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VOL. 1. star of ibe S'out!). **; SUHRCI’ PVEBY THURSDAY by 3. T. BLeCARTY, Proprietor. KERRY C. WARE, Editor. Tutus 33 3 TWO ItULLiKS ! AIRWAYS lb AIVA.NCk. Him or iMESTftftllC : Ad¥firtiscmeuts will Le inserted by the guat£ (.12 lmt> cunstituling a square) for $1 00 tor the firai insertion, and fifty cents for each ad ditional insertion Jitfr -A liberal deduction will be made to those advertising by the year. jQf* Legal advertisements inserted at the pri oes usually charged. Marriages and deaths inserted gratis; obituaries regulur rates where they exceed more lhan ten lines. Job Work Cash on delivery, except where accounts arc dept open with yearly customers. MAILS. LEXINGTON TO ELBERTON —Leave Lex ington. Monday. Wednesday, and Friday, at 2 o'clock, a. m.. or on arrival of the ears : and l arrive at Elberton same day. at o’clock, p. m.. gap,, day. Leave Elberton Tuesday. Thursday, and Friday, at 4 o'clock, a. m.. and arrive at Xexmgton same day. at lu£ o clock, a. m., in , time to connect with down traiu on Athens Brunch. CAKNEtsVILLE TO ELBERTON. Leave iCarnesvill** every Friday; at 5 o clock, a. M-, and Arrive at Elberton at 7 o clock, p. m. same day. Xeuve Elberton every Saturday, at l o'clock. * >t. and arrive at Carnesv ille at 7 o'clock, p.m same dav. ELBEKTON ANT> OOOK'S LAW OFFICE J/dave Cook s Law Office every Thursday, at 5 o’clock, a. m.. arrive at Elberton. 9 o clock, a m. and immediately return via Cooks Law Office \ tuid on to Anthony Shoals, and thence immedia tely back to Cook's Law Office, by 9 o'clock, i*. M. . same dav. WASHINGTON TO ELBERTON. Leave Washington Friday, at 9 a hi : arrive at Fiber- j •ton bv G p m leave Elberton Thursday at 9 a in: j arrive at Washington by <> p ni. From Abbeville. S. C . to Elberton —Leave I Abbeville Tuesday and Fridav at 4 a in : arrive ! t Elberton by G p m . leave Elberton Wednesday ‘ and Saturday at 4 a a* ; arrive at Abbeville by 10 j Ip m. Elbkhton to Asdekhon C H.—Leave Elberton . *everv Tuesday and Saturday at (i a m ; arrive at Anderson C. 11. same days at Gp m. Leave An -O'TMin • fl • very Monday and triday at 0 a ni; ■arrive at Elberton same days at C p m. tfl iFfcM-lK )XAL CARDS. ■ = M. JSKAWNEK, M. I>. BLISEKTOX, GA. OiTKItS hi., [irofcsni.mrfl scrviaes. to tlie citi 7.ers and ••onmrmmy at large. OSli-o ill Jhwmiic Huililiiic. where he can j ■found wiien not professionally engaged. Aug. <:. lean. csuE* > i mi:imi \irj\ m. EIiBERT G A. to the public his services proses- j sioimlly ■fig?’ Ke<i<liice fmtr-nnri-n-hftlf miles north- ; Trest of Ellierton. on the Franklin road, near llailev* old stand. Anjr. f). MT.iO. M. r. I >j;A J)W VLEK, M. L>. ELBERTON, GA. OFFERS his services professionally to the community and public. Elberton, Aug. <>. Itf39. J)KS BKOWN k CAMPISELL Tl’ ILL FKACTini: ST liGirAL DENTISTRY ♦ ‘ in the counties f Elbert. Hart. Franklin Madison. Hanks. Jackson, Clarke, Oglethorpe. IV ilk os. and Lincoln. All work warranted to give autisluctirm. Address to EL BEimm, GA. Yli OSCOPIA. N. M. BTAXFOED, M. D. Residence. Lexington Depot, Georgia Railroad. OFFERS his Professional services to the pub lic. He will be in Elbert on, Ga..on the 4th Mintin’ in each month. Persons wishing to see him will find him at the U. Hotel. He prac tices the system of Durham and Freeman. tan.il> —3m. SOB&KT IIESTBR. AMOS T. AKERMA.N HEBTER & AKER MAX, j ittornriti At Law. ELBERTOX. GA. JOHXW. HUTCHERSON, Attorurj At Law, SPARTA. GA. TV ill practice in all the counties of the north- : ern circuit. Ali business entrusted to his care promptly ! •ttended to. •” ! EDWARDS & HEARD, Aitoine) a At Law, ELBERTOX, C-A \T IL ‘ T T".T ‘T' bCT:in B ” Oonntie* ol . tbeJKortbwn. Cwe„ lt Au bus|nrgs cn _ trusted to thetr care prumplir attended to. E P. EPWARI>6 ROBERT U BEAM. 40HV C- BURCH, AHwrwr? *t ** w _ ELBERTOX. GA. “IT” ’LI. practice in all the r .unties of the \* “ .v -’iicm Circuit. consisting of Hart, ■Sadism. Ugl-thrope. Elbert. Whites. Lincoln. Wwrrcn ‘Glnscook. Hancock, and Talliaterro *ounti f. All business intrusted to his care jmimptlv attended to Aug t. iboh. \VM. T. VAN DUZER. Attorurj At Law. ELBEKTt'K, GA. Aug f 1639 WILIJAM .T. WIULIS, triornei at Ijiw . ELBERTOX. GA. WTiliT pm -I - .Law in ail the counties of the Xnmw.or ( '.r-"uit. Ru-in'--. entrusted to T>u aril! be Jirompto and rarefuil; attended to. BOBERT 1. OORI >ON, lllarwrj At law. HAETttT.LI. GA <mf ‘ ,e him rfll hr pro: -ptly _,, , „ v-- i-btSTda J2S& 1 (The Star of the South. POLITICAL, fywh of President Buchanan. The force of Holton and Common &ense---The His tory and Value of the Two-thirds Eulo—The Squatter Sovereignty Heresy The Breckinridge aud Lane meeting ut Washington City, last Monday evening was a spleudid affair. The Washington Constitution says it was “ by far the largest, most imposing aud enthusiastic political de monstration that has been made by any par ty in that city, or perhaps in the country, during the present campaign.” A series of | resolutions, embodying the principles of the i National Democratic platform, and cor ially : endorsing the nominations of Breckinridge and Lane, were adopted. The immense throng formed iD procession and proceeded to the White House, were, in response to a serenade, the President made the following noble, patriotic and Statesmanlike speech: Friends and Fellow-Citizens: I thank you from my heart for the hooor of this visit. I cordially congratulate you on the preference which you have expressed for Major Breckinridge and Gen. Lane as can didates for the Presidency and Vice Presi dency of the United States over all competi- I tors. [Applause ] They are men whose j names are known to the country; they need j no eulogy from me. They have served their couutry iu peace and in war. They are Statesmen as well as soldiers, and in the day ! and hour of danger they will ever he at their post. They are conservative men; and in the course of their administra tion they will be equally just to the North aud to the South, to the East and to the West. [Applause.] Above all, and first of all, they are friends of the Constitution aud of the Union, [cheers,] and they will stand by them to the death. [Renewed cheers.] But we ought not to forget that they are al so friends to the equality of the sovereign States of this Union in the common territo ries of the country. [Cries of “Good!”] ’ They will maintain that principle, which should receive the cordial approbation o; us all. Equality is equity. Every citizen of ; the United States is equal before the Con stitution and the laws; and why should not the equality of the sovereign States compo sing this Union he held in like reverence? This is a good democratic doctriue. Libcr . ty and equality are the birthright of every American citizen; and just as certainly as the day succeeds the night, so certain will this principle of Democratic justice eventu ally prevail over all opposition. [Cheers.] But, before I speak further upon this sub ; ject—and I shall not detain you very long ;—I wish to remove one stumbling block out of the way. I have ever been the friend of regular I nominations. I have never struck a politi ; oal ticket in njy life. Now, was there any thing done at Baltimore to bind the politi -1 cal conscience of any sound Democrat, or to prevent him from supporting Breckinridge and Lane ‘! [“.No! no !’’] I was cotempo rary with the abandonment of the old Con gressional convention or caucus. This oc curred a long time ago; tery few, if any, ol | you remembir it. Under the old Congres | sional Convention system, no person was ad mitted to a seat except the Democratic mem bers of the Senate and House of Represen tatives. This rule rendered it absolutely certain that the nominee, whoever he might be, would he sustained at the election by the Democratic States of the Union. By this means it was rendered impossible that those States which could not give an elctoral vote for the candidate when nominated should ; control the nomination and dictate to the Democratic States who should be their nom , inee. This system was abandoned—whether wisely or not I shall express no opinion.— The National Convention was substituted in its stead. All the States, whether Demo cratic or not, were equally to send delegates to this Convention, according to the number nf their Senators and Representatives in Congress. A difficulty at once arose which Fever could have arisen under the Congressional 1 Convention .-vst>” m , ... r ■> .... It a hare majority of _ national Convention, thus composed, could nominate a candidate, he might be nominated mainly by the Anti-Democratic States against the will of a large majority of the Democratic States. Thus the nomina j ting power would be separated from the electing power, which could not tail to be destructive to the strength and_ harmony of the Democratic party. To obviate this serious difficulty in the organization of a National Convention, and at the same time to leave all the States their full rote, the two-thirds rule was adopted It was believed that under this rule no can- j didate could ever be nominated without cm- bracing within two-thirds the votes of a dc i r .;j ec l majority of the democratic States.— , This was the substitute adopted to retain, at | least in a degree, the power to tbc Demo- crane f*tatr whleti they would have lost by abandoning the Congressional convention system. This rule was a main pillar in the edifice of National conventions. Remove it and the whole mast become a ruin. This sustaining pillar was broken to piece* at Bal timore by the convent.on which nominated Mr iMlgla After this the body wa* 09 ELBERTON, GA.. THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST !), 1860. 1 longer a National Convention; aud no De mocrat, however devoted to regular nomina tions. was bound to give the nominee bis | support; he was left free to act according to tbe dictates of his own judgment aud cou j science. Aud, here, iu passing. I may ob serve that tbe wisdom of the two-thirds rule is justified by the events passing around us. Had it been faithfully observed no candi date could have bccu nominated against the will and wishes of almost every certain De mocratic State in the Union, against nearly | all the Democratic Senators aud more than three-fourths of the Democratic Reprcsenta i tives in Congress. [Cheers.] I purposely avoid etitering upon any dis- I eussiou respecting the exclusion from the Convention of regularly elected delegates from different Democratic States. If the Convention which nominated Mr. Douglas was not a regular Democratic Convention, it must be confessed that Breckinridge is iu the same condition in that respect. The Convention that nominated him, although it was composed of nearly all the certain Fe mucratic States, did not contain the two thirds ; and therefore every Democrat is at perfect liberty to vote as he thinks proper, without running counter to any regular nom ination of the party. [Applause and cries jof “ three cheers fur Breckinridge and Lane.”] Holding this position, I shall pre j sent some of the reasons why I prefer Mr. Breckinridge to Mr. Douglas. This I shall do without attempting to interfere with any individual Democrat or any State Democrat ic organization holding different opinions from myself. The main object of all good Democrats, whether belonging to the one or the other wing of our unfortunate division, is to defeat the election of the republican candidates; and I shall never oppose any honest and honorable course calculated to accomplish this object. To return to the point from which I have digressed lan in favor of Mr. Breckin ridge, because he sanction 1 : and sustains the perfect equality of all the States within their common territories, and the opinion <f the Supreme Court of the United States os tab lu lling this equality. The sovereign States of this Union are one vast partnership.— The Territories were acquired by the com mon blood and common treasure of them all Each State and each citizen of each State, lias the same right in the Terri to.'ct as any other State aud the citizens of any other State possess. Now what is sought for at present is, that a portion of these States should turn around to their sis'.ci States and say, “We are holier than you are, and while we will take our property to the Territories and have it protected there you shall not place your property in tin same position.” That is precisely what is contended for. What the Democratic par ty maintain, and what the true principles ol Democracy is, that all shall enjoy the same that all shall be subject to the same Wlies. Property—this Government was framed for the protection of life, liberty and property. They are the objects for the protection of which all enlightened govern ments were established. Rut it is soughl now to place the property of the citizen, un der what is called the principle of squatter sovereignty, in the power of the territorial legislature to confiscate it at their will and pleasure. That is the principle sought to he established at present ; and there seems to be an entire mistake and misunderstand ing among a portion of the public upon this subject. When was property ever submit ted to the will of the majority ? [“ Never.”] If you hold property as an individual you hold it independent of Congress or of the State legislature, or of the territorial legis lature—it is yours; and your Constitution was made to protect your private property against the assaults of legislative power.— [Cheers ] Well now, any set of principles which will deprive you of your property is against the very essence of republican gov ernment, and to that extent makes you a slave; for the man who has power over your property to confiscate it has power over your means of subsistence ; and yet it ia contend ed that although the Constitution of the United States confers bo such power—al no State legislature has any such power, yet a territorial legislature, in the remote extremities of the country, can con fiscate your property! [A Voice. “They can't do it; they ain’t going to do it.”] r l here is hut one mode, and one alone to . abolish slavery in the Territories, dha: ; mode is pointed out in the Cincinnati plat form, which has been as much misrepresent- i cd as anything that 1 have ever known. — j The platform declares that a majority of the : | actual residents in a Territory, whenever their number is sufficient to entitle them to j admission as a State, possess the power “to j form a constitution with or without domes -1 tic slavery, to he admitted into the Union 1 upon terms of perfect equality with the oth !or states.” If there he squatter sovereignty in this resolution I liave never been able to 1 perceive it. If there beany reference in it to a territorial legislature it has entirely cs ! cuped my notice. It presents the clear prin -1 ciple that at the time the people form their Constitution, they *ball then decide whether they will have slavery or not. And yet it ha* been stated over and over again that, in accepting the nomination under that plat ’ form, I endorsed the doetiinr of ‘tatter sovereiguty. I sappose you have all heard this repeated a thousand times. [ A Voice. “We all know it was a lie 1”] ‘ Well, I'm glad yoa did. How beautifully this plain principle of constitutional law corresponds with the best interests of the people? Under it, emigrants from the North and the South, from the I East and the West, proceed* to the territo : ries. They carry with them that property which they suppose will best promote to their material interests; they live together lin peace and harmony. The question of slavery will become a foregone conclusion before they have inhabitants enough to cu ter the Union as a State fterS will then be no “ bleeding Kansas” in Territories; they will all live together in peace and har mony. promoting the prosperity of the Ter ritory and their own prosperity, until the time shall arrive when it In comes necessary to frail c a constitution. Then the whole question will he decided to the gemral satis faction. But, upon the opposite principle, I what will you find in the Territories ? W by, there will he strife, and contention all the time. One territorial legislature may estab lish slavery and another territorial legisla ture may abolish it, and so the struggle will be continued throughout the territorial ex istence. The people, insUiad of devoting their energies and industry to promote their own prosperity, will be in a state of constant strife and turmoil, just as wo have witness ed in Kansas. Therefore there is no possi ble principle that can be so injurious to the best interests of a Territory as whut has been called sqatter sovereignty. Now lqt me place the subject before you iu auotherpoint of view. Tbe people of the Southern States can never abandon this great principle of State equality in the Union without self-degradation. [Never!”] Never without an acknowledgment that they are inferior m this respect to their sister States. Whilst it is vital to them to pre serve their equality, the Northern States surrender nothing by admitting this princi ple. In doing this they only yield obedi ence to the Constitution of their country, as expounded by the Supreme Court of the Cuited States. While tor tho North it is comparatively aypt.ijc abstraction, with the • South it is a question of eif-equal Statcsov creigntyin the Union. If the decrees of the high tribunal estab lished by the Constitution for the very pur pose are to he set at naught a:!*! disregard ed, it will tend to render all property of eve ry description insecure. What, then, have the North to do? Merely to say that,, as good citizens, they will yield obedience to the decision of the Supreme Court, and ad mit the right of a Southern man to take his property into tho Territories, and hold it there just as a Northern man may do; aud it is to me the most extraordinary tiling in the world that this country should now be distracted and divided btciusc certain persons at the North will not agree that i heir brethren at the South shail have the same rights in the territories which they enjoy. What should la.; a Pennsylvanian say or do, supposing anybody was to contend that the legislature ci any Territory could outlaw iron and coal within the Territory ? [Laughter aud cheers.] ‘I he principle is precisely the same. The Supreme Court of the United States have decided—what was known to us all to have been the existing state of affairs for fifty yeirs—that slaves are property. Admit that fact, and you ad mit everything. Then that, property in the Territories must ho protected precisely in the same manner wall any other proper ty. If it he not so protected in the Terri tories, the holders of it arc degraded before the world. Wc have been told that non-intervention on the pa.* of Congress with slavery in the Territories Is the true policy. Very well.— I most cheerfully admit Congress has no right tfi Lass any tywjto establishes pair, or abolish slavery in the Territories. Let this principle of non-intervention be extended to the territorial Legislatures, and let it be de clared that they in like manner have no power to establish, impair, or destroy slave ry, and then the controversy is in effect end ed. This is all that, is required at present, and 1 verily believe all that will ever be re- Mired. Hands off by Congress and hands off by the territorial legislature. [Loud ap plause.] With the Supreme Court of the United States I bold that neither Cqp,~y rr , nor the territorial legislature has iny power to establish, impair, or abolish slavery in the Territories. But if, in the face of this pos : itive prohibition, the Territorial Legislature should exercise the power of intervening, ! then this would be a more transfer of the Wilmot I’roviso and the Buffalo platform ’ from Congress, to be carried into execution in the Tcrrit Airs to the ditraction of all property in slaves. [Renewed applause.] An attempt of this kind, if made in Con gress, would be resisted by able men on the floor of both houses, and probably defeated. Not so in a remote Territory. To every new Territory there will be a rush of frcc soilers from the Northern States. They would elect the first territorial legislature before the people of the South could arrive with their property, and this legislature would probably settle forever the question of slavery according to their own will. And shall wc for the sake of squatter sov erc'gnty, which from ‘** n'turcj can only J continue duriug the brief period of territo | rial existence, incur tho risk of dividing the great Democratic party of the country iuto j two sectional parties, the ouc North and the | other South? Shall this great party which lias governed the country in peace and war, ! which has raised it from humble beginnings to be one of the most prosperous and pow erful nations of the world—shall this party ! be broken up for such a cause? That is tin question. The numerous, powerful, pious 1 and respectable Methodist Church has becu thus divided. The division was a severe shock to the Uniou. A similar division of the great Democratic party, should it cour tinuc, would reed asunder one of the most ‘powerful liuks which bind the Union to gether. I entertain no such fearful apprehensions. The presout issue is trausitory, and will speedily pass away. In the nature of things it cannot continue. There is but one possi ble contingency which can endanger the Cnion; aud against this all Democrats, whether squatter sovereigns or popular sov ereigns, will present a united resistance.— Should the time ever arrive when Northern agitation and fanaticism should proceed so far as to render the domestic firesides of the South insecure, then, will the Union be iu danger. A united Northern Democracy will present a wall of tiro against such a ca tastrophe ! There are iu our midst numerous pqtsotijL who predict the dissolution of the great De mocratic party, and others w ho contend that it has already been dissolved. The wish is father to the thought. It has heretofore beeu iu great peril; but when divided for the moment it has always closed up its ranks and become more powerful, even from de feat. It will never die whilst the Constitu tion and the Union survive. It will live to defond aud protect both. It has its roots in tho very vitals of the Constitution, and, like one of tho ancient cedars of Lebanon, it will flourish to afford shelter and protection to that sacred instrument, and to shield it against every storm of faction. [Renewed .applause.] Now, friends and fellow citizens, it is probable that this is the last political speech “that 1 shall ever make. [A voice, “We hope not!”] It is now nearly forty years since 1 first came to Washington as a mem ber of < ‘engross, und I wish to say this night that during that whole period I have re ceived nothing but kindness und attention from your fathers and from yourselves.— Washington was then comparatively a small ‘own : now it has grown to ho a groat and icaut'i'ul city; end the fi-sl wish of my heart is that its citizens may enjoy uninterrupted health and prosperity. 1 thank you for the kind attention you have paid to me, and now bid you all a good uight. [Prolonged cheering.] Kiss my Wife o; Fifth*. me. There are few married men who are not averse to seeing their wives kissed, but an exchange relates tho particulars of a case iu which a newly wedded Benedict felt him self insulted because his wile wasn’t kissed. The Bridegroom in question was a stalwart young rustic, who was known as a formida ble operator in a 11 free-tight.” His bride was a beautiful and blooming young country girl, only sixteen years of age, and the twain were at a party, where a number of young folks were enjoying themselves in the good old-fashion sawn playing style. Every girl in the room was called out and kissed, ex cept 8., tho beautiful young bti le, and al though there was not a youngster present who was not dying to taste her lips, they were restrained by the presence of her Her culean husband, who stood regarding the party with sullen look of dissatisfaction.— They mistook the cause, however, for sud denly he expressed himself. Rolling up his sleeves he stepped into the middle of the room, and in a tone of voice that secured marked attention, said: Gen tlemen, I have been noticing how things have been working for some time, and I ain't satisfied. J don’t want to raise a fuss—” “What’s the matter, John?” inquired half a dozen voices. “ What do you mean .’ Have I d'jrii anything to hurt yourfeclings? ‘ “You have hurt my feelings, and I’ve just this to ray about it. Here every girl i.i the room has been kissed a dozen times a pi'ec, i and there’s my wife, who I consoler as like ly as any of ’em, has not hrd a single one j to-night; and l justtel) you now, get as many kisses the balance of the night as my gal in the room, the rnan that slights her has got me to fight—that’s all. Now go ahead with your plays ! If Mrs. 35 was slighted during the bal ance of the evening v.e did not know it.— As for ourselves, we know that John had no fault to find with us individually, for any neglect on our part. Snake Charming. A gentleman named G. F. Wirsen, a Swede by birth, but for several years past a resident of California, cauie, to Atlanta a few days ago, and projioeed to the Faculty ’ of the Medical College that he would sub mit to them facts in relation to the snake charming that must forever put to rest the j idea that su li a thing as charming a snake 1 cannot be done. Mr. W gave one or two * private exhibition'*, sad a* length he an- nounced a public exhibition on Saturday last. Wc coufess we were dubious of the affair, and wcut to the exhibition rather predjudiced against tbe exhibitor than in his favor. A box containingsome twenty-five snakes, among which was a rattlesnake with seven rattles, a large cotton mouth moccasin, the j the copper bead or rattlesnake’s pilot, two : different species of the vipor, and several 1 species of water moeeasin. He took first the rattlesnake iu his hand, shook his rattles played with him, and coiled'about his ueck. Ho next took the cotton mouth moccasin, and went through t 1... -inn lajuiAWorod with him, and so on through “Wfth all me others. Ho had at one time the whole twenty-five crawling around his neck, shoulders and head, playing with them, touching his whis kers with their tongue, and actually kissing him. 11c put them on the floor, and tormented them iu u way that we could call cruel— but not one of them attempted to bite him, or to show the slightest anger—-no matter what ho did. He picked them all U[> arid put them into his bosom, whore the crawled and coiled for five minutes. They were then restored to their box, every one satis fied of one tiling, that is, his complete con trol over them. A small stout dog at least four years old, -was then brought in, when Mr. Wirsen took out the rattlesnake, and in an instant the rattles was in a motion and tho anger ot tho aroused Mr. AV. held him in his Tin 1 1 while he bit the dog twice. He then coiled the rattlesnake around his neck, and took out the cotton mouth moccasin, which hit'the dog once fiercely. From the mo ment the dog was bitten, and he appeared iu excellent health before, lie looked dull andsdroopod, and died in an hour. This was to all tlie most satisfactory evidence that the snakes were venomous, hut pcrfeetly eliqrined audio noeest m the hands of Mr. AYirsen. The utmost satisfaction was manifested hy all present. —Atlunhi Intellujwcr llith ul . Negro Lifo In the Trojjici Trollope, in liis new work, on Jamaica, says of the emancipated negro : “ IL li s under the mango tree and cats luscious fruit in the sun; ho sends his black urchin up for a bread fruit, and behold ! the family table is spread. He pierces a cocoa nut, and lo'. tbe>e is his beverage. Holies upon the grass, surrounded by oranges, ba nanas and pineapples.” Is it strange that lie should he inactive and ke y ? 1,, it surprising that arguments about the blessedness of labor, of providence, of thrift, should fall doad upon his cars ? How many of us would work, if wc wore not obliged to? How many of our fashion able idlers are there whose lives renlly amount to nothing more or better than tho drowsy indolence ot these tropical negroes ? How much better is it to 101 l about New port and Saratoga in the Summer, and the saloons of New A'ork in the winter, doing nothing hut vegetate, than it is to roll around under the mango tree, and eat co coanuts and bread fr uit all the day letig? We think that Trollope’s statements need some modification ; hut granting them to hu true,there is a large class of Americans who cannot with justice criticise the dofee fur niente life of the Jamaica negro. Os how many men even here in this bustling land might it truly he said that they exist hut J“ not live?— Providence Journal. Shall we Improvo er Kemovet It should not he forgotten that in remov ing to anew country, if our lives have been virtuous, and our character for estimable qualities has been well established by years .of diligent performance of duty, we lose the benefit of the past, and as a stranger wo must teach strangers slowly to value us.— We begin life, in many senses, over again. Those depreciations are legitimate sub jects of consideration. Life ‘has sufficient ! rough points which wc must encounter without ourselves needlessly multiplying t’.nm. Oot sky -will he sufficiently over cast without our putting out the light of a single st ir that glimmers in it. Our tempt ations from without and within are suffi ciently formidable without our loosening a restraint which a well ordered and cs tab'ished society imposes. He who removes with his family to anew country always d oo, so at a moral and mental hazard to himself toft tli<-in. But these are topics on which we may not longer dwell. AVe have Git made suggestions. The thoughtful sr.::;d will readily conceive und elaborate I ’ them. “inconveniences of emigration with a family aud negroes are very great. Rail roads have diminished, hut no. removed them. If we wish to buy cheap fresh lands, we must go beyond the hearing of the steam whistle. The humane master will accompa ny his servants. He who has not made such j a journey is hardly prepared to understand its annoyances. The slowly moving wagon —the jaded and sometimes failing horses — the merciless rain— tliu pinching cold—the slashing mud—the surly refusal of accom modations from inhospitable- men—These and numberless other vexations render the emigrant’s journey a sad chapter in his his tory. And when he has reached liis desti ation, the unbroken and formidable forest, the comfortless cabin, the of his • and children destitute of those thin’ , . . . . i . a” which they have been accustomed to r “ c i:v n • e K #rJ ** n ® s i CCB ' : * r ‘ e * ° f • W,U * min tw i y to re | gret the old ao m 'tc; lf c ex^ ct • serious and sometimes fatal sickness, ft U immaterial what residents in a rich new country say as to its hcalthfulucss -Ksop’s fox story as to caudal appendages, is as true now as it was in his day. It is a law of na ture from which we believe there is no de parture, that rich fresh lands turned up by the plow, and deadened t-ees, erect sponges for the absorption and retention of moisture, and both acted upon by a ttary southern sun, will produce sickness among the first set tlers. In a few years this sickness may pass away ; but with’ it may also have passed away some dear one* with whom It was tho hroaWing of heart-strings to part. Some portions of upper Qeorgia, which, prior to their settlement, gave every indication of health fulness, in the third and fourth years after their settlement were scourged by dis ease, scarcely a family escaping. Those same sections are now perfectly healthy. During the interval of disease, tho population was decimated’ This is the dark side of the picture. To the adventurous man, a life iu anew coun try lias its charms. The merry horn—tho faithful hound—the hounding deer—the open woods—the eager chase—tho success ful shot, give a pleuurc to which the staid denizen of tho city is a stranger. To some natures it is a relief to be freed from tho onerous restraints which artificial society im poses. The pride of tho heart is gratified at seeing the sturdy oak which had defied the blasts of a century, topple and fall be fore the strokes of the negro’s axe. It is a tribute to our manhood when we reflect that we have caused the forest to disappear and conceal the soil, once the happy hunting ground to the idle Indian, or tho lair of the wild boast with the snowy cotton or tho wa ving corn When years have elapsed, and the emigrant sits on his afternoon porch and looks over the well-ordered farm which smi lingly returns his gaze, it ministers to his self-respect to say: “Uyyeais of patient fortitude anil honest toil, I have done it.” This dark cloud has its “silver lining.’* Wo may thank Ood that ho never allows another night to “shut iu upon midnight*” Tho morning always comes, and the genial light of day. Whon duty ealls to the encounter of difficulty, it should be met with resolute energy, liut it is unwise, voluntarily, to enwrap ourselves with the dark cloud's folds, merely that we may sec how brightly, by contrast, the silver shines on the other side. We have considered the social and moral inconveniences of removal to anew country. There may he circumstances under which it is best to encounter them. These re ex ceptional eases. The general rule bears in the opposite direction. The chief actuating motive In most cases is gain. This motive, so far ns it applies to protons living in a healthy section, in which the Mid, though originally fair, is exhausted, is, wo think, fallacious. The enquirer asks: “When I can buy an acre of fresh land at tho West for less money than it would cost mo to manuro an ucre of land at homo for one year, is it not good economy to emigrate?” Ordinarily, we think not. Kvery person who has cultivated new ground, knows that generally the first year's crop scarcely pays the expense of cultiva tion, to say nothing of the expense of clear ing. The annoyances from roots and grubs last lor three or four years, and from stumps for many years afterward. During the time the roots are rotting, none hut the most im perfect farming tools can he used. In the latter, turning plows, subsoil plows, the harrow and cultivator can he used, instead of the narrow, and therefore expensive, coul ter or scooter 1 . If we manure old land judiciously the manuring pays os it goes, and leaves us, be tide our ordinary crop, a net gain in the in crease of our capital by the improvement of our land. Will readers ponder the above sentence ? lt pretends to no originality— it contains no nciv truth, which, however, is denied or overlooked by those who would abandon old improvable land, in the hope of greater gain in the western wilds. If we consider the cost of clearing and fencing to be equal to the cost of manuring, (we can show a method by which the cost of manuring may be the least expensive of tho two,) and if on the old land, with a subso.l plow, which wc cannot use en the nevf ground, wc go down four inches deeper than *£; “low has gone before, then on the old land we gain anew acre, wc havo the creased crop, the diminution of labor, an! the improvement of the soil. The enquirer still asks: “llow am Tto get. this manure?” If yaw have uot live st,.ck enough, which every good former ought to have, to manure aS the land you cultivate with the plow, then buy tfle ma nure, guano, lime, hones,ashes, sash, J I on ter, I or phosphate of lime. I “ But I have no money to bay manure with; my farm barely covers ‘; IS own and family expenses.” Then sc”, something and get the money. If f armcr owns 1,000 acres of laud on j >e mates nothing, if he will #c! , fivc tnrulred acres, and, with \ aWty obtained, will imp™™ thc otl,Ct rive hundred, if he is a good manager ho will find an improvement in his income. In farming, as in other pursuits, it requires mo iiey to make money. It is better to Urm j profitably on a small scale, tbau to work with -1 -yjt profit tle. NO. 49.