Newspaper Page Text
TIMES & SENTINEL
columbusTgeorgia.
TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 11, 1858,
Ti LKGK PMT.
Expressly for the Times & Sentine 1 .
Montgomery, May 11, 2 P M 1858.
SOUTHERN COMMERCIAL CONVENTION
This morniog was spent in di cussing the African Slave
Trade—Prior ot Virginia opposing and Yancey of Ala
bama advocating the repeal of laws prohibiting the same.
Both gentlemen made very eloquent speeches. The vote
is not taken up to this hour.
•‘Honor to Whom Honor is Due.”
“Now who is entitled to all the credit for the passage
of the measure (Conference Bill)! Thai is the question
which we desire the Democratic party of the South to an
swer. The Americans were solely responsible when the
measure of deliverance (Senate Bill) was lost; is it not
their triumph, and is not the country solely ndebted to
them, and not to the democratic party, now that it has
passed!”
We copy the above paragraph from the savannah Re
publican of the Bth inst. In the same article we are called
on by name, in connection with other democratic jour
nals, to “come forward and do the Americans justice in
this latter vote, or frankly acknowledge to our readers that
our denunciation tof the Americans for their connection
with the Senate bill was a slander and a wrong.” We
have every disposition to gratify our able cotemporary by
answering the question thus propounded, and we are also
inclined to repel, in a respectful manner, and refute the
charge of injustice upon which we are thus arraigned. W e
will premise, however, that as we see no signal occasion
for congratulation and rejoicing in the recent settlement of
the Kansas question, we may be permitted to withold any
very great degree of praise from those who participated in
its consummation. But assuming that it were as satisfac
tory as we deemed the Senate bill to be, we think the
conclusion of the Republican unwarranted and unsound.—
The Senate bill was defeated by the conjoint votes of
Black Republicans, North rn Democrats and Southern
Americans, and, estimated by the severe standard of right,
the conduct of each was equally reprehensible. One vote
was not more instrumental in producing the result than
another. All were wrong But according to human ap
preciation, the quality of an act has some relation to the
situation of the agent. Circumstances may enhance or
mitigate the criminality of conduct. The / black Republi
can, who voted against the Senate bill, certainly did
wrong; but he acted in strict accordance with his avowed
principles. This fact, while it does not justify, yet greatly
tempers our opinion of the heinousness ot the act, The
Northern Democrat comes in tor a larger share of con
demnation, because, in order to commit,what is in the ab
stract, a wrong, he violated a principle which he had pro
fessed to cherish and is therefore obnoxious to the charge,
either of hypocricy in the profession, or knavery in the
commission,- yet even he could plead a motive in the prej
udices of hie section, and the reprobation of his country*
men, which awaited an adherence to justice and to
truth. But we are at a loss to conceive a justification or
excuse for the South American, who, to violate his prin
ciples, ignored the claims ot birth, overcame the bias ot
education, braved the scorn of his countrymen and discar
ded the promptings of an honest instinct—the love ot fire
side and section, which every human soul is presumed to
feel. We think, therefore, his should be the greater con
demnation.
But the Republican thinks that as we bestowed most
censure on the Americans for th” defeat of the Senate bill*
so we should award them most credit for the snccessof the
Conference bill, —that the praise now should be in exact
proportion to the condemnation then , We fail to discern
the sequence here asserted.
Repeating the assumption which we made in the begin
ning (that the conference bill is satisfactory,) the Ameri
cans, as well as the democrats, who voted for it, did no
thing more than their duty—a duty too which it did not re
quire the exercise of any very great virtue to perform, and
therefore, its discharge should not elicit extraordicary
commendation. It would be simply ridiculous to laud
the performance of a duty to which we were prompted by
the incitement of interest, the approbation and sympathy
of our fellows and the universal passion ot humanity.
are more parsimonious ot our praise than that. It is to
the triumph of virtuous principle in the heart over discour
aging and opposing circumstances, when all the cords oi
temptation draw adversely, that we render unstinted ho
mage- Filial love and reverence is a duty enjoined by na
ture, and commanded and enforced by revelation. Hence
we do not consider a man entitled to great credit for lov
ing the mother who bore and nourished him; but what
curse is too bitter, what place on the calendar of infamy
too prominent for him who would refuse her protection?—
So it is with the love of country. But we presume, we
are sufficiently uuderstood.
In conclusion, we will say to our respected cotemporary
that, the Southern Americans and Southern Democrats
who voted for the Conference bill are entitled to exactly
equal credit, and not much to boast ot at that Such is
our opinion.
Religious Revival in Columbus.
As truthful chroniclers of passing events, we confess
that the deep-seated religious feeling now so generally
pervading our comu'unity, is deserving of more than a
passing notice- We think that we may safely venture the
assertion, that such a state of interest as now exists on re
ligious subjects throughout North America, has but few it
any parallels in the history of the world.
There has been a revival meeting going on in the Meth
odist church in this city for nearly two months and seems
hardly to have reached its zenith yet. Up to this present
period, quite a number have professed a saving faith in
Christ, and connected themselves with that branch of the
Christian Church. From the evidences manifested there
on Sabbath,and the unusally large congregation assem
bled for public worship, the inference is most conclusive
that the good cause suffering no abatement in that quar
ter, and that a still more gracious state of things is in re
serve for the church.
The Union Prayer Meeting formed by a union of the
congregations of the Methodist, Baptist and Presbyterian
churches, at 8 o’clock every morning, is now in the third
week of its progress,and is throngei daily with large num
bers of inquiring souls who seem to be anxious to flee the
wrath to come and be pointed to the “Lamb of God which
taketh away the sin of the world.” These meetings, even
had they done nothing more, have resulted in banishing.for
the time being at least, all schisms and minor sectarian
differences from among the several churches, and all are
working harmoniously together, on a common platform,
in a spirit of brotherly love, for the furtherance of a com
mon good. This is as it should be- No lasting benefit
was ever derived from cavelling, whether viewed in a secu
lar or religious point of view. We could never imagine
why there should exist such strife and criminations be
tween members of th various evangelical denominations
often resulting in downright prejudice among Christians
and invariably proving detrimental to the cause of Christ—
when all experience has demonstrated the fact, that the
more intimate the unity between professors of religion, the
more extensive and gracious the ends achieved. The Un r
ion Meeting is also still increasing in depth and fervor, and
the above churches, in which they are alternately held, ap
pear to be much strengthened and edified- May their good
effects long linger about our community.
The 5 o’clock afternoon Prayer Meetings, at the Rooms
of the Young Men’s Christian Association, are now in their
fourth week, while the ajtendance upon them daily, and
the deep, absorbing interest which pervades them, hare
alike continued to increase steadily from their commence
ment. Their meeting on Sabbath afternoon was the larg
est prayer meeting we have ever attended. The Theatre
to which it was removed on that evening, was literally
jammed, and must have contained between 800 and 900
persons, one gentleman stated in that meeting, that he was
now fifty years old, had traveled a great deal, and had
been in attendance upon all sorts of religious gatherings,
but had never witnessed a prayer meeting so replete with
numbers and interest. Another stated that on the Sabbath
evening previous, he had attended divine service 500 miles
distant, and that h had there found the si me blessed state
of things existing as he found here, and he exhorted the
young men to feel encouraged in their noble efforts to res
cue their brethren from the inevitable destruction that
awaited the finally impenitent sinner. A number of others
made brief but pertinent allusions to the circum
stances now moving the religious world, all of which had
a tendency to produce a happy throb in the bosom of the
pious, and to awaken in the minds of the unconverted, a
still deeper spirit of enquiry and concern. These meetings
have been special seasons ot rejoicing to many who have
been constantly attracted thither.
In addition to these,there have been divine services every
night for some time in the Baptist and Presbyterian
churches, which, we learn, have been characterized by the
same happy results, as the other meetings mentioned, and
have resulted in th*- conversion of quite a number of per
sons, who have so assiduously availed themselves of these
means of grace. A striking peculiarity of all these various
meetings has been the absence of all outbursts of excite
ment which are often manifested in revival seasons. Ev
erything has been conducted calmly and deliberately, yet
with deep and solemn earnestness.
These are certainly strange times, and still stranger the
events that are now transpiring in our country and com
munity, and seem to indicate some curious changes in so
ciety and the world, as to the true character of which the
Christian public are hardly prepared to agree. Surely
the past furnishes but few instances in which Christianity
has made such gigantic strides. The religious Reform
ation of Luther, is not comparable to it in extent or uni*
versality of its conquests. His gallant and devout spirit
rolled back the waves of superstition and ignorance which
had submerged the nations during the long, dreary, starless
night of the Dark Ages, and resurrected the Word of God
which had been hid in dens and caves for a thousand years
—bringing therewith again the true genius of Christianity,
to gladden the hearts of mankind. The Reformation was
a wonderful and God-appointed work, but hardly to be lik*
ened to the present great awakening. The conquests of re
ligion now are bloodless. The world is lying in almost
universal peace, resembling in many respects that which
pervaded the habitable globe at the advent of the Saviour.
Be the consequences what they may at present it is doubt
less a taint type of those glorious religious consummations
which, the Christian heart has ever taken delight in belie
ving, are to precede the Millennium, when, according to
the prophecy of Isaiah, righteousness shall fill the earth as
the waters cover the deep- Great is the mystery of God
liness.
Speech of Mr. English.
We invite the attention of our readers to the Speech of
this gentleman, to be found in our columns tO“day. It
was delivered on the occasion of a serenade, given him
the night after the passage ol the Conference Bill, m com
memoration of that event. Coming from a Northern
man.it is commended to us by the strong, national spirit
with which it is informed, and especially for its just views
upon the capabilities and social position of the negro.—
Read it.
Southern Commercial Convention.
Montgomery, May 10th, 1858.
The Southern Commercial Convention assembled to
day. Hon W. L. Yancey on the part of Montgomery
welcomed the delegates in a short but eloquent speech—
He was made temporary chairman until a permanent or
ganization could be effected. The following States were
represented in the Convention; to-wit; Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee*
Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, Texas and Delaware. A
Committee of two from each State were appointed to se*
lect permanent officers for the Convention and after retir
ing reported as follows ; President Andrew P. Calhoun of
S. C., (son of J. C. Calhoun ) Vice-Presidents.
Hon. Mark A. Cooper of Ga.
“ Geo. P. Elliott of S. C.
“ Geo. W. Sanifleof Va.
“ Jesse H. Lindsay of N. C.
“ C- T. Pollard of Ala.
“ Thomas Coopwan of Miss.
“ Maunsel While of La.
“ Paul McCormick, of Fla.
D. C. Page of Ala., chief Secretary—Dr. J. C. C. Black
burn of Geo., Assistant Secretary, with on from each of
the other States.
The President was escorted to the chair by Messrs. Jack
son of Ala , P. H. Colquitt, of Ga., and Roger A. Pryor
ofVa. Upon taking his seat Mr. Calhoun, acknowledged
the honor in a few eloquent remarks. After which the
Convention adjourned until 4 o’clock P. M.
In looking over the Convention, I do not recognize
rr.any men of distinction and note. Alabama is well rep*
resented in Hon. W L Yancey, Henry W. Hilliard, Jas.
L. Belser and Hubbard Bethea South Carolina in R.
Barnwell Rhett. Georgia in Hon. Mark A. Cooper
Tennessee in John Mitchell. Louisiana in Mr. Brecken
ridge of the N. O. Courier and Virginia in Roger A.
Pryor—an eloquent apostle of a pure democracy and a
high-toned noble fellow. More anon.
JUNIUS.
Washington Correspondence.
Washington, May 7,1858.
Congress has been moving along cuietly enough on its
regular business since the termination of the Kansas strag
gle. The question is now settled, and Kansas may come
in or stay out at her own good pleasure; yet the general
impression seems to be that the proposition of Congress
will be acceded to; and thus anew State will be added to
the galaxy of States. It is amusing to read the more vio
lent abolition papers since the vote on this question. Trai
tors, villians and cowards are the choice terms which they
apply to the South Americans and faltering democrats
who nobly came to the rescue at the last moment, and
terrible is the doom which they denounce upon the North
ern Democrats who stood firm and true,.during every stage
of the contest. One truth, however, they cannot conceal
under all their madness. They are beaten, whipped and
sul dued—and I can add in truth, they are alarmed and
dispirited.
The opposition to the Minnesota Bill has been grounded
principally on the clause of its constitution giving to alien *
the right of suffrage. It is thought, however, the
State will be admitted- If she be rejected the result will
be that she will hold anew convention—perhaps conform
her constitution to the will of Congress, and send us a
batch of Black Republican Senators and Representatives.
This party are opposed to her present admission, and are
intriguing to effect her rejection.
Senator Evans of South Carolina, died at his residence
this morning, after a brief illness. I have just learned the
event, but not the particulars.
Our Central American relations and the abrogation of
the Clavton-Bulwar treaty, have given rise to quite an in
teresting discussion in the House. Judge Wright of Ga.,
has submitted a resolution, in the shape of an amendment
to the report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, rela
tive to the capture of General Walker. His resolution
condemns that act as illegal, and asserts the right of Ame
rican citizens to expatriate themselves whenever they
choose to do so, even with arms in their hands for self
protection. Judge Wright has several times sought the
floor to speak on his resolution, but without success.
In the Senate yesterday, we had a sort of ante-diluvian
speech from Mr. Hamlin of Maine on the Fishing Boun
ties. It was an attempt to reply to a speech delivered a
few days, previously on the same subject, by Senator Ulay
of Alabama but it was an attempt only, for notwithstand
ng the admitted ability of Senator Hamlin, he was unab‘e
to soar beyond the base of the splendid superstructure o.
logic —history—statistics and eloquence reared by is is
tinguished competitor. This masterly effort o aor
Clay’s, on a question so complicated and about w tc so
little is known beyond the range of the privileged monopo
lists for whose benefit these Fishing Bounties have en
permitted so long to exist, place3 him in the rst ran o
Southern Statesmen.
The National Medical Association which has been in
Session m this city during the week adjourned last evening
sine die. The next annual convention will be held in
Louisville Ky. The members were generally entertained
with the most profuse hospitality, by our citizens an y
several of the most prominent members of both Houses o
Congress. The most sumptuous and recherche entertain*
ment of this kind was given to the Georgia delegates y
Hon. A. H. Stephens. Several of the Georgia Congress
ional delegates were among the guests of their distinguis e
colleague, among them 1 had the pleasure of meeting, or
the first time, with Mr. Trippe. Its a pity he should be
wandering about in “outward darkness politically
socially,he can dispense so much light, wit and humor-
M lightness of heart, however, on this occasion, was at
tributable mainly to to the easy conscience which he has
enjoyed since Friday the 30ih ultimo. His colleague, who
left him alone in his glory, is I fear politically on the road
to “final impenitence,” Still, while the lamp holds out to
burn” —65c.
BRUTUS.
MR. ENGLISH’S SPEECH.
Gentlemen : I thank you kindly for the compli
ment which you have paid me upon this occasion,
and I corne forward cheerfully in response to your
call; yet not without fear that at this late hour, and
after the able speeches you have heard, I shall be
unable to interest and entertain you. I claim to be
a man of action rather than of words, but yet I
am usually able, upon proper occasions, to give a
reason for the faith that is in me. I am always
glad to meet my friends, and I confess not to be
indiffejent to their good opinion. I am gratified
to meet you here to-night, because I hail you as
friends, and feel that you sympathize with me, and
rejoice at the action which has recently taken place
in the Congress of the United States. I have not
given any open demonstrations of rejoicing, but J
njust confess to you, fellow-citizens, that I have on
several occasions since the passage of that bill, felt
an impulse to cry out “Glory! Hallelujah!”
[Cheers.] Why should we not rejoice at that ac
tion ! What is Kansas that she should have caus
ed all this turmoil and confusion throughout the
land for the last four years! What is Kansas that
she should, during the last four months, have ob
structed the general business of the country ? What
is Kansas that she should endanger the peace and
happiness of this great and glorious confederacy
qf ours? Better, far better, that the foot of the
white man should never be set upon the soil of
Kansas than that these things should be. [Ap
plause.] Yes, fellow-citizens, it would be better
that no white man should be allowed to enter Kan
sas, and that it should be turned over forever to
the wild beasts and the savages of the forest—bet
ter that the earth should open, and that the whole
territory, from one boundary to the other should
be swallowed up in eternal oblivion—than that the
peace and harmony of this country should be en
dangered, or its best interests imperiled ! [Voices.
“That’s so!”] Then, fellow-citizens, we have
cause for rejoicing that something has been done
to settle this question. The measure which has
just passed ought to secure peace, and restore har
mony among the different sections of the confed
eracy. Ido not say that it will do it for there are
bad men who for evii purposes and for selfish ends
will oppose the wisest and best measures in order
to accomplish their designs ; and they may act thus
in reference to this, as they have in reference to
other just measures that have passed the Congress
of the U. States. Four years ago a great measure
was enacted by Congress which recognised a prin
ciple that ought to be dear to the heart of every
American citizen, because it is a principle that un
derlies all our republican institutions—a principle
which is God-given—the right of man to self-gov
ernment. And yet this important act, which, if it
had been carried into execution faithfully accord
ing to its terms, would have secured peace to the
country on the question of slavery, has been seiz
ed upon by mad fanatics, who for political purpos
es have raised the shout of “ bleeding Kansas,”
and have kept this whole country in turmoil and
confusion ever since. Fellow-citizens, I hope the
act which has just been passed may be the means
of restoring peace and harmony to the Union. 1
shall rejoice if that be the result. I hope and be
lieve that such will be the result; but, whether it
be so or not, the effort which has been made is
praise-worthy, and let us all indulge the hope that
from yesterday we may date an era of good feel
ing in this country which may long continue to
bless our happy land. [Applause.]
But, gentlemen, I have still another cause for
rejoicing. The passage of this measure will not
only tend to restore peace and harmony among the
different sections of the confederacy, but it will
tend to restore peace and harmony in the bosom
of the good old-fashioned democratic pa£y—God
bless her! [Great applause.]
And I have also personal reasons for jejoicing
in this matter. There were those who knew so
little of me as for a time to suppose that I had
some affinity with the black republican party; but
never were men more mistaken. They deceived
themselves, and without my giving them the slight
est occasion for it. I was born in the good old
democratic faith; it was the party of my father
before me, and never have I on any occasion de
parted from it. [Cheers.] The truth is, fellow
citizens, the black republicans deceived themselves.
They dug a pit for others to fall ißto, and, unfor
tunately for them, fell into it themselves. They
may have supposed they were going to catch me
as well as some others. They ought to have re
membered the old story their grandmothers told
them when lhey took a fancy to catch a particular
bird, that if they could only sprinkle a little salt on
its tail they would be sure to get it, and how de
lighted they were until the truth dawned upon
their infantile minds that the trouble was to get
near enough to sprinkle the salt on. Great laugh
ter and applause.] They have been laboring un
der a similar delusion recently. The truth is, they
have got into a bad fix, and are a long ways off
from water. [Laughter.] How* inconsistent has
been their course ? At home they have professed
eternal hostility to the extension of the institution
of slavery—that Kansas should be a free State,
though every man, woman, and child therein wish
ed it to be otherwise, and that under no circumstan
ces were any more slave States to be admitted into
the Union. That was substantially the platform
upon which they stood in my own country and
throughout the northern States. But what have
we seen recently? For mere party purposes we
have 6een them stultify themselves by voting to
admit Kansas as a slave State, provided the peo
ple interested should decide in favorjof it. How dif
ferent this from the position they have claimed
to occupy before the people! Who now can be
lieve in their sincerity? Are we to understand
that they h?ve abandoned their former position,
or was their late act a mere political ruse ? I sus
pect the latter, i fear they are actuated by no
higher motives than the mere accomplishment of
political and party ends. I object not to the act
they have done ; I only refer to it to show their in
consistency, and that they are ready to do any
thing in their power to embarrass and injure the
democratic party. No wonder they feel exaspera
ted. No wonder they are so ready to abuse and
misrepresent. I know that I come in for a full
share, but I care nothing tor it. I regard it as lit
tle as Ido the passing breeze. There is a prospect
of the country’s having a little quiet and rest from
slavery agitation, and hence they are alarmed, for
that is, of all things, what they do not want. Agi
tation, discord, and confusion is their element.—
Give the country peace, and they languish and die.
They will make a spasmodic struggle to keep up
a disturbance. Already they are misrepresenting
the bill, and it is a remarkable fact, that almost
every objection they make is answered by their
own record. Does it admit a slave State on con
dition? They so voted themselves. Does the
preamble recognise that the people of Kansas
through their delegates at Lecompton framed a
constitution which is republican in form. The
House bill, for which they all voted, did exactly
the same thing. So did the Senate bill. The lan
guage in that respect is the same in all of them.—
Do they say that the bill offers a bribe in lands
to the people of Kansas to accept the Lecompton
constitution ? So then did the Crittenden amend
ment for which they all voted; for the amount
given is the same in each, and is no more than
usually given to new States, and which everybody
knows Kansas will get whether she comes in now
with this consiitution or hereafter under some oth
er. Have they no confidence in the intelligence
of the American people, that they resort to these
expedients to get up a prejudice against this mea
sure? They will again be doomed, as they have
oft-times been before, to disappointment. They
have openly avowed that they will assail this bill,
and they evidently mean that the slavery agitation
shall not cease, if they can help it, until it has ali
enated the people of the North from the people of
the South, and sapped the very foundations of the
republic. The people cannot fail to see the evil
tendency of these things and the mischievous na
ture of their designs, and will, I trust and believe,
hold them marauders upon the public peace and
consign them to inglorious defeat. [Applause.]
Fellow-citizens, I am not to be caught by any
anti-democratic traps. It is not the first time that
such traps have been set for the purpose of catch
ing democrats. A few years ago an institution
sprung up in this country which endeavored to
destroy and wipe out the democratic party. All
at once the2enemies of democracy became fear
fully alarmed lest the Pope should come over and
take this country ; and they banded together with
secret oaths, and assembled at night when honest
men ought to have been in their beds, in barns,
and out-houses, and pit-holes, and out. of the-way
places, and they thought that by appealing to re
ligious and social prejudices, and by grips and signs,
and other tomfoolery, they would entrap a good
many democrats. Well, perhaps they did catch a
few, more than they were able to keep, but they
could not catch me. I never would join in any
crusade against a man on account of the place of
his nativity or his religion. I avoided that trap,
aud I have also avoided this recent trap, and I in
ted to avoid all traps of a similar nature, and I ad
vise you all to do likewise. I was raised in the
western country ; 1 have seen a good deal of the
wilderness and know something about hunting.—
lam pretty well up to all sorts of traps in the
forest. Many is the time that I have run the “var
mint” into his hole in a hollow tree, or in the
ground; and when I got him treed, as we call it in
the West, I could always tell whether it was fur
or hair that I was after. I could tell what the
animal was by the signs. Now when the black
repulicans set this last trap and invited me to come
into it, I said to myself I beg to be excused. Iliad
no objection to side aloug up near enough to look
into the entrance to it and see what the signs were;
but that was as far as I would go.
The signs did not suit me. I saw neither fur
nor hair, but.any quantity of wool , and then there
was an odor not at all agreeable to my olfactories.
[Laughter.] It reminded me of the home of an
animal I need not mention to you. [Laughter.]—
1 caught a glimpse of a figure within very much in
the resemblance of Horace Greely. It was long,
lean, lank, cadaverous, white-livered, and hollow
hearted. [Applause.] I knew that was* no place
for me. And that I never could become a mem
ofthe republican household. I never could act
with men so much governed byjhatred for one por
tion of their fellow-citizens, and who would, 1 fear,
strike down one entire section of this country if
they thought they only had the power to do so.
Fellow-citizens, I claim to belong to a national
party. Although a citizen of a free State, althongh
born in a free State although having sympathy with
the institutions of the free States, yet at the same
time I can recognize and respect the rights aud the
institutions of other States; and I am just as ready
to stand up to the last to vindicate the rights of the
people of the South as I am to vindicate the rights
of the people of my own section. [Cheers.] I
tell you, fellow-citizens, it will be a sad day for
this country if this black republican party should
ever come into power. I do not pretend to say
but that many who belong to that party are actua
ted by pure motives ; I know that many of them
are, but they are mistaken as to what would be the
effect of their doctrines when carried out. But
they never can be carried out fully, because the
God of Nature intended that they should not be.
They never can make a black man anything else
than a black man. They never can elevate the
black race to an equality with the white race.—
Never bv my vote or by my act will I aid them in
attempting to do it. I never want to see the day
come in this country when the black man shall sit
at the table with the white man, uponjterms of per
fect equality. I never want to see the day come
in this country when the children of the black man
shall go into the school house and sit side by side
with the children #fthe white man. I never want
to see the day come in this country when the black
man shall step up to the polls, upon terms of equality
with the white man, and deposit his vote. I never
want to 6ee the day come in this country when the
black man shall go into the jury box and sit in
judgement upon the rights, the property, or the life
of the white maD. [Cries of “never!” “never!”]—
These things, fellow-citizens, I do not want to see.
These things I am ready to resist to the utmost
of my ability. I wrnt jto see no such doctrines as
these carried out in this happy republic of ours.—
I do not believe the institution of slavery is the best
institution in the world ; nor do I believe it is the
worst institution in the world. There are advanta
ges about it, and there are disadvantages about it.
It is best that each section and each State of the
Union should be allowed tojudge as to this matter
for itself. If the people of Indiana do not choose to
have the institution of slavery, that is our business
—let us alone. If our-neighbors of Kentucky
choose to have the institution of slavery, that is
their business —let them alone. Their domestic in
stitutions will not hurt us; our domestic institutions
will not hurt them . Let us all stand together in
this great confederacy as equals, each State having
the right to regulate its own domestic institutions
in its own way; and let us apply this doctrine not
only to Kansas, but to all the Territories which may
come into this Union for all time to come. [Ap
plause.] That is the doctrine of the democratic
party : and when that party is struck down the
best interests of the country will be struck down,
[voice that’s so!]
Is the welfare of thirty millions of our own white
race to be constantly endangered for the sake of the
few millions of negroes in this country who are bet
ter off to-day than any like number.* of the same
race in any other part of the world ? Stop this ag
itation and let us act, not like visionary fanatics,
but practical k men. Let well enough alone, and
leave the solution of this matter io time and Prov
idence. If we cannot stand upon the doctrine of
non-interventio, where can we take our stand in
safety ?
But, fellow-citizens, I will not detain ydu longer.
1 am here in this city as one of the representatives
of a western State. It is a conservative State; it
is the one which gave the largest majority of anv
one in the North for the president at the other end
of the avenue. We gave him our cordial support
at the Cincinnati Convention and at the polls, and
we are ready to support him now, because we re
gard|him as a patriot and statesman. We believe he
has the best interests of this country at heart; and
fellow-citizens, I know that it is the ieelitig of the
people of Indiana that the interests and rights of
the South should never be trodden under foot. .
We do not intend to surrender any of our rights,
and we do not believe that the people of the South
desire to trespass upon our rights ; if they did we
should rise np as one man to resist it, and we
would resist it to the last. While we shall be
careful to protect our own rights, we shall be
equally careful not to trespass upon the rights of
our brethren in other States. Upon such broad,
national grounds as this we can all stand ; and if
we do, this confederacy will continue increasing
in prosperity and glory. We must discard all
these sectional ideas. We must cultivate a grea
ter feeling of respect and sympathy for each other,
and for those of different sections ; and 1 trust and
hope this is the dawn of anew era. I trust and
hope we shall hear no more of these sectienal agi
tations. Every good man and lover of his country
ought to set bis face against them. It is lamenta
ble, but true, that this sectional feeling has been
taken advantage of in both sections of the con
federacy for the purpose of forwarding the pur
poses of demagogues. Men in the North have
claimed, and do claim, to be the peculiar friends of
northern institutions. They manifest a violent
love for the institutionsof the North, and an intense
hatred for the institutions of the South, aud in that
way they obtain power. The same species of trick
is resorted to'in the South. What is the result?
You find coming up to the capital of the nation men
who are imbued with extreme notions; instead of
wise statesmen, cool and dispassionate, in the halls
of Congress, we see too many extreme men and
scheming politicians. Now, as good citizans, hav
ing the welfare of our country at heart, we should
set our faces against these things.
I speak the sentiment of the entire democracy of
my IState when I say that vve wil do battle faith
fully to protect the rights of the people of every
portion of the confederacy, and that we will
stand by the constitution and the Union to the
last.
Thanking you for this manifestation of your
kindness, 1 bid you good night. [Enthusiastic
applause.
Disabilities of California Bachelors—Legal Protection
to Husbands.
The Washington Globe y edited by John C.
Rives, an inveterate old bachelor, has the following
article:
An act has been introduced in the California As
sembly, to exempt from attachment, execution or
garnishment, one month’s wages, not exceeding one
hundred and fifty dollars, of “married” mechanics,
laborers and clerks, and of persons having under
their charge, and dependent on them for sup
port, fathers, mothers, minor brothers or sisters,
children of a deceased wife, or other orphan chil
dren.
On this proposed preference of married to single
men, a bachelor writer, in the San Francisco Bul
letin, sorrowfully comments as follows :
“The Yankee notion of putting all the burdens
of taxation and government upon single men is
alarmingly prevalent throughout the whole coun
try, and it won’t be long before they (the bachel
ors) will have to organise for their own protection.
The washerwomen impose upon us—the landla
dies tyranise over and bully us—the married men
‘snub’ us—and the law-makers fleece us in every
way imaginable, besides making odious exceptions
to our disadvantage. If a war breaks out, who so
proper a volunteer for a ‘bould soger boy’ as your
bachelor? The whole community call on him to
go to the wars, and be a candidate for glory, and
food for powder. It doesn’t make any difference,
say these kind-hearted people, if he does get killed
—there is nobody to care for him ; never consider
ing that the poor fellow might have a care for him
self. And thus they continually irritate, annoy,
and badger us, like a bull in a ring, until, in
a fit of desperation, the poor bachelor either throws
himself away on the 1 first pe.ticoat that comes in
his way, or else takes to the sea, the field or—
poison.”
The credit or shame of originating a legal pre
ference of married men to bachelors does not rest
with the inventive Yankee, who have only applied
the means used by ancient nations for the promo
tion of marriage. The Roman censors frequent
ly imposed fines on old bachelors. Dion. Halicar
nassus mentions an old Constitution, by which all
persons of full age were obliged to marry. But
the most celebrated law of this kind was the Ju
lian law, which Hoiace mentions, made under Au
gustus, by which premiums were awarded to mar
ried men, and bachelors were made incapable of
receiving legaces or inheritances, except from their
near relatives.
The Jewish rabbis maintain that, by the laws of
Moses, all persons, with a few exceptions, are oblig
ed in conscience to marry at twenty years of age.
One of their maxims declares bachelors to be homi
cides.
Lycurgus, the Spartan law giver, was especially
hostile to celibacy. By his laws, bachelors were
pronounced infamous, excluded from all offices,
cival and military, and even from the shows and
public sports. At certain feasts they were forced
to appear for public contempt, and to sing songs in
their own derision.
In Great Britain, taxes have been repeatedly
levied on the unmarried, as by the law passed in
1795, in the seventh year of the reign of William
111., which imposed a tax on bachelors, alter twen
ty-five years of age, of twelve and a half pounds
sterfing for a duke, and one shilling for a com
mon person; aod the taxes laid on others have
been increased in respect to bachelors, as in f he
case of the duty on servants, passed in the twenty
fith y ar of the reign o* George 111.
But really the California bachelors have yet no
cause of complaint; for the proposed law, if adop
ted, will not equal in rigor anv of those we have
just mentioned. In fact, it is not rigorous at all;
for it does not impose any penalties upon bachelors
but only accords certain privileges to married men.
For the protection of the married, and of others who
endure heavy burdens, and perhaps, incidentally,
as an inducement to marriage, it exercises the
high legal prerogative of mercy, but does not ex
tend to the administration of justice, which, in
the opinion of ancient lawgivers, required the in
fliction of severe punishment upon the obstinate
single.
If, as the bachelor writer of the Bulletin seems
to fear, the California legislature intends to turn
its attention to the best means of promoting mar
riage, it might be well for the bachelors ot the
State to unite in a memorial to that body, setting
forth thatfthe growing extravagance of young ladies
has made marriage a costly luxury, attainable only
by the rich ; that the celibacy of young men, there
fore, is Dot perverse and voluntary, or caused b\ a
disregard of public duty, but compulsory and nec
essary ; and that public policy and justice to youm.
