Newspaper Page Text
Hr Augusta, (®a.
■Thursday Morning, "\ov. 7. ISSO.
W Southern Rights Ticket.
GEO. IV. LAMAR,
■ DAVID F. DICKINSON.
JOHN C. SNEAD,
■ JAMES M SMYTHE,
Mr. Stephens’ Letter.
F r~ We will reply cu Saturday to a letter of
I I Mr. Stephens’, which appeared in the Cfironi
■* cle and Sentinel yesterday. We would du so
B to-day, it space would permit.
f Lest we might be misunderstood, we would
■ observe, that some introductory remarks to ex
| tracts from speeches of Mr. Toombs, to be
followed by those of Mr. Stephens, which w ill
be found on our first page, were struck off be
fore we saw his letter or we were aware of its
publication. Self respect would not have
permitted us to have expressed ourself as we
did in those remarks, in reference to Mr.
Stephens had we have been aware of the pub
lication of the letter referred to.
Augusta, Nov. 5, 1850.
Messrs. Editors:
Dear Sir:—-It affords me great pleasure to
announce to the public, that no case of Small
Pox has occurred in our city since my last
report.
The cases at the Pest House are rapidly
convalescing. - -
The c;ity Is remarkably healthy, and no epi-
T-mic prevailing. Respectfully,' (
v w m. E. Deabikg, M. D.
; _£heirman Boaad ofHcalth. |
•- ■" Vfr luw been gratified to r,<;la ®*
speech of the Hon. John MePhr
f i- i- .Jearn that the
at toe dinner given him, on
.. • , n i Arson Berrien,
ggW the citizens of Bur!:e, was a noF ’
f effort in defence of Southern r| 41 ‘ ast y
■ A writer in the Chronicle ovi' 6 and Ondld
■ of “ Troiius” says : /« bts and honor '
fe r > -#r the signature
Waynesboro’, .< 6
Mr. Editor : —To-day JJj
struck the blow which has pov. 4th, 1850.
B rampart behind which disunldge Berrien has
To show how this writrf * th ® iaßt
■ , yon could rally.
B taken as a whole, we copy I ... , , 1 ,
■ , , , A liked the speech,
■ the same article: A ... . ,
■ re .. .■ . >ne following fi om
“ Now I have the bight B °
I Bei tien both as a get tlenl
I but candor compels me fst respect for Judge
ered his speech to-day, y an » and a politician,
an oratorical effort, or wijo say, that I consid
its positions, as unwortl/vhether regarded as
Probably “ Troilus" f’.'J® B^,, 10 80me ° f
thv of him because he If ? ° , '*?’
... , Bhought it was unwor-
sitions. We copy lr<> , . . „
, , , look the following po-
count of the speech. / „...
“Without preterdf" Tr °“ Ba ° Wn ac '
an extended report of t
I shall cont-nt mytewg to give anything like
as well as I remem Judge Berrien’s remarks,
points assumed, and O with a mere statement,
your readers todra Jr them, of the principal
Upon the Cuhfornitileave it to the discretion of
able Senator conteijr their own conclusions,
that territory was Jqneslion, then, the honor
because Congress Jded that the admission of
® ereate new of the constitution,
' been made a Statfad the right to admit not to
milted into the. a[, d t -at Cafffbrnia had
point was essentfby Congress, and then ad
■Biakn in the tieMBF His argument on this
Irfaily' the same <i» that made by
i-otilie I ti led Slates, in a
m the public mind. He
different <1 orin- " >
> 5 *7t • n '’ v > r have
.\o», t,f "iavery been
J *' "” ,t -N.-rth and
°? e ' OICP condemned
so >^^Wr i ' ona - r “° said,
>" o" c Ae*^^B a . ,n I,IH '‘“constitutionally be-
X. » (A %«‘^K°. he L r “ llereK, > in as much as by
ws« '\ bee, ‘ enaW ed to filch a vast
' oe'CllU-'.' Ik'f c’niJUHd Ibai-
dangers arising from the agitation of
the question. But in bis opinion, her admis
sion was unconstitutional and detrimental to
the South in the highest degree.
He regarded the passage of the fugitive
slave bill as nothing but an act of justice to the
South; and allhough it might be deemed a
good and efficient law, as be believed it to be,
yet the South has obtained nothing more than
justice by it, and the Congress of the United
Slates was entitled to nothing more than the
accord of the simple commendation which fol
lows the performance of an ordinary duty.
The abolition of the slave trade in the Dis
trict of Columbia was not in itself an assump
tion, by Congress of the power to abolish sla
very in the District, but it was tantamount to
such an assumption: foe the penalty for the
offence of trading in slaves in the prohibited li
mits wns the liberation of the slave, which he
asserted was nothing less than a practical aboli
tion of tho institution.
These, said Judge Berrien, were the griev
ancee of which he complained, and whi"h he
thought called tor redress. He was therefore
for resistance, not by dissolution, not by se
cession, but within tho pale ot the Constitution.
He was of opinion that the Convention about
to assemble should tberefore resist them:
Ist By a demand upon the northern states
to put down the abolition excitement as a thing
dangerous to the social relations of the Union
and insulting to the South, and,
2d. By rendering Georgia independent of
the free states for articles now produced in
Georgia and manufactured by the north. This
was to be accomplished not by non-intercourse
but by foal' ring Southern manufactures, by ex- ;
empnug from taxation all capital employed in
that way—by taxing articles, imported from
’•"'•fret' States und by advising direct trade be
tween foreign countries and Southern cities
These I believe were the principal points
of a speech which required three hours for
its delivery.”
Pretty good Southern Rights doctrine, that.
We say, hutrah ! tor these doctrines of Sena
tor Berrien. Wo won d call him a good old
Georgia patriot even upon this show-
Troiltw.”
S|l All of us go tor maintaining our rights in
RMfhe Union if we can.
s4J.»t we await further accounts
•Wewueie. - -
SWAIN’S PANACEA, lorsale by
P. A. VirVtSE, Druggist. .
P“6tASH._ 2000 lbs. No. 1 Potash, for sale
by n9P- A. MOISE, Druggist-
SUPERIOR STARCH for family vise tor salt
at 13 j cents per lb by
u y P. A. MOISE, Drugyist.
English and french hair brush
es, of all sites, for sale by
n 9 P. A. MOISE, Druggist.
Hot)d House,
MACON, Ga.
By BUFORD dr WILLIAMS, D 8
’ WASHINGTON HALL,
MACON, Ga.
By ROGERS «• MEARA,OS
MARRIED,
On Tuesday evening last, by the Rev. Mr.
Rogers, Mr. William Hunter, of Savannah,
and Miss Julia Tracy, daughter of Wdbam 1.
Cionldy Esq., of this city*
In Atlanta, on the 21st tilt., bj- the Rev. J.
L. Wilson, Mr. W. C. Moore ofClarke county
to Miss A. A. Mead,of Atlanta.
DIED,
7?>>uista, Ga., August 30, Mary Jane,
"""T***^-John and Mary Fryer, in the ,
She w« .Liable in
30th year of her «*<^ n!lssualinJ , iu her
manners, and possessed m an a
the esteem and love ot all who
timatel v. For several years she has beeff>
member of the M. E. Church and by her up
right and consistent course, demonstrated the
honesty and depth of her religious faith, ror
several years her health has oeen senous.y
impaired, vet her death wasrather sudden, and
preceded bv entire unconsciousness, one
was, therefore, unable to express her confi
dence iu the goodness and mercy of
her hope of a blessed immortality, but be: be
reaved parents and friends felt assuredlb*
the God, she loved and served, u‘d not desert
her in the hour of trial, but has genUv md her
■ spirit through “the dark valley and shadow of
death,” to lb*Still staters and green pastures cf
WEEKIYt
BY JAMES M. SMYTHE, Proprietor. ’ < c—lUfckln loimuil, dcUOtcb to NciVS, politics,
R^OBEkTA S w}nrTE\\ . . . . editors. r^: literature, Oenerai Intelligence, Agriculture, &c.
■ Al ‘ ~
Terns-.TWO DOLLARS a year, iurariably inadvance Advertisements inserted at the custo-
Or $2,50 if not paid within two months ~ *T /
Tri-Weekly, per annum in advance ;.$4.00 JUtll TiitCS*
Or $5.00 if not paid within two months. ,
VOLUME in.
Calculating the Value of the
Vuion,
The Southern Rights party of Georgia has
been much censured of late upon a charge of
having calculated the
Most of the readers of . u "a
ii.ai. i y bi
Vs 32 snd ’33, calculated the value of the
Union because of the wrongs inflicted upon
'(he South by, as they contended, the uncon
atituttftnal tariffs of those days. Some of'the
leading submissionists of the present day were
ready then to dissolve the Union, becanse of
those wrongs. Now, when fifteen hundred
millions of slave property is endangered,
when our rights are denied us, and our equali
ty in the confederacy also is, in effect, denied
us, and of course, our honor placed in jeopar
dy, many of those who advocated dissolution
then, profess to be struck with horror at the
bare possibility of such a thought. But we
leave the reminiscencies of those days to
speak of the present. We say, then, that if
the Southern rights party have calculated the
value of the Union, they have not done so
more than some of the leaders of the present
submission party. We shall show this by
extracts from the speeches of Messrs. Ste-
phens and Toombs.
These gentlemen, distinguished for their
intellectual powers and their popular elo
quence, are exceedingly popular with the peo
ple of their respective districts. We have ad
mired and sustained them with our votes, our
pen, and our voice, in days that have past. It
so happens, that, in the revolutions of politi
cal events, they, end many of their old friends,
now occupy antagonistical positions. New
parties have been formed, and Messrs. Toombs
and Stephens,’the Nullifiers of 1832and’33,
are the submissionists of 1850. We would
give but a poor expression of cur feelings by
saying, that wa deeply regret it. It is a sub
ject to us of mournful sorrow. ;■
Jalusi- Utwould take tbat to make us
yield oir convictions to these distinguished
gentlerifl-n. We are so. ced, by moral neces
sity, to chpose between duty to the State and
the South, and political friendship and devotion
to them. While opposing them now politi
cally, we do not leave sight of our regard for
them as
how?, as men of kindly sympathies and emo- i
We use this language not to propitiate
favor but to reveal the true character of our
position. Wo oppose them not because we
do not admire them as men, not fr* m ill- - '.ill
or any secret feelings of opposition, but from
a sense of duty. Their personal character,
popularity and intellectual power, are now
brought out in all their strength, to carry
the State of Georgia for the measures which
have recently been adopted by Congress.
We believe that they have been inconsistent,
and that they furnish the Southern rights
party from their own quivers, with arrows for
its defence, in its bold and noble stand in favor
of Southern Rights.
We shall now proceed to show that Messrs.
Stephens and Toombs have calculated Ihe val
ue of the Union even upon the great question
which now shakes the Union to its centre.
When, therefore, the submissionisls charge
upon us a calculation of the value of the Union,
let them remember that these gentlemen have
also calculated its value. We claim to be
long to the faithful guard upon whom no in
fluences can be made, save through open,
undisguised and naked justice. We quote as
follows from Mr. Toombs’ speech in the
House of Representatives, of Dec. 13th 1849.
“It seems from the remarks of the gentlemen
from N. York, that we are to be intimitdated by
eulogies upon the Union, and denunciations of
those who are not ready to sacrifice national
honor, essential interests, and constitutional
rights upon its altar. Sir, I have as much
attachment to the union of these States, under
the constitu.ion of our lathers as any freeman
ought to have. I nm ready to concede and
sacrifice for it whatever a just and honorable
manought to sacrifice—l will do no more. 1
have not heeded the aspersions of those who
did not understand or desired to misrepresent
my conduct or opinions in relation to those
questions, which, in my judgment so vitally
afl’ect it. The time has come when I shall
not only utter them, but make them the' basis
of my political action here. I do not, then,
hesitate to a row before, this the
cowFfiuqnd Ag .G-.nL.
Flue Col®ss*c
Mr. I’. A. Moise has presented us with a ‘
bottle of C< logne Water, manufactured at his
establishment, which is a rich and exquisite !
article. He furnishes it at 75 cents per quart, i
which is cheaper than common. We are in
favor of patronizing domestic manufacture.
This delicious article for tha toilet is purchas-1
ed in great quantities from abroad. If it can
be got as good at home ".nd, especially, cheap-1
er too, let us encourage its manufacture here.
The remains ofGen. Taylor reached Louis-,
ville (Ky )on Friday last, and was buried in
the family cemetery, eight miles from the
city. There was a solemn procession and a I
general suspension of business on the occa
sion.
By telegraph from the Constitntionalst.
Charleston, Nov. 6.
Kingsland, the Whig candidate, has been
elected Mayor of New-York, by about five
thousand majority.
Charleston, Nov. 6- P. M.
Cotton.--Prices remain without change.—
The sales to day reached 1200 bales at 13 to
13 J cents.
New-York, Nov. 6, P. M.
! Cotton.—The market is drooping. The
.ales reach 700 bales.
I The Whigs have elected their Governor,
; and a majority of Congressmen.
to the Constitutionalist.
Charleston, Nov. 7, P. M.
Cotton —Slh*>G'da.v 1500 bales. Sales
of the week S.OOOaXj'o 14 cents. Re
ceipts of the week 7,400. closes
at firmer prices, Middling FairTS» eents.
New York, Nov. 7.
Cotton.—The market has declined f cent,
with sales of 700 bates.
Rice 3|.
Seymour, the democratic candidate, haa
been elected Governor by 3000 majority, and
seventeen Whigs and sixteen Democratia
elected to Congress.
We quote as follows from Mr. Toombs
speech of the 27th of February, 1850.
“These causes have brought us to the point
where we are to test the sufficiency of written
constitutions to protect the rightsofa minority
J Mitj-'i. ‘*wii*au>rit'f
■Peten,iinaiiß||B:is question willdeveriti anA
PERMAHENt v of the GOV-
ERNMENT.”
“Our security under the constitution is
based solely upotr,.GOOD faith There is
nothing in its structtfve which makes aggres
sion permanently impossible. It requires
neither skill, nor genius, nor courage, to per
petrate it; it requires only BAD lAITH.
I have studied the histories of nations and the
characteristics of mankind to but little purpose
if that quality shall be found WANTING in
the FUTURE ADMINISTRATION of our
own affairs."
“This Government was established for the
protection of the rights of persons and the
rights of property of the political communi
ties which adopted it. These are the primary
objects of all good governments. The pio
tection of property is the corner stoi e of in
dustry, of national progress, of civilization.
No government can stand in America, or
ought to stand anywhere, which brings its pow
ers in hostility to the property of the people.
These principles are the foundation of the
positions which I assumed at the opening of
this Congress.”
“Our lives, oun property, our consti
tutional PRIVILEGES AKE REALLY INVOLVED
IN THE issue. Your position offers us the
fate of Hayti, or, at best, of Jamaica, or re
sistance to lawless rule. I trust there is
nothing in our past history which ought to in
duce you to doubt which alternative we shall
accept. Though the Union may perish—
though slavery may perish—l warn my coun
trymen never to surrender their right to an
equal participation in the common properly of
the Republic, nor their r'glit to full and ample
protection of their property from their own
government. The day they do this deed
“ THEIR FALL WILL BE LIKE THA I’
OF LUCIFER, NEVERTO RISE AGAIN.”
“Whatever any of the States recognize as
property, it is the duty of this Government
to protect. When it places itself in hostility
to property thus
ln or sub
verted. t his-is a quesiion which affects the
rights of all the Slates.”
‘•Gentlemefa may spare their threats; he
or is already degraded. 'I he people who count
the cost of maintaining their political riohts
are readyjar slavery. T> e sentiment of every
true man at the Mouth will be we hiql
from which the Constitulicn.and the rights ol
the South are to be assailed.”
“ Let the South mark the man, who is for
the" Union al every hazard, and to the last
extremity. When the day of her peril comes,
he will be the imitator of the historical charac
ter, the base Judean, who for thirty pieces of
silver, tnrew away a pearl richer than all his
tribe.”
“ Our next and last acquisition was Cali- (
forma and New Mexico. They are the (
fruits of snccesstul war. We have borne
an equal share of its burdens—we demand <
AN EQUAL participation in its benefits. The
rights of the South are consecrated by the
blood of HER children. The sword is the
title by which the nation acquired the coun
try. The, thought is suggestive, wise men will
ponder it brave men will ACT UPON IT.”
“The folly of some, the timidity of some,
and perchance, the treachery of others in the
South, may roll back for a season the wave
that shall overwhelm and destroy it. But it
will be the reflux of tho advancing not the re
ceding tide; it shall gal her strength from eve
ry breaker, and will finally accomplish its
mission. The first act of legislative hostility
to slavery is the proper point for Southern re
sistance. Those in advance may fall—it is
the common history of revolutions—but the
cause will not fall with them; no human pow
er can avert the result—it will triumph.
Though hostile interference is the point of
resistance, non-interference is not the mea
sure of our rights. We are entitled to non
interference from alien and foreign govern
ments England owes us that much —France
owes us that much— Russia owes us non-inter
vention. You OWE us MORE. You owe us
protection. Withhold it, and you make us
aliens in our own government. Our hostility
to it then becomes a necessity—* necessity
justified by our honor, our interests, and our
common safety. These are stronger than all
human governments.”
“We who are contending for a principle es
sential to our interest, our safety, ant! our po
litical union, can suffer no greater calamity
than its toss. 'Phis is an appeal from the argu
ment to our fears. I answer that appeal in
the patriotic language of a distinguished
Georgian who yet lives to arouse the hearts of
1 his countrymen to resistance to wrong:—
1 “ When the argument is exhausted, we
WILL STAND BY OUR ARMS.”
of the South I hold that when the stipulation
of the late treaty shall be complied with and
| the money paid which is provided for in it,
they will constitute an acquisition made at
I the cost and treasure of the whole Union,
towards which the South contribute d as gen
' erousiy as the North, and in which the South
is entitled to a just and equal participation-,
! and that it is the duty of Congress to see to
1 it, that the just and equal rights of my section
are GUARDED, PROTECTED and SE
‘ CURED by all necessary legislation. The
! right to acquire and to hold territory brings
with it the duty to govern it. The Supreme
I Court has so decided, and, in governing, it
' is the duty of Congress to act justly and
j fairly towards the rights and interests of all
: who are entitled to an equal share, in the
common domain. This sir, is MY POSI
TION and upon it I shall STAND or FALL. ”
“ Now sir, I do not believe in compromises
or settlements that are not fully and clearly
and distinctly understood on BOTH SIDES
at the time.”
“As long as I have a seat here, 1 shall main
tain thejust and equal rights of my section up*n
this as upon all other questions. 1 ask noth- I
ing more and shall take nothing less. , All I i
demand is, common right end common justice;
these I will have in clear and express terms,
or I will have nothing. I speak to the North
irrespective of parties. I recognize no party
association in affiliation upon this subject.”
From his speech of August the 9th, 1850—
«I am for conciliation if it can be accom
plished upon any reasonable and just princi-
Tie. lam also for making a clean breast of it.
am for no partial arrangement. If we aim
at peace, let us have no temporary 'ruce, but
permanent quiet and repoise. This in my
, opinion can only be done by a settlement of
all the questions growing out of these territo
rial acquisitions upon liberal and proper terms.
ar* such terms ? This is the practi
, kt, for 3,s to consider.”
“ the /Soufi have as much
right ip colonize these terri
i tones of the
north have with theirs. This upon
i j which I stand and the principles upoPri-which
' i! re-tsare as immutable as right and justice.
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, NOVE
Mr. Tt'oom I>s’ grounds for coin! -'i.graceful scenes o.' the las
plaint, and Resistance. V- urs, and restore tranquillity ts
We have shown, by extracts from Mr. -‘^ use them, and, so far as Ih
Toombs’speecheu, that he has calculated the J ct discord reign foi ever. 1
value of the LimonJ> rU ; r^peec^.
nrnVr" 1 C
now introduce a few more of the causes w
Southern discontent, given by him, and then
follow them with his grounds for resistance.
Speech of Dec. 13th, 1849 :
“ The territories are the common property of
the United States, purchased by their common
blood and treasure. You are lheir common
agents; it is your duty, while they ate in a
territorial state, to remove all impediments to
their free enjoyment by all sectionsand peo
ple of the Union, the slaveholder and the non
slaveholder.
speech of the 27th feb. 1850.
“ I propose as a representative of a portion
of the people who participate largely in tnis
discontent to inquire into its cause, and if it be
well founded to ask you to remove it. It is
based upon a well founded apprehension of a
fixed purpose on the part of the non slave
holding States of the Union to destroy their
political rights; to put their institution under
the ban of the empire, by excluding them from
an equal part cipation in the common benefits
of the Republic, and thereby to bring the pow
ers of their own government in aireci hostility
to their property. This brief statement sug-’
gests the propriety of the investigation upon
which I now propose to enter. What is the
true relation of this government to property in
slaves? We are now, sir, in a transition
state; heretofore, the distribution of political
power, under cur system, has made sectional
aggression impossible. I think it would have
been wise to have secured permanency to
such distribution by the fundamental law. It
was not done. The course of events, the in
crease of population in the Northern portion of
the Republic, and the addition of new'States,
are about to give, if they have not already
given, the non-slavehol ing States a majority
in both branches of Congress, and they have a
large and increasing majority of the popula
tion of the Union. These causes have
brought us to the point where we are to test
the sqfltciency
of the people. Upon the determination on/2
jttssltdn will depend and otighT to depend the
permanency of the Government." P
»„r2 e r‘?i. the faCe of * hese facta > an d in defi
ance of these provisions of the consiimtion
we are told on this floor by New England Z’
resentatives, that slave nmwu. ? , . P ~
protect ion
meet in Fanieul Hall. In rny judgment,
line of policy is the fairest, most just, most
hoi est and defensible of all the enemies of
our institutions. And such will be the judg
ment of impartial history. ‘ They shun no
question, they wear no mask.’ They admit
some at least of the constitutional obligations
to protect slavery. They hold these obliga
tions inconsistent with good conscience, and
they therefore denounce the institution as a
‘ covenant with hell,’ and struggle earnestly
for its overthrow. If their conduct is devoid
of every o her virtue, and every other claim to
our respect, it is at least consistent. They
do not seek as many members do here, to get
the benefits and shun the burdens of the bar
gain. Notwithstanding the constitutional
safeguards which I have enumerated, the ene
mies of slavery here attempted, and are now
aitempting, to get by implication, that power
to war upon it which was so studiously with
held.”
“ ‘Slavery is a fixed fact’ in your system.
We ask protection against all HOSTILE im
pediments to the introduction and peaceable
enjoyment of all our property in the territories;
whether these impediments arise from foriegn
laws {Mexican laws,} or from any pretended
domestic authority ; we hold it to be your duty
to remove them. Foreign laws can only exist
in acquired territory by your will, express,
or implied. It is a FRAUD on our rights
to permit them to remain jo our prejudice."
We submit the following extracts from the
address to the people of the southern states, of
May 7th, 1850, signed by Messrs. A. P. But
ler, Jackson Morton, R. Toombs, and J.
Thompson. The address was published in
behalf of a large number of southern represen
tatives, whigs and democrats, who recom
mended the establishment of a Southern Press
at Washington city to defend the rights of the
south.
“In the c r ntest now going on, the consti
tutional equality of fifteen Slates is put in ques
tion. Some sixteen hundred millions worth
of negro property is involved, directly and
indirectly, though not less surely, an incalcu
lable amount of property, in other forms. But
to say this, is to state less than half the doom
that hangs over you. Your social forms and
institutions, which separate the European and
tho African races into < ialinct clas-es. aa-l
ques.iori, Air' Ksphen s,
now believes, will have to be decide by the
same Supreme Court, under the Clay com
promise, which has just passed both bouses us
Congress. •
Is Mr. Stephens now, as he said, then be
would be in such an event, “for iHunion— i
openly, boldly and fearlessly for revolution ?” 1
Another interesting question—now for the
answer tc it.
Mr. Stephens then says, in immediate con- i
nection with this:
“ Now, I wish to say through your paper to
the public, who may not be informed on the •
subject, that the above statement is utterly un
true. I used no such language as is here at- ;
tributed to me, on the Clayton Compromise— |
I opnosed that measure and contributed all in !
my pvwer to its defeat, because it did * sur
render,’ in my opinion, 1 th* rights of the
south.’ I stand now by every word ai d sen
tence I ever spoke or wrote upon that meas
ure. It is not true that I ever said I should be
for disunion if that measure passed.
Mr. Stephens then proceeds to stale the po
: sitiou which he took, in his speech, in August
I last, at which time he used the language above
; misquoted by the Republic. He says;
, “And 1 stand by the same language now—
I 1 reaffirmed it in the presence of the Editor of '
i the Republic, in the public discussion in yeur
I city. My position cannot be mistaken by |
him, however he may attempt recklessly and
without regard to truth to misrepresent it to >
others.”
He proceeds to quote the 4th and seventh
of the resolutions srbmitted by him to the
meeting in Taliaferro to show that he took
the same position in them. He enters in o a
brief statement to vindicate his consistency.
He then says:
“Nor is it true, as stated in tae Republic,
that I said in my speech in Augusta “I am per
fectly satisfied with the Compromise—every
Georgian should be—we obtain £ven more than
we asked for.’ I used no such language in
tuat spgecjt. Ra the contrary. 1 said express
ly that those Bills were not in ie nature of a
Compromise at ali—that nothifcwas compro
mised in them—that r-aeh m- upon
...
Bitgyw the governrfMtlo protect?" 1
z “ We hold it to be the duty of their govern
ment to protect the persons and property of the
citizens of the united states wherever its flag
floats and it has paramount jurisdiction. And
ss a just corollary from this principle, we af
firm that as the territories of the United
States are the common property of the people
of the several states, we have the right to tn
ter them with our flocks and our herds with
our men servantsand our maid servants and
whatever else the laws of any of the states of
tliis union declare to be property, and to re
ceive full and ample protection from our com
mon government until its authority is right
fully superceded by a state government. This
istquity; this is whet we call equality, and it
jsjwhat you would cal! equity and equality
but for your crusade against slavery."
•■We ask protection against all hostile im
pediments to the introduction and peaceabls
enjoyment of all our property in the territories
whether these impediments arise from foreign
laws or from any pretended domestic author
ity, we hold it to be your duty to remove them
Foreign laws can only exist in acquired terri
tory by your will, express or implied. It is a
fraui upon our rights to permit them to re
mairito our prejudice."
“U’e demand an equal participation in the
wriolt country acquired, or a division of it
between the North and the South.”
“We are entitled to non-interference from
alien ind foreign governments. England owes
us thit much; France owes us that much;
Russia owes us non intervention. You owe
us mor° You You owe us protection."
“Our next and last acquisition was Califor
nia anil New Mexico. They are the fruits
of successful war. We have borne an equal
share qi' its burdens— We demand an equal
XS£tici|Ltion in Its benejils."
ffirTkg now shown what Mr. Toombs de-
l was its duly to do, we proceed to
1 were his grounds of resistance in
/ailure to perform it.
cane n f M' ds recc,lt letter to his constituents.
Fm-, Whig cau C‘"‘, «t the opening of
B 8 "’ 'r, n,y speech in December; in my
in Mm February; in my letter to Gov
Gongans j n March, I affirmed my own grounds
?P ei W- 'stance to the gover. ment, or disunion, to
I he abolition of slavery !
2nd. 'l’lie
ether grounds Os resistance, I did
not tjjandon or compromise one jot or tittle of
tliint 1 did not enlarge them to include the er
rors i?ad follies of Southern men, or diminish
them to conciliate the hostility of Northern
men; I stood by them and they are not viola
ted by the legislation which I am about to re
view.”
Froji Mr. Toombs’ speech, Dec. 13th 1849.
“ I do not, then, hesitate to avow before
this House and the country, and in the pre
sence of the living God, that if by your legis
lation you seek to drive us from the territories
of California and New Mexico, purchased by
the common blood and treasure of the whole
people ; and to abolish slavery in this District,
thereby attempting to fix a national degrada
tion upon half the States of this confederacy.
lam for disunion; and if my physical cou
rage be equal to tha maintenance of my con
victions of right and duty, I will devote all I
am and all I have on earth to its consumma
tion.”
FEBRUARY SPEECH OF 1850.
“No government can stand in America, or
ought to stand any where which brings its
powers in hostility to the property of the peo
pie.”
“Though the Union may perish— though
slavery may perish, 1 warn my countrymen
never to surrender their right to an equal par
ticipation in the common property of the re
public, nor their right to full and ample pro
tection of their property from their own gov
ernment. The day they do this deed
‘ THI-UL-FALL WILL BE LIKE THAT OF LuCIFKR,
NEVER TO RISE AGAIN.”
“ Whatever any of the St ites recognise as
property, it is the duty of this government to
protect. When it places itself in hostility to
property thus secured, it becomes an enemy to
the people, and ought to be corrected or sub
verted. This is a question which affects the
rigritsof ail the States. This is the only rule
which can preserve the harmony of the Union,
and enable the General Government to per
form impartially its duties to States having dif
ferent interests and institutions.”
“i_iemand to-day that protection for my
constituents which we have never withheld
from you. It is the price of our allegiance.
Let us understand each other.”
“ The sentiment of every true man at the
Sont|t will be—we took the Union and the
Was this intended as the bluster of the brag
gadocio. Was Mr. Stephens vainly trying to
ape Falstaff I Now let us see whether if the
Clayton Compromise bill had passed he would
have obtained the “just and equal rights” of i
his section, and lhe common right and com
mon justice, of which he spoke. Let Mr. Ste-1
pheus answer. He said in his speech on that i
bj; “This compromise bill, sir, did, in my |
o pinion, endanger and surrender the then rights ;
of the South by a continuance of the municipal i
laws of Mexico, which were of force at the
time of the conquest, and by which slavery ;
was abolished there.”
What did Mr. Stephens mean by his brave ■
words, that if the North voted the South down,'
and denied her her just rights, “it will be for I
tbe people of the South to adopt such a course I
as they may deem proper.”
What did he mean by saying “I do not stand I
here to make any threats in their name,” &c. i
What did he mean by saying, “Nor shall I ■
be awed or Intimidated,” &-c., “by any of the i
trembling alarms that the Union is in danger.” .
It is true that Mr. Stephens did not say, in
i so many words, that he would be in favor ol
| disunion if the Clayton compromise biil should
be passed. But what did all the above mean ?
i As our associate said it looked “disunimish.”
1 Let us see what Mr. Stephens said its pas
\ sage would do.
i t’Tben, air, what are we of the South to gain
jby this Compromise? Nothing but what we
I would have even with the Wilmot Proviso
\ the poor privilege of carrying our slaves into
a country where the first thing to be encoun
, tered is the certaia prospect of an expensive
; lawsuit, which m*y cost more than any slave
! is worth, and, in my opinion, with the absolute
certainty of defeat in the end. and with no law
■ in the meantime to protect pur rights oi proper-
Ity in any way whatever! This, sir, is the
- substance of the compromise, even in the most
1 favorable view it can be presented.”
Ber 12, 1850.
I’. =!!5
| twenty four
country,
tm concerned,
Whatever any
bfcjHslhr.
tr a a S lbT a a w !h"' e bel , n °y. we know that I
shr nL % h and tber efore we should n t
80e j. ?
fourteen or fifteen States of the confederacy—
all rest upon the result of the struggle in
which we are engaged. We must maintain
the equality of our political position in the
Union. We must maintain the dignity and
respectability of our social position before the
world; and we must maintain and secure our
liberty and rights, eo far as our united efforts
can protect them, and, if possible, we must
effect all 1 his within the pale of Union. The
union of the South upon these vital inteiests
is necessary, not only for the sake of the
South but perhaps for the sake of the Union.
We have great interests exposed to the as
saults not only of the world at large, but of
those who, constituting the majority, wield
the power of our own confederated States.
We must defend those interests by all legit
imate means, or else perish either in, or with
out, the effort. To make a successful defence
we must unite with each other upon the one
vital question, and make the most of our politi
cal strength. We must do more—we must go
beyond our entrenchments, and meet even the
more distant and indirect, but by no means
harmless assaults, which are directed against
“ A'l that we ask is, that he shall consider
the constitutional rights of the South, which
are involved in the great abolition movement,
as paramount to all party, and political con
siderations. And surely the time has come
when all Southern men should unite for pur
poses of self-defence. Our relative power in
the legislature of the Union is diminishing
with every census, tlie dangers which menace
us are daily becoming greater, and the chief
instrument iu the assaults upon us is the pub
lic press, over which, owing to our supineness
ihe North exercises a controlling influence.
So far as the South is concerned, we can
change and rever.-e this state of things. It is,
not to bo borne that public sentiment at th/
Soi»nr~sbould be stifled or controlled by the'
HMLeress-”
From another
formys 4 eEf NO d FOß OTHERS >BUa
TUR MY&ELF. Deprive us of this riglil
and appropriate this c< mmon properly to vour
selves, it is then your government, not mine.
I hen 1 am its enemy, and I will then, if I can,
bring my children and my constituents to the
altar of liberty, and like Hamilcar, I would
swear them to eternal hostility to your foul do
minion. Give us our just rights and we are
ready, as heretofore, to stand by the Union,
even pert of it. and >t« f n f,p„
Toornbs talked boldly about resistance, let us
see first, whether he had a hope ol getting
the justice lie demanded, and, secondly, whe
ther he obtained it.
FROM HIS FEBRUARY SPEECH.
Alluding to his demand to have the territo
ries opened alike to tlie people o! the South
and tlie Norih with their property of every
kind, he said:
“ The demand is just. I can see no reason
able prospect that you will grant it. Tlie fact
cannot longer be concealed— the declaration
of members here prove it — tho action of this
house is daily demonstrating it. that we are in
the midst of a legislative revolution, the object
of which is to trample under fool the consti
tution and the laws, and to make the will of
the majority the supreme law of the land.”
“Our security under the constitutian is ba
sed solely upon good faith. There is noth
ing in its structure which makes aggression
permanently impossible. It requires neither
skill nor genius, nor courage, to perpetrate it;
it requires only BAD FAITH. I have stu
died the histories of nations and the character
istics of mankind to but little purpose if that
quality shall be found WANTING in the FU
TURE ADMINISTRATION of our oum af
fairs."
Now we will show that Mr. Toombs fears
were fully realized.
The following is a part of the debate in the
House of Representatives:
“Mr. Seddon, of Va., moved the following
amendment, to come in immediately after the
provision that the Territories when formed
into States, should be admitted with or without
slavery, as the people should in their constitu
tions declare :
‘“And that prior to the formation of State
constitutions there shall be no prohibition by
reason of any law or usage existing in said
territory, or by the action of the territorial
legiala'ure, ot the emigration of all citizens of
the United States, mth any kind of oroperly,
recognized as such in any of tbe States of the
Union.’ ”
This just and reasonable proposition, for
which Mr. Toombs voted, obtained 55 votes,
and was lost by a negative of.Ss_yglL2fi__2£li!A
Greznsboro, Nov. 2, 18doT|
At a meeting of the Southern Rights i
party of Green county, on motion of Maj. R. '
L. McWhorter tho Hon. Thomas Stocks was I
elected to preside over the meeting.
Messis. J. M. Thornton and T. P. Janes
were appointed to act as Secretaries. The '
object of the meeting was then eloquently;
and succinctly stated by the Chau man
Whereupon the following Preamble and Re
solutions were presented by Dr. F. W. Chen-
ey.
PREAMBLE k resolutions.
When the Federal Constitution was adop
ted, the relations between the North
ern and Southern members of the confedera
cy were cordial and amicable. Having fram
ed a more perfect Union, to secure the gen- j
era! welfare, and for the maintainance of do-.
mestic tranquility, they mutually tolerated ,
each others dift'erences, and neither sought i
in a hostile manner, to thwart tbe interest
nor to disturb the peace of the other. The I
connection of the South with the institution |
of domestic slavery, was considered as no
bar to moral and political equality, and the |
North was willing that she should, without
interference, manage her own institutions in i
her own way. Unhappily, however in tbe
progress of time, a aad change lias taken
place for the worse. During tbe last twenty
years, influences have been at work in the
non slaveholding S.ates which have trans
formed them from brethren into systematic, j
determined and inveterate enemies; and we I
can be no longer blind to the fact, that from .
no other sonree have the Southern States u.
this confederacy reason tp apprehend greater j
danger to their peace and safety. The proof
of this is unhappily but too abundant. In
the year 1830, slavery was abolished iu the ;
British West India Islands by an act of Par-1
things in the Southern Slates, the larger nor"
‘ lon « f 'he press and of the political literature’
of the world has been directed against us
moral power of public opinion carries poi
itica] street, alon g with it, a O d,ifagai ns i u,
me tnust tores, io with H dj- fall." ’
a..-Shftr Tom
to defend tha rights of The
ly its case, the papers here (in WashingtHfi
are engaged in lulling the South into a false se
curity, and in manufacturing there an artificial
public sentiment, suitable for some Presiden
tial platform, though at the expense of any and
every interest you may possess, no matter
how dear or how vital and momentous ”
We have offered but little comment in con
nection with this presentation of facts from
the speeches and writings of Mr. Toombs.
We make no charge agrinst him of infidelity
to the south, but he will find it difficult to re
concile his former with his present position;
nor can he “refute the arguments” which
these extracts present, without denying and
refuting his previous lofty positions, and thril
ling vindication of southern honor,
and rights.
KJ* Some friends have asked us for more 1
miscellaneous reading. We beg them to in.
dulge us till the election is over. After that
time their wishes shall be gratified.
KT A report which reached us that Presi
dent Fillmore had ordered troops to Boston, to
enforce the fugitive slave law, turns out to be
untrue. It is contradicted by the Washington
City Republic the organ of the administration.
We think any dependence upon Mr. Fillmore,
to defend the rights of the South, will prove
idle and vain. H« is against us and time will
prove it.
[communicated.]
Messrs. Editors: As the opinions ot the can
4idates_ara differently understood, ’tis but na
tural, that some may desire to know for what
they vote. Allow us, then, to ask through
your columns, these short questions. Neither
of those eight gentlemen would de-ireto con
ceal their true sentiments from any voter, no
matter how humble?
■■■■candidates FOR THE CONVENTION FROM
RICHMOND COUNTY.
. opiuinion tbat a state has the rieht
Ia
the
Will you advocate the adoption of a Plat
form which, when encroached upon by the
North, will justify, in your opinion, the im-
the Union?
Will you advocate the imposition of a tax ;
discriminating between articles of Northern 1
and Southe: n Manufacture ?
Do you believe that, in the recent acts of con- I
gress for the settlement of the territorial and |
slavery questions, the South has been wrongid j
and the constitution violated ?
Are ycu in favor, in Con-cntion, of censur
ing the Legislature and Governor of Georgia '
for their aciion on this question ?
A. H. McLAWS.
JOSEPH E BURCH,
ALEXANDER DEAS, and others.
Augusta, Ist Nov., 1850,
Gcntlpmen—Having been nominated by
the Southern Rights Convention of Richmond
county, as candidates to represent said coun
ty in the state convention, to be held in Mil
ledgeville, on the 10th of December nett, we
fully recognize your right, to enquire into
our opinions, upon tlie great questions which
agitate tlie public mind ; and proceed cheer
fully, to reply to your questions, in the order
in which they are propounded.
Ist. Never have we for a moment, at any
period of our lives, doubted the right of a sov
ereign state of this Union, to resume the pow
ers delegated by it to the federal government
and to secede from the Union, whenever in its
judgment, its happiness, safety or honor
should demand it. Such has ever been the
doctrine, of the advocates of the true rights of
the states. We deem it only necessary to ex-
this opinion, without troubling you with
our reasons for it.
2nd. Should we be honored by our fellow
citizens, of Richmond county, with seats in the
convention, we woull “ advocate the adoption
of a platform” for the maintenance and secu
rity, of tho rights of Georgia, with the pledge
of the state, that it would secede from the uni
on, upon its essential violation, by federal le
gislation.
he acquisition of the
mines of California, which, if it bad had access
to them, wmild have increased its value in a two
fold degree. Not content with this, they have
cut off from Texas a large part of her territory,
whichXhey themselves tacitly acknowledge
to be hers in agreeing to pay her for it, and
by the same act, they make it obligatory upon
us, if we submit, to pay the greatest part ol
the bribe offered to Texas to desert our cause.
3rd. This hostility to us was shown again
in the prohibition of the slave trade in the Dis
trict of Columbia—a bill for which every north
ern representative voted—thus by act of Con
gress making it criminal to buy or sell slaves
in the District. Nor can this be excused on
the ground that some southern elates have
passed laws of the same kind : for tbe cases
are not at all paralei. Those southern states
enacted those laws to counteract a supposed
tendency in the more northern slaveholding
states to abolish slavery in their midst by re
moving tire blacks further south—while tbe
motive of Congress was to gratify abolition an
tipathies, and to make the sale and purchase
es slaves unlawful and disreputable. And as
if to make their motive more apparent still,
while they make it unlawful to trade in slaves
they refuse to pass a law with a punishment
adequate to the crime of those who decoy
servants away from their masters.
Such ia a brief though imperfect sketch of
Northern aggression upon us. If we were
assured that these are not to be succeeded
by further aggressions, degrading as it would
be to us, we yzoplJ endeavor, in the present
divided state of the South, to bring ourselves
into submission: but when did fanaticism
ever learn moderation from success. Tbe
same agencies which have produced these
Jesuits, are still in operation with inc/eaeed
vig- r aud efficiency. Unless they are met
j open the territories, to the people of the south 1
with their property of every kind, was rejecte
Iby northern votes. The people of the south,
1 will be debarred from moving to the territories
by the threatened and expensive lawsuits, a-,
effectually as they would haye been, by the
Wilmot proviso.
j 6th. Never should our votes be given in
convention, to censure the legislature anJ
Governor of Georgia, for their action on this
| quesiion. We believe they both did their du.
| ty I but even if they erred, we would not bring
| them down to the feet ol northern fanaticism
and oppression, by a vote of censure. They
j were seiking to protect our rights, against un
just assaults and encroachments; and we
would shield and protect them under the cir
' cumstances of their action. A declaration by
the convenlion, tbat the south has not been
wronged in the (miscalled) settlement of the
slavery question by Congress, and a vote cf
censure of the Legislature and Governor,
would degrade the state of Georgia, and sully
her hitherto untarnished honor, in the eyes of
the civilized world.
We are, very re pectfully, your obedient
servants. GEO. W. LAMAR,
JNO. C. SNEAD,
M A u M SMYTHE.
Messrs. A. H. McLaws, Jos. E. Borch A
Deas, and others.
NUMBER 46.
j The “ Union” 51 eeting at New York
1 he proceedings of the meeting on Wednes
day evening, occupy a large space in the New
York papers, but the following abstract,
which we find in the Baltimore American
gives the onl ine of all that was done on the
occasion.—Charleston Mercury.
. New York, Oct. 31.
Garden, in this cHy
-est assembly perhaps ever seen tn this city.
Hundreds were unable to gain admission into
the immense building. The best citizens, of
all pursuits, were in attendance, and there
seemed to be but one sentitnen' prevailing—
that for the Union, and nothing but the Union.
The people commenced assembling at an
early hour, and, about half-past 8 o'clock, the
meeting was called to order, by appointing
George Wood, Esq., President. He made a
brief and patriotic address, in stating the ob
ject of the meeting, which was to harmonize
all bad feeling, and give to the world an ex
pression of sentiment which would show tbat
the people of New York were not only for
the Union, but for maintaining ihe integrity of
tlie laws, and wf the constitution, at al! hazards
and against all encroachments, come from
where they may.
A letter was read from the Hon. Daniel
Webster, which, the H' raid says, rung like a
trumpet call from the mountains, speaking in
tones of thunder to the disorganizers ot the
day. The letter condemns them all, those of
the North and South. It ia purely patriotic,
and knows no cause but that of the Union.
A series of resolutions we e read, approving
the recent measures of Congress for the ad
justment of the dangerous questions arising
from the acquisition of terri.ory from Mexico.
Also, holding that these measures should be
sustained by every patriot in the land; holding
in gratitude the Senators and m mbers of
Congress who threw aside party prejudices, for
the sake of their country. Tlie resoluiions
censure severely those who, disregarding the
will of the majority, seek, by again agitating
the subject, to throw fire-brands into Congress
and the country: They regard the Fugitive
Slave Law,, as passed by Ceej7UHß~Tn ’1798,'’
and sigmd by Washington, as in accordance
with the express stipulations of the Constitu
tion. They finally oppose supporting any one
for office who is known to be hostile to the
present peace measures of the country.
The meeting continued io session until after
11 o’clock. During the whole time it was
marked by the strongest enthusiasm and feel
ings of patriotism.
The New 5 ork Evening Post, an Abolition
paper, in giving a list of the
Ameng them will be
of several sound democratic m f or t fi e
from lime
to time during the recent struggles to stand
firm in opposition to the encroachments of
slavery.
Mississippi.
The Mississippian contains an account of
the reception of Ex-Governor Brown, M. C.,
at Jackson. A snlute of five guns, repre
senting each one of her true sons in Congress,
was fired. A large assembly convened in
the Representative Hall and elicited a speech
from him. We extract the following para
graphs as worthy of particulai attention :
“ He asked where was submission to stop ?
Here was a estate admitted into the Union un
der circumstances, and with boundaries which
outraged ail precedent—a portion of Texan
territory was bid for, with no other object in
view than to withdraw it Irom the jurisdiction
of a slave State—the slave trade in the Dis
trict of Columbia was abolished to conciliate
the prejudices of Northern abolitionists—and
the abolition of slavery in that district receiv
ed a very respectable vote in both branches of
Congress. In the House there were silty-one
members voting for it and twenty-seven ab
sentees were known to be in favor of the bill,
makins at this early day seventy-eight votes
for the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia I Was submission to stop here, or
was it to go on at each advance step of the
Notth till the abolition of the slave t ade be
tween the States—the slave basis of represen
tation—and slavery in all our territories here
after to be acquired, and every 01 her measure,
to the purchase of slaven in Delaware and
other S.ates and their emancipation, were car-
■ ried out by Congress ?
“Gov. Brown was eloquent in his appeal
to the honor and patriotism of our people to
copy the glorious examples of their forefa
thers in resisting British encroachments.
To do so was at one time called treason, but
. ihe men of that day were not to be 'orced
into submission by any appeals of that kind,
' and they told their oppressors if resistance
o tyranny was treason—to make the most
i of it. What was treason soon became pa
triotism; and now the memories ot Washing
ton,
TnytHne slave i.-nde between tnewnesv'T llli ■.
swer that question But I have time wily toll
epeat my regret that I caniiol be with yoti t
Yours, trulv.
C. DOUGHERTY.
The Preamble and Resoluiiom tvere again
rend and adopted without a disseip-ifig voice.
On motion of Maj. McWhorter a committee
of seven were appointed by the chair, whose
duty it should be to nominate suitable candid
ates to represent the Southern Rights party
of Green, co., in tho state Convention to be
held in Milledgeville on the 10th of December
next; Whereupon the following gentlemen
were appointee, Messrs. J. R. Sanders L.
Green, A. S. Williams, D. Geer, J. M. Hough
ton, J. D. English, and James A. Thornton.
The committee nominated the following gen
tlemen, Jesse M. Thornton, Dr. A. H. Rr.ndie
R. J. Willis, and C. N. Daniel. On Gtotion of
Dr. Cheney the Committee were empowered
to fill vacancies if any of thq nominees should
fail to accept. On motion, the thanks of the
meeting were tendered, to Mr. Smythe for his
able and eloquent address, also to the Chair
man and Secretaries for the efficient discharge
oflheir respective duties.
On motion of Dr. T. P Janes, the proceed
ings of this meeting were ordered to be pub
lished in the Augusta Republic and all other
papers friendly to Southern rights. On mo
tion the meeting was adjourned sine die.
THOMAS STOCKS, Chairman.
T. P. Janes, J.M. Thornton, Secretaries.
LOST.
ABOUT a week since, between this city aud
Atlanta, a uete for fifteen hundred dollars,
dated October 15tb, 1850. Principal, Thomas
R Thomas ; endorser, John E. Thomas ; note iu
favor of Samuel T- I’attenon.
AU persons are hereby cautioned against tra
ding for said note, and if d«livercd to me, the
finder will be paid a reward of 810.
SAMUEL T. PATTERSON.
N- B Said LOU may be delivered te any of the
■"■Editore ot ikis city. '■ t- 1