. Nev
evertheless, he can vote even before lie is naturalized, it
the State so wills it. And why ? Because the constitu
tion ofthe United States does not prohibit him from voting,
and because, underlie constitution each State has the right
to let who ever she pleases vote. And several ol the
States, as will be seen in an article below from the Char
leston Mercury, have already exercised this right (without
dispute) and foreigners, before being naturalized, are now
permitted to.vote in them. And New York, and otlnr
Northern States, eyen permit free negroes to vote.
Quorryl While the Southern Delegates at the Philadel
phia Know Nothing Convention were fixing up their I’lat
forrn, and adopting an article for “the repeal, by the Leg
islatures of tiro respective States, of all laws allowing for
eigners not naturalized to vote,” why did they not also
adopt another article also for ,“the repeal, by the legisla
tures of the respective States, of all Maws allowing free
negroes to vote.” It they had “done tins, 1 don't reckon
they would have got the four out of seven of the vo'es
liom New York for their platform, i think they would
have come up missing.
But what does the constitution ofthe United States say
upon the two subjects of naturalization and suffrage! The
only article relating to J.he passage of naturalization laws
I is the following:
shall have power to establish a uniform rule
ol naturalization.”—Art. 1, sec. 8.
And why was this power given Congress? 1 have not
looked to the debates of the convention, but presume it
was thus given to prevent an improper contest among the
several States for the foreign emigrants. At the time the
constitution was adopted, each State had much vacant
land, each wanted population ana me emi
grants to settle among them, and to prevent difficulties and
too high bidding among the several States for them,
Congress was given the power to pass “uniform” laws
naturalization.” The privilege of voting vva3 not consider
ed as belonging to natoralzftion, and hence nothing was
said about it.
But in providing for the Government of the country, the
subject as to who should and who should not vote for of
ficers of the State and Federal Government did come up,
and how was it settled? It will be seen r iliat that subject
was disposed of by leaving it with the States. The
‘mode and manner’ of the election of electors of Presi
i dent and Vice President of the United States
I was left to the discretion of the Legislatures of the
States. T'n the election of Senators to Congress, it was
not left to the discretion of the Legislature, but was ex
! provided that they should be “ chosen by the Legis
\ lalure.” And in the election of Representatives to Con
; gress, while it was expressly provided that Congress “may
’ at any time by law alter” “the times,places and manner of
| holding these elections” prescribed by the several Legislar
: tures, there is no allusion to the ‘electors’ or ‘voters’ But,
I in another clause, the Constitution expressly declares that
! “the qualification of electors [or voters] of Representatives
j in Congress” shall “be the same asTor electors [or voters] of
’ the most numerous [branch of the State Legislature.”—
’ Thus leaving the whole matter, as to qualification of vo
’ ters, with the States. The Constitution reads thus:
j “The Senate shall be composed of two Senators from
each State, chosen by the Legislature for six years, and
’ each Senator shall have one vote. —Art. J, Sec. 3.
! “The times, places and manner of holding elections for
j Senators an J Representative*, shall be prescribed in each I
State by the Legislature thereof, Gut Congress may, at any
time by law make or alter tucli regulations, except as to
places of choo-ing Senators.—Ait. 1, Sec. 4.
“The qualifications of electors ol Representatives in >
Congress to be the same as for electors of the most num
erous brunch of the State Legislature." —Art. 1, Sec. 2.
I am aware that there arc some politicians who consider
the General Government as the source of all power, and
who contend that Congress can do any thing that it is not
prohibited to do. This appeared to be the opinion of some
shortly alter the adoption of the .Conodtution. To meet
and put down these Federalists, who were disposed to mis
represent the true principles of our Government, the fol
lowing amendments to the Constitution were aterwards
adopted, viz:
“The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights,
shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained j
by the people.—ihh Amendment.
“Tile powers not delegated to the United States by
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it t) the States, are re- i
served to the States respectively or to the people.”—loth
Amendment.
To my mind, these amendments settle the question be
yond all dispute. Aud it is well enough that tilings should
j be so, too; lor it Congress Ills the right to say that a for-
I eiguer can or can’t vote in any State,it has the same authority
! to say that a free negro can vote in any State, flow would
■ tho people of Georgia like for Congress to pass a law au
thorizing free negroes to vote in our State/ There appears
jlj me as-much authority for the one. as the other. Ido
n-t think Congre-s has any authority to have anything to
do with tiie matter.
But thy is not all. The late Philadelphia Convention
does r.ot claim lor Congress any such power. That Con
vention, in its sth article, while claiming for Congress the
right to alter the naturalization laws, puts in no claim for
Congress to say who thill or who shall not vote, but pro .
poses a “repeat by the Legislatures -of tile respective
Xt'Ue-9 oi all laws allowing foreigners not naturalized to
cote:’ And notwithdanding the Know Nothings have
already got control ofthe Legislatures of many ol the
Northern and Western Slate-, still I t - ce no eHi>n j )y the|u
to change their constitutions relation to foreigners vo
ting. Then why join lthe|Know Nothings to do a tlmm
that they do not claim can be doncl And it one is in f a ”
vor of what they promise and have the right to r do, why
remain wall and applaud the order when the northern por
tion of it refuse to do what they have the power to do.—
r l he only lemedy aga : nst foreign horn persons voting in
Northern and Western States, or being counted in the lie
pro enta ive population, is to prohibit them altogether from
coming to the United States. But Know Notliingism pro
teges to do nothing like this. On the contrary, the Philadel
phia platform professes to offer “to the honest immigrant
who, from love of liberty or hatred of oppression, seeks an
asylum in the United Stetes, a friendly reception and pro
tection'.” Andas to “felons and paupers,” Mr. Stephens,and
other anii Know Nothings and the Democratic parly, as
“unqualifiedly condemn their transmission to our shores” a ?
any ol tin Know Nothings.
Then who will an extension of the time, or alteration of
the naturalization laws benefit? Nobody but the’Northern
people. And why? They have no negro slaves there,and
they must have white slaves. So long as the foreigner re
mains unnaturalized, not being legally nble to hold real es
tate and other property like others, citizens, he is beholden
to the natives there, is [their underling fund hireling, and
many of them serve the northern people as our negroes
serve us at the South. But as soon as the foreigner be
comes a citizen, and can bald his own property, and exer
cise o'her civil lights,he begins to feel tliathe, too, is a lice*’
man. lie sets up tor himself, thinks he has some rights
too, and the natives at the North can’t control him, hold
his property (if he has any) and get hi&iervices at so low a
rate as before. Hence the Northern people want the Nat
uralization laws altered, that they may hold the foreigners
under subjection to themselves, and make them their slaves
or servants longer. Will the Southern people encourage
any such slavery? The signs ol the times indicate that
they will not. 1 shall not. But 1 will conclude by refer
ring the reader to the article below from the Charleston
Mercury:
Sober Second Thought.
[From the Charleston Mercury.]
The New Phaso 91 Consolidation.
By the Federal Constitution, Congress was empowered
“to establish a uniform rule of naturalization.” Now,
naturalization confers citizenship, but not suffrage. Yet,
the majority of the States, though possessing each the
power to confer or take away suffrage, independent of
citizenship, have, in their Constitutions, fixed citizenship
as a qualification for voting. They have done it simply
of their own free will and motion. But this is not the
universal system. Acting in the same spirit of absolute
control over the subject, some of the States have estab
fished suffrage on the following basis.
The Constitution of New Hampshire declares that,
‘‘'Every male inhabitant , of twenty one years and up
wards, shall have a right to vote.”
The Constitution of Pennsylvania declares that,
“Every freeman ut the age of twenty one years, hnv*
ing resided in this State one year, and in the election dis
trict where the oiler to vote, ten days immediately pie
ceding such election, Ac., shall enjoy the rights of an
elec'or.”
The Constitution of North Carolina declares that,
‘'All freemen ofthe age of twenty-one years, who have
been inhabitants of any one county within the State
twelve months immediately preceding the day of election,
Ac., shall be entitled to vote.”
The Constitution of Indiana declares that,
‘‘'Every white male, of foreign birth , of the age of
twenty-one years and upwards, who shall have resided m
j the United States one year, and shall have resided in this
j State during the six months immediately preceding such
election, and shall have declared his intention to become a
! citizen ol the United Slates shall he entitled to vote.”
The Constitution of Illinois declares that,
“livery wtine male liiTiaDi am 01 me ogv 01 twenty one
years, who may be a resident of the State at the time of
adoption of this Constitution, shall have the l ‘ght of vot
ing.”
The Constitution of Michigan dtclarcs that,
“Every white male inhabitant residing in 1 hit) State on
the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred aud
fifty, who has declared his intention to become a citizen
ofthe United Suites, pursuant to the laws thereof, six
months preceding an election, or who has resided in this
State two years and six months, and declared his intention
aforesaid; and every civilized male inhabitant of Indian
descent, a native of the United States, and not a member
ol any tribe, shall he an elector and entitled to vote,”
The Constitution of Wisconsin declares that,
“Every ni; le white person of the age of twenty-one
years, who shall have resided in the State for one year,
next preceding any election, and who shall have declared
their intention to become citizens, shall be deemed a
j qualified elector.”
j Here, then.arc seven States, establishing in their sever
al Constitutions, systems of suffrage on the most varied
bases; and in the exercise of the right to proscribe suf
frage, conferring it upon whole clashes of people, without
reference to the naturalization laws, or any federal legis
lation whatever. What, then, becomes of the idea, that
“suffrage cannot he exercised without naturalization ?”
But the Slates have not only exercised the uncontrolled
right to confer suffrage, but they have also exercised the
light to take it away, in most of the States, paupers,
soldiers in the army and marines are excluded. Can any
thing be clearer than the preposition we advance?
Letter of Declination.
We publish below the letter of the lion. John L.
Dawson to the President of the United States, declining
the appointment tendered him of Governor of Kansas
j Territory :
Brownsville, Aug. 9,185 b.
My Dear. Sir :
On my return home th ; s evening, after an absence of
several weeks, 1 find your letter of the 28th ult., tender.
; ing to me the appointment of Governor of the Teraitoi /
of Kansas.
This distinguished mark of your favor and esteem, and
the very flattering terms in which it is conveyed to me,
elicit my grateful acknowledgments.
My private affairs prevent the acceptance of the
oiable and responsible trust, which your confidence and
good opinion would commit to me.
W itli but little taste lor public life, and with deep at
tachment to my home and my native State, I could not
consent to change my residence—hut 1 am constraired
by every cheiislie-d consideration to remain in a commu
nity, whose confidence 1 have enjoyed, and of whose
good will I have had the most positive aud repeated tes*
t i moil i al.
I shall ever hold in grateful recollecth n this evi-h rce
of your appreciation, and the mute, because it was uiau
licitc-d aud unexpeeb and.
Accept assurances of my high legat'd and best wislie*
for the success of your a Iminist'at'on, and believe me,
Truly your friend,
JOHN L. DAWSON-
His Excellency, Franklin Pierce, President ol the L'ui
ted States.
Know Nothingism on the Decline. A cor rr spell
dent of the T\ew York Post says that the number e
“councils” that were not represented at the
Slate Council of the Know Nothings ol the
upwards of three hundred. _These uuieprcrent-d **gtl
ciis contain lull one-half of the members ol the < ■
and perhaps more. Tlieir not being n presented n
to mdieate that there is but little interest felt m
ty’s proceedings by a large proportion of its n ,rf •
and that the ties that were so strong in 1854 .'K* not _
sidered to be even political pack thread in ; ,
same correspondent says tlwt there was an itKie-.Um
ing off in the attendance upon the meet in:, ■-am ■- 1
tion in November last, and that swine hum 1 -■ ‘ y.
cal Councils have’vhtuaily dissolved bj ‘ .j.
on meetings f>r several months ”** ;’ 1 r;1
st-euuuufr exertions are being ntarb* l< ‘\ lifl
11 is'Venv doubtful if they can bemads t !c -