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- w 4 AW-MPWM IWy> <■> VOLUME IV. THE WIRE GRASS REPORTER? WI I.T, IA M CLIX E, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. SUBSCRIPTION. Th? Wire (In vss Kei'ok ri.it is published Week ly at Two Dollars per annum, in advance, or I’wo Dollars and Fittv Cents at the end of the voar.— Prop ayments always preferred. All orders for the Riii’oit ri:it. so receive atten tion, must be accompanied with the nionev; and no paper, or advertisement, will be discontinued, but at Ch* option of the proprietor, until all arearages are paid. ADVERTISING. Terms.—Advertisements will be published at Oar Dollar per square of twelve lines or less, for the ■first insertion, and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion. Those not specified as to time will be published until forbid and charged accordingly. Contract ItlvvrtixeinenD. 1 square 3 months $5 00 ssquares9months.*B2s 00 1 “ 6 800 5 “ 12 “ 3D 00 1 “ 9 “ 10 00 6 “ 3 “ IS 00 1 “12 ‘ 12 00 6 “ 6 “ 24 00 2 “ 3 8 OO'G “ 9 “ 30 00 2 “ (» “ 14 0t)!(> “ 12 “ 35 00 2 “ 9 “ 18 00U column 3 “ 25 00 2 “ 12 “ 29 0ll;.( “ 6 “ 39 00 3 “ 3 “ 10 0(1 A “ 9 *• 35 00 3 “ 6 “ 16 00,A “ 12 “ 40 00 3 “ 9 “ 21 00 I “ 3 “ 35 00 3 “ 12 “ 25 004 “ 6 “ 44 00 4 “ 3 “ 12 00J “ 9 “ 52 00 4 “ 6 “ 17 00 “ 12 “ 60 00 4 “ 9 “ 22 00 I “ 3 “ 50 00 4 “ 12 “ 26 00 1 “ 6 “ 60 00 5 “ 3 “ 14 00 1 “ 9 “ 70 00 5 “ 6 “ 20 00 1 “12 “ 80 00 All fractions of a square will be charged as a whole square. Medical and Attorney's cards o! five lines or less, five dollars per annum, and one dollar per annum for every additional line. \* No Contract Advertisement over six squares admitted to the inside more than once per month. All a 1 vertisoments from a distance must be aid for in advance, at the above rates. Engal Advertisements. Sales of Land and Negroes, by A luiinistrators. Executors,or Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and three in rhe after noon, at the Court House in the county in which tho property is situate. Notices of these sales must be given in a public gazette forty days previous to 'the day of sale. Notices tor the sale of Personal Property, must be given at least ten days previous to the day ol sale. Notice to Debtors anl Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. Citations for Letters of Administration, must be published thirty days—for Dismission from Admi nistration, m mthly for six m mths —for Dismission fro n Guardianship, forty days. Rules for Foreclosure ol M >rtgage must be pn- ' bitshed in r.ithly for four months —for establishing I lost papers, for the (nil suae • of three months—foi | compelling titles from Executors or Admiuisti a- I tors, where a bond has bvn given by the deceased, the full space of three mouths. Publications will always bo continued accor ding t • the above rules, uule -s otherwise ordered. iHcbiciil QTiiriis. Dr. S. ADA JIS HEREBY informs bis friends and the public.that he continues the Practice of Medicine at the old stand of Adams &. Williams, and respectful]} tenders his services to the public. Thomasville, Feb. 1<>9.9-t£ »r. W. El. HALL, He may be found at all times, when not profession ally engaged, at his Otlice opposite East side Presbyterian Chni el ■ jeOtf Dr. HR A.A DO A Has removed to the brick Office formerly occupied by John Miller, Esq., as a Law Office. He will give prompt attention to all calls with which he may be favored: and special attention will be given to surgery ami surgi cal diseases. Jan. 22, 1858. 4-ts REFOR.U PRACTICE. DR. P. S. BOWER having dissolved his copart nership with Dr Ellis, respectfully offers his personal Professional Services to the citizens of Thomasville and vicinity. Calls at al hours promptlv attended to. Feb 2.1859 5-1 y Apothecaries Hall. Js, TII II S 115 S tij 1 B IJi having taken a Store in li oin s \cw Building respectfully invites the attention of the public to his complete and well selected stock of Drugs, Medicines, Chemicals, Paints, Oils, Dye Stuffs. Perfumery, Spices, Tobacco, Segars, FINE BRANDIES, Wines, Porter and Ale, Toilet Soaps, Potash, &c. &c. &c. ALL OF WHICH SOLD ON REASONABLE TERMS. Attention given personally to the preparation ol Physicians’ prescriptions, and all Medicines that are sold warranted genuine. n. g. McDonald, m. d. Books! Books’! Books!!! A choice lot of Books, from the best Authors, in store and for sale, to which the attention of the la dies and gentlemen is also invited. PREMIUMS AWARDED to the purchaser of certain books in th<* lot. May 30-22-ly N. G. MCDONALD, M. D._ WATCHES, CLOCKS ANO J J] W II L It V fit REPAIRED ON THE SHORTESI notice, and warranted to give satisfaction. JOSEPH J ERO ER. Having removed from his old stand, next door below J. P. Arnold, has fitted up and opened his establish ment on the opposite side of the street from Johr Stark, in the house formerly occupied by James M Gray. He respectfully invites his old patrons to visii his new location, and promises to be always on ham and ready to do their work, as cheap, and with a, great dispatch as heretofore. He has on hand also a fine assortment of Clocks, Watches and Jewelry. which he offers for sale an the most reasonabl. terms. Call aud examine. * JOSEPH JERGER. Thomasville, Oct- 10,1869. 41 ■1 y Soothing Syrup. Mrs. winslow’s soothing syrlt, foi Children Teething; just received and tor sal Children E REMINGTON & SON. BOKMWBRW 11 11 ■ £iiw Ciivbo. U.KA INDER A LOVE, AT TO R X E YS AT LAW, riioM.isi ii.i.r, di oncf.i. J It. Al l XANlir.lt I P. E. LOVE. Jan H.7 ly * SAMVEL IS. SPENCER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASVILLE, GEORGIA. WIIU give his entire attention to the practice of Law.'i.rthe Counties of the Southern Circuit. — Ollie.* on 1 h' l second floor of D. A. E. McLean’s brick building. (jan2<>ey El L. HINES, ATTO RN E Y A T LA W. Tll () .1/ . 18 1 'I I. L1: GEORGIA, Office over McLeau’s store. (jan26 JOHN J. HALES. ATTORNEY' AT LAW, THOMASriLLE, GA. OFFICE OVER THOMPSON &. PiTTMAN'SSTORE _Njw 2 45-tf_ J. T. JORDAN. AT T O It N E Y A T LA W, SANDERSVILLE, CEORCIA. 1 WILL practice in the countiesofWashington. NVil 1 kinson, Emanuel, Jefferson, Johnson, Hancock and : Lawrence. t lion. J. 11. Lumpkin, Athens Ga. References-. Thus. R. R. Cobb, (J W . Hull, Feb. 19. 186 L 8-ts 1 Hl NTER A HAMMOND, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. HAVING associated themselves in business, will give their entire attention to the practice of the ’ profession in the counties of Brooks, Lowndes, Thomas, Berrien and Colquitt of the Southern Cir- . cuit, and Echols, Clinch and Ware of the Bruns- ! wick Cir-nit. (March 5 ll)-tf J. 11. HUNTER, I G. T. HAMMOND, ' Quitman. Ga. Valdosta. Ga. JOHN C. MOl .N GE-5, ATTORNEY AT LAW, QUITMAN. BROOKS CO., QA. WILL practice in all the counties of the Southern Circuit, ami in the counties of Dooly and Worth, ( of the Maeon Circuit. 33-5 m WILLS %M A. LANE, ] ATTO RN E Y A T L A AV, 1 QUITMAN, GEORGIA. WILL give prompt attention to all business com- 1 mitted to his care in the Southern Circuit. • April 9. 1'59. ly I D. M. ROBERTS, | ATTORNEY AT LAW, ' JACKSONVILLE, GA. ( LIF’ Particular attention will be given to the col lection of cl urns. Sept 1), I<>9. ly «EDRLrE 53. WaLLSAMSCN. ' ATTORNEY AT LAW. ' WARESROROUGH, GA. WILL PRACTICE in the following Counties I tin Brunswick Circuit: Appling. Coffee. Pierce, War< Clinch, and (’harltou. mardlH JAMES M. FOLSOM, ATTORNEY AT LA AV, MAGNOLIA. CLINCH CO.,'GA. WILL practice in all the courts of the Brunswick Circuit and in the comts of Lowndes and Berrien of the Southern ('ircuit. .. ( Judge A. E. Cochran. Brunswick Ct. Keleienccb / j U( jg ( . ]’ ( .ter E. Love, Southern Ct. jan 5 w ly RH E eV ATTORNEYS AT LA AV, MAGNOLIA, CLINCH CO., GA. ATTEND to all business entrusted to their care, in the following counties, to-wit: Clinch, Ware, Ap pling, Coffee, Charlton, Lowndes ami Burrien,Geor gia. Also, in the counties of Hamilton, Columbia, aud Jefferson,in Florida. DAVID P. DICE. i HENRY M. MERSIION. , 5) an w 6 '.a w m i. i HW »w ww—wwr. »■ Ji COURT CALENDAR JSi MA’.lf'li. Thursday after, Mclntosh Ist 'I '.'.urs.’mv, Pierce 3d Monday, Camden ’st -Monday, Appling Franklin 1 Chattooga Harrison. Cherokee Henry Coweta Jefferson 3 Columbia Jones Crawford Liberty (Hviunett Murray 1 Madison Oglethorpe . Marion Pulaski Morgan Stewart 2d Monday, Butt.-; Worth Cass Thnisday after. Bryan >, Coffee Wayne Elbert 4th Monday Banks Fayette Decatur Greene DeKalb Pickmis Glynn , Washington Houston "Wi-bster Jasper 3d Monday, Cobb Lincidn Hall P“lk Hart Schley Heard Whitfield ; Maeon V le '.’ X ~ Newton Friday after, Telfair Putnam Thursday alter, Irwin Talbot Monday after, Berrien Tattnall MAY. Ware Ist Monday Clayton Friday after, Bulloch Gilmer ! 4th Monday, Clay Randolph Clinch Upson " Emanuel 2d Monday, Burke l " Lee Catoosa Twiggs Chatham White Fannin Wilkes Mitchel 4th Thu’sdny, Montgom’ry3d Moday, Chattahoochee Monday alter f Echols Bibb 4th Monday, Effingham Quitman 1 APRIL. Spalding IstMonkay, Carroll Troup 1 ' Dooly Union Early Baker Fulton 4th Monday, Calhoun a Gordon Dade i Bike Muscogee . t Rabun Terrell I Tavlor Towns it M a >,- n Last Monday. Colquitt <1 Vi ilk...'■■» JUNE, is 2d Monday, Charlton Ist Monday, Lowndes Hui ersham Dougherty Hancock Milton Ilariis 2d Monday, Brooks Laurens .!• bnson le Miller 3d Monday, Thomas Scriven 4th Monday, Richmond Sunter liclfiisq, Belling. R Z~IOTTON BELTING—a new artick —justi<- ie V/ ceived aud for sale by E. KEMINGION & fciON T HOMASVILLE. G EORGI A. SATUIIIIAY MOHN I Nil, MAY 11. 1861. | IW 'I>I PJ PBESI DENT’S M lISSAGL. To tho Special Session of tho Congress, Convened at Montgomery, April 29th 1861. Gentlemen ok the Congress: It is my pleasing duty to announce (o you that the Constitution framed for the estab lishment of a government for the Confede rate States lias been ratified by Convention in each <>f those States to which it was refer ■ red. 'To inaugurate the government in its full proportions ami upon its own substantial basis of the popular will, it only remains that, elections should be held for the designation of the officers to administer it. There is every reason to believe that at no distant day, other States identified in po litical principles and community of interests with those which you represent, will join this Confederacy; giving to its typical constella tion increased splendor—to its government of free, equal and sovereign States, a wider sphere of usefulness—and to the friends of constitutional liberty a greater security for its harmonious and perpetual existence. It was not, however, for the purpose of making this announcement that I have deem ed it my duty to convoke you at an eailier day than that fixed by yourselves for your meeting. The declaration of war made against this Confederacy by Abraham Lin coln, President of the United States, in Lis proclamation issued on the fifteenth day of the present month, rendered it necessary, in my judgment, that you should convene at the earliest practicable moment, to devise the measure necessary for the defence of the country. The occasion is indeed an extraordinary one. It justifies me in a brief review of the relations heretofore existing between us and the States which now unite in warfare against us, and in a succinct statement of the events which have resulted in this warfare; to the end that mankind may pass intelligent and practical judgement on its motives and ob jects. Dining the war waged against Great Bri tain by her colonies and this continent, a common danger impelled them to a close al liance, and to the formation of a Confedera tion, by the terms of which the colonies, styl ing themselves States, entered “severally in fo a fiim league of friendship with each oth er for their common defence, the security of their liberties, aud their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, .or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade or any other pretence whatever.” In order to guard against any misconstruc tion of t heir compact, the several States made explicit declaration, in a distinct article, that “each Stat; 1 icta'ns its sovereignty, freedom aud imh pcndi'iice, and every power, jurisdic tion amt right w hich is not by this Confede ration expressly delegated to the United States in Congress asseodded.” L m'er this contract of alliance, the war of the revolution was successfully waged, and resulted in the treaty of peace with Great Hiitain in 178,3, by the terms of which the M-veial States were, each by name, recogni zed to be independent. ’i he articles of Confederation contained a clause whereby all alterations were prohibit ed, unless confirmed by the every State, after being agreed sq b” the Congress; and in obedience t i; iS pro < sion under the resolution of t .' llo Congress, the scxeial States R’ 1 po’.nted delegates who at ten< ei. a Convention “for the sole and ex in f ss purpose of revising the articles of con --deration and reporting to Congress and the several Legislatures such alterationsand pro visions therein as shall, when agreed to in Congress, and confirmed by the States, ren der the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of Government and the preserva tion of the Union.” It was, by the delegates chosen by the several States under the resolution just quo ted, that the Constitution of the United States was framed in 1787, and submitted to the several States for ratification, as shown by the 7th article, which is in these words: “I he ratification of the (Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establish ment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.” I have italicised certain words in the quota tionsjust made, for the purpose of attracting attention to the singular and marked caution with which the States endeavored, in every possible form, to exclude the idea that the separate and independent sovereignty of each State was merged into one common govern ment and nation; and the earnest desire they evinced to impress on the Constitution its true character—that of a compact between independent States. The Constitution in 1787 having however, omitted the clause just recited from the ar ticles of Confederation, which provided in explicit terms, that each State retained its sovereignty and independence, some alarm was felt in the States when invited to ratify the Constitution, lest this omission should be construed into an abandonment of their cher ished principle, and they refused to be satis fied until amendments were added to the Constitution, placing beyond anj pretence of doubt, the reservation by the States, of all their sovereign rights aud powers —not ex pressly delegated to the United States by the Constitution. Strange indeed must it appear to the im partial observer, but it is none the less true, that all these carefully worded clauses pro ved unavading to prevent therise and growth in the Northern States of a political school which has persistently claimed that the go vernment thus formed was not a compact be tween Slates, but was in effect a national go vernment, set up above and over the States. An organization created by the States to se cure the blessing of liberty and independence against foreign aggression, has been gradual ly perverted into a machine for their control io their domestic affairs; the creature has been exalted above its creators; the princi pals have been made subordinate to the agent appointed by themselves. 'l’he people of the Sunt hern States, whose almost exclusive occiqA- 'ion was agriculture, early perceived a tend' ney in the Northern States to render the common government subservient to their own purposes, by impo sing burthens on commerce as a protection to their manufacturing and shipping interests. Long and angry controversy grew out of these attempts, often successful, to benefit one section of the country at the expense of the other; and the danger of disruption ari sing from this cause was enhanced by the fact that, the Northern population was increas ing by immigration and other causes in a greater ratio than the population of the South. By degrees, as the Northern States gained < preponderance in the National Congress, self interest taught their people to yield assent to : any plausible advocacy of their rights as a i majority to govern the minority without con- ; trol: Ley learned to listen with impatience : to the suggestion oi any constitutional im pediment to the exercise of their will; and i so utterly have the principles of the Consti- i tution been corrupted in the Northern mind, i that in the inaugural address delivered by President Lincoln in March last, heasseitsas i an axiom which lie plainly deems to be un- ; deniable, that the theory of the Constitution I requires that in all cases the majority shall i govern; and in another memorable instance, I the same Chief Magistrate did not hesitate to ; liken the relations between a State and the < United States to those which exist between < a county and the State in which it is situat- i ed and by which it was created. This is the | lamentable and fundamental error on which i rests the policy that has culminated in his declaration of war against these Confederate I States. | In addition to the long continued and deep i seated resentment felt by the Southern States i at the persistent abuse of the powers thev < had delegated to the Congress, for the pur- ; pose of enriching the manufacturing and t shipping classes of the North at the expense ■ of the South, there lias existed for nearly ; half a century another subject of discord, : involving interests of such transcendent mag- i nitude, as at all times to create the apprehen- I sion in the minds of many devoted lovers of < the L nion, that its permanence was impossi ble. , AVhen the several States delegated certain I powers to the United States Congress, a large poition of the laboring population consisted 1 of African slaves imported into the colonics 1 by the mother country. In twelve out of 1 thirteen States, negro slavery existed, and 1 the right of property in slaves was protected I by law. This property was recognized in I the Constitution, aud provision was made against its loss by the escape of the slave— '• The increase, in the number of the slaves by i further importation from Africa was also sc- i cured by a clause forbidding Congress to pro- i hit Tit the slave trade aiiteuor to a ceil iin 1 date; and in no clause can there be found any : delegation of power to the Congress author- i izi.ig it in any manner to legislate to tho pro- i juiice, detrimentor discouragement of the owners of that, species of property, or exclu ding it fiom the protection of the govern ment. Ihe climate and Soil of the Northern States soon proved, to the contin uance of s .avo iabor, whilst the converse was the cas jat the South. Under the unrestrict • 3u free intercourse between the two sections, the Northern States consulted their own in terest by selling their slaves to the South and prohibiting slavery within their limits.— The South were willing purchasers of pro perty suitable to their wants, ami paid the price of the acquisition without harboring a suspicion that their quiet possession was to be disturbed by those who were, inhibited, not only by want of constitutional authority, but by good faith as vendors, from disquiet ing a title emanating from themselves. As soon, however, as the Northern States, that prohibited African slavery within their limits, had reached a number sufficient to give their representatio-n a controling voice in the Congress, a persistent and organized system of hostile measures against the rights of the owneis of slaves in the Southern States was inaugurated, and gradually extended. A con tinuous series of measures were devised and prosecuted for the purpose of rendering in secure the tenure of property in slaves; fa natical organizations, supplied with money by voluntary subscriptions, were assiduously engaged in exciting amongst the slaves a spirit of discontent and revolt; means were furnished for their escape from their owners, and agents secretly employed to entice them to abscond; the constitutional provision for their rendition to their owners was first eva ded, then openly denounced as a violation of the conscientious obligation and religious du ty; men were taught that it was a merit to elude, disobey and violently oppose the exe cution of the laws enacted to secure the per formance of the promise contained in the contitutional compact; owners of slaves were mobbed and even murdered in open day, sole ly for applying to a magistrate for the arrest of a fugitive slave; the dogmas of these voluntary organizations soon obtained control of the legislatures of many of the North ern States, and laws were passed providing for the punishment by ruinous fines and long continued imprisonments in jails and peniten tiaries, of citizens of the Southern States, who would dare to ask aid of the officers of the law for the recovery of their property. Emboldened by success, the theatre of agi tation and aggression against the clearly ex pressed constitutional rights of the Southern States was transferred to the Congress; Sen ators and Representatives were sent to the common councils of the nation, whose chief title to this distinction consisted in the dis play of ultra fanaticism, and whose business was, not “to promote the general welfare or . ensure domestic tranquility,” but to awaken the bitterest hatred against the citizens of : sister States, by violent denunciation of their ■ institutions; the transaction of public affairs I was impeded by repeated efforts to usurp : powers not delegated by the Constitution, for the purpose of impairing the security of pro perty in slaves, and reducing those States which held slaves, to a condition of inferiori- ty. Finally, a great party was organized f ()r the purpose of obtaining the, administration of tho government, with the avowed object of using its power to the total exclusion of the Slave States from all participation in the benefits of the public domain, acquired by all the States in common, whether by con quest or purchase; of surrounding them en tirely by States in which slavery should be prohibited; of thus rendering the propertv in slaves so insecure as to bo comparatively worthless, and thereby annihilating, in effect, property worth thousands of millions of dol lars. This party succeeded, in the month of November last, in the election of its candi date for the Presidency of the United States. In the meantime, under the mild and geni al climate of the Southern States, and the increasing care and attention for the wellbeing and comfort of the laboring class, dictated alike by inte/est and humanity, the African slaves had augmented in number from about 600,000, at the date of the adoption of the constitutional compact, to upwards of 4,000,- 000. In moral and social condition, they had been elevated from brutal savages into docile, intelligent and civilized agricultural laborers, and supplied not only with bodily comforts but with careful religious instruction. Under the supervision of a superior race, their la bor had been so directed as not only to allow a gradual and marked amelioration of their own condition, but to convert the hundreds of thousands of square miles of the wilderness into cultivated lands, covered with a pros perous people: Towns and cities had sprung into existence, and had rapidly increased in wealth and population under the social sys tem of the South; the white population of the Southern slaveholding States had aug mented from about 1,250,000 at the date of the adoption of the Constitution, to more than 8,500,000 in 1860; and the productions of the South in cotton, rice, sugar, ami tobacco, for the full development and continuai.ee of which, the labor of the African slave was, and is, indispensible, had swollen to an amount which formed nearly three-fourths of the exports of the whole United States, and had become absolutely necessary for the wants of civilized man. AVith interests of.such overwhelming mag nitude imperilled, the people of the Southern States were driven by the conduct of the North to the adoption of some course, of ac tion to divert the danger. AVith this view, the Legislatures of the several States invited the people to select delegates to Conventions to be held for the purpose of determining for themselves what measures were best adapted to meet so alarming a crisis in their history. Here it may be proper to observe that from a period as early as 1798, there had existed in all of the States of the Union a party, al most uninterruptedly in the majority, based upon the creed that each State was in the lIM i <•.- Oi,i 1 1 c J. i j .I.! c ~ .> >v <’! of itc -.-.0n.,,,! as of the mode and measure of redress. In deed, it nt obvious, that undq,' the law of na tions. this principle is f ,n axiom as applied to the relations < 1 independent sovereign States, Such as (hose which had united themselves under the constitutional compact. 'The Dem ocratic party of the United States, repeated in its successful canvass in 1856, the declara tion made in numerous previous political con tests, that it would “faithfully abide by and up hold the principles laid down in the Virginia resolutions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature in 1799; and that it. adopts those principles as constitu ting one of the main foundations of its politi cal creed.” The principles thus emphatically announ ced, embrace that to which I have already ad verted, the right of each State to judge of and redress the wrongs of which it complains* These principles were maintained by over whelming majorities of the people of all the States of the Union at different elections, es pecially in the elections of Mr. Jefferson in 1805, Mr. Madison in 1809, and Mr. Pierce in 1552. In the exercise of a right so ancient, so well established, and so necessary for self preservation, the people of the Confederate States, in their Conventions, determined that the wrongs which they had suffered, and the evils with which they were menaced, requir ed that they should revoke the delegation of the powers to the Federal Government which they had ratified in their several Conventions, They consequently passed ordinances resu ming all their rights as sovereign and indepen dent States, and dissolving their connection with the other States of the Union. Having done this, they proceeded to form a new compact amongst themselves, by new articles of Confederation, which have also been ratified by the conventions of the seve ral States with an approach to unanimity far exceeding that of the conventions which adopted the Constitution of 1787. They have organized their new government in all its departments; the functions of the Execu tive, Legislative and Judicial Magistrates are performed in accordance with the will of the people as displayed, not merely in a cheerful acquiescence, but in the enthusiastic support of the government thus established by them selves; and but for the interference of the government of the United States in this le gitimate exercise of the right of the people to self government, peace, happiness and prosperity would now smile on our land. That peace is ardently desired by this go vernment and people, has been manifested in every possible way. Scarce had you assem bled in February last, when, even prior to the inauguration of the Chief Magistrate you had elected, you passed a resolution express ive of your desire for the appointment of commissioners to be sent to the government of the United States, “for the purpose of ne gotiating friendly relations between that go vern men t and th’* Confederate States of Ameri ca, and fi>r the settlement of all question* of disagreement, between the two governments upon principles of right, justice, equity, and good faith.” It was my pleasure as well as my duty, to co-operate with you in this work of peace.— Indeed, in my addrei.s to you on taking the oath of office, and before receiving from you the communication of this resolution, I had NUMBER 18.’ '—I 1 !. '! 1 said, “as a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation, and henceforth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs and the per petuity of the Confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual in terest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our seperate political career, my most earnest de sire will have been fulfilled.” It was in furtherance of accordant views of the Congress and the Executive, that I made choice of three discreet, able and dis tinguished citizens, who repaired to Wash ington. Aided by their cordial co-operation, and that of the Secretary of State cverv effort compatible with self-respect and the dignity of the Confederacy, was exhausted before I allowed myself to yield to the con viction that the government of the United States was determined to attempt the con quest of this people, and that our checrishel hopes of peace were unattainable, On the arrival of our Commissioners in Washington, on the sth of March, they post poned, at the suggestion of a friendly inter mediary, doing anything more than giving for mal notice of their arrival. I his was done with a view to afford t ine to the President, who had just been inaugurated, for the dis charge of other pressing official duties in the organization of his administration, before en gaging bis attention in the object of their mission. It was not until the 12th of the month that they officially addressed the Se cretary of State, informing him of the purpose of their arrival, and stating in the language of their instructions their wish “to make to the government of the United States over tures for the opening of negotiations, assu ring the government ofiheUnited States that the President, Congress and people of the Confederate States, earnestly desire a peace ful solution of these great questions; that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded on the strictest justice, nor do any act to injure their late confederates.” To this communication no formal reply was received until the Sth April. Daring the in terval, the Commissioners had consented to waive all questions of form. With the firm resolve to avoid war, if possible, they went so far, even, as to hold, during that long period, unofficial intercourse, through an intermediary whose high position and character inspired the hope of success, and through whom con stant assurances were received from the Go vernment of the United States, of peaceful intentions; of the determination to evacuate Fort Sumter; and further, that no measure, changing the existing prejudicial to the Confederate States, especially at Fort Pick ens, was in contemplation, but that in the event of any change of intention on the sub ject, notice would be given to the Commiss ioners. The ciooked paths of diplomacy >y furnish an examiolc so wanting in courtesy, in wndor, and directness, as was the course of the United States Government towards our Commissioners in Washington. For proof of this, I refer to the annexed documents marked , taken in connection with further facts which I now proceed to re late: Early in April the attention of the whole country, as well as that of our Commission ers, was attracted to extraordinary prepara tions for an extensive military and naval expe dition in New York and other northern ports. The preparations commenced in secrcsy, for an expedition whose destination was conceal ed, only became known when nearly com pleted, and on the sth, 6th and 7th April, transports and vessels of war, with troops, munitions and military supplies, sailed from the northern ports bound southwards. Alarm ed by so extraordinary a demonstration, the Commissioners requested the delivery of an answer to their official communication of the 12th March, and thereupon received, on the 18th April, a reply dated on the 15th of the previous mouth, from which it appears that, during the whole interval, whilst the Com missioners were receiving assurances, calcu lated to inspire hope of the success of their mission, the Secretary of State and the Presi dent of the United States had already deter mined to hold no intercourse with them what ever; to refuse even to listen to any proposals ' they had to make, and had profited by the delay created by their own assurances, in order to prepare secretly the means for effec tive hostile operations. That these assurances were given, has been virtually confessed by the Government of the United States by its sending a messenger to Charleston, to give notice of its purpose, to use force, if opposed in its intention of sup plying Fort Sumter. No more striking proof of the absence of good faith in the conduct of the Government of the United States towards this Confederacy can be required than is contained in the circumstances which accompanied this notice. According to the usual course of navigation, the vessels com posing the expedition designed for the relict of Fort Sumter, might be expected to reach Charleston harbor on the 9th April, yet with our Commissioners actually in Washington, detained under assurances that notice should be given of any military movement, the notice was not addressed to them, but a messenger was sent to Charleston to give the notice to the Governor of South Carolina, and the notice was so given at a late hour on the Bth April, the eve of the very day on which the fleet might be expected to arrive. That this manoeuvre failed in its purpose was not the fault of those who contrived it. A heavy tempest delayed the arrival of the expedi tion, and gave time to the commander of our forces at Charleston to ask and receive the instructions of this government. Even then, under all the provocation incident to the con temptuous course of the Government of the United States, I was sincerely anxious to avoid the effusion of blood, and directed a proposal to be made to* the commander of Fort Sumter, who had avowed himself to be nearly out of provisions, that we would ab stain from directing our fire on Fort Sumter if he would promise not to open fire on our forces unless first attacked. This proposal was refused, and the conclusion was reached. [CONCLUDED ON FOURTH PAOE.j