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J.IHKS fiKVTHK, Krfifsr.
No. 12.—NEW SKRI ICS.]
TO ADVERTISERS.
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Sales of hand and Negroes by Kxee utors. Ad
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to be advertised, in a public tiaxette, six'tf ifttys
previous to the day of sale.
The sales of Personal Property must be adver
tised in like manner,/orry days.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Kstate
must be pubm-diodybrfy rf*tys.
Notice that application will be made to the
Court of Ordinary, for lent e to sell Land or Ne
groes, must be published for Jonr months — I
notice that application will be made for letters i
of Administration, must be published thirty days;
and betters of Dtsuiissu months. < !
SPEECH OF MR. STEPHENS,
OF OCOKtiIA,
The joint resolution tor Ike annexation of
Texas being under consideration in the.
Committee of the Whole on the state of the
Union.
Hottsfi or Rkfrkskntativks,
January ‘J5,1845. )
Mr. Stephens said;
Mr, Chairtnan It is more from ft sense
of duty to myself, that my position and
view* may be correctly understood in the
vote 1 may give on the several proposi
tions now upon the table, as they may he
severally presented when the hour of tn.
king the vote arrives, than from nay expec
tation of saying anything interesting to the
House, that I now venture to invito the at
tention of members to what I am about to
oiler for their consideration. The subject
before us is of no ordinary importance.—
Its magnitude seems to tie duly felt by eve
ryoue. And seldom, perhaps, if ever, has
it been surpassed in interest by any that
have ever been discussed within these
walls. It is a matter of great concern, as
well to the people of Texas as to the peo
ple of tlm United States. 1 loth commies,
therefore, are anxiously watching its pro.
gross ; for it involves, to some extent, the
harmony, well being, and destinies, of
both, i have considered it. a groat and
momentous question, from the time of its
first agitation. Anti the same x lews must
have struck not only thu politician and
statesman, bur the most careless observer
of public affair* ami passing events. It is
also a question which to me losoa node or
its interest as its decision approaches.—
Us vastuess and magnitude, like great ob
jects in nature, swell out and enlarge as
we come nearer to it. The mountain in
the distance, clothed in its " ar.uro hue,’’
looks all smoothe and even; hut experience
ns well as poetry tells us, it is the dis
tance that gives ''enchantment to the view ”
Surveyed at its base, in the gloomy shade
of its august frown, it no longer presents
the delusive prospect of an easy and enti.
cing ascent. The abrupt front and rugged
surface too plainly show tlm dangers and
difficulties that beset and environ its few
atitl narrow passes.
So, sir, with this subject, as we approach
nearer to it, its surface is far from appear
ing oven and smooth. Already wo sou its
projecting rocks; the high impending dill’s;
the deep ravines ; the frightful chasms—
and sometimes, I must confess, I fancy I
hear the portentous rumbling ofits slumb
ering volonnio fires. May Hot] grant that
my apprehension may prove to bo Confided
only in alarm, or that their destructive on
orgies may never he fully awakened and
actively aroused.
Before attempting, however, to encounter
its difficulties or to surmount its heights, l
will premise by stating, that, upon the ul>
struct question oftlie annexation of Texas,
or the union of the Government of that
country with this, upon just and proper
principles, I am favorably inclined, and
have been from tbo beginning. Hut I am
far from saying that I um in favor of any
kind of a uniun, or that I am prepnred to
vote, ns sonic gentlemen have said fur thorn,
solve*, for cither or any of the plan* lor
annexation which have been referred to
this committee With me, much depends
upon the form, the nature, and the terms of
the proposition ; for while I might yield a
willing and cordial support to one, I sliould
not hcsitnle to give a similar opposition to
another. lam far from declaring myself
for Texas any how and in any may. The
benefits to be derived from all human insti
tutions, and the practical usefulness of all
measures, even the wisest, dopund eminent
ly on detail; and upon my opinion of the
propriety of tlm details of tlm several plans
now be (ore the committee will depend my
vote whan the question coutos to be token
upon them, respectively. As much ns I
desire this addition to our Republic upon
what ! conceive to he correct and proper
prino ; |>liis, yet upon others, and upon some
of those now before us, I should not liovi
tatc to reject it, as ono of the greatest pos
sible evils with which wo could bo cur*,
cd.
In what l have to say, therefore, for grea
ter perspicuity, and for tlm purpose of be.
jug better understood in relation to tho va
rious plans, I will, if tlm committee will
bear with mo, proceeded to state—
In tlm first place, what kind of a proposi
lion I will not support: secondly, what
kind of a one I will support; thirdly notice
some of the objections 1 have heard in op
position ; and, lastly, if my time per
mils, offer some of the reasons which influ-
cnee me in supporting such a measure as 1
shall stale.
In the first place, then, I wish it distinct,
ity understood, that l am opposed to tin
r lan reported by the chairman (Mr. C. J.
ngoisull) of the Committee on Foreign Af
' fairs. That is the plon which is now iinnie
diatelv before us. It is tin exact copy of
| the treaty rejected by theSenato last spring,
and which I have never failed, upon all
proper occasions, to condemn, ever since
! its provisions were mude knew a. My ob
jections to it aro two fold. Ii ’eaves the
| slavery question, upon which no numb has
been said in this debate unsettled ; and it
also provides for the assumption by this
Government of the debts of Texas
Mv friend and colleague (Mr. Haralson)
yesterday, and another friend aad colleague
(Mr. Cobb) whomo 1 now see in his seal,
the day betore, stated 'hat men of all par
ties in Georgia were in favor of amVxa
tion ; but neither of thus# gentlemen, 1 pre
sutne, would venture to assert that any
party in the State are favorable to aunexa
tion upon the terms of that treaty.
. [Mr- Haralson interrupted, and was un. j
derstood to say that w hat he had stated,
and now repeated, was, that tho people of
Georgia were in favor of immediate annex,
alien, ami ho was prepared to entry out
their wishes in any way tho object could he
accomplished, j
Mr. Stephens. Then I suppose the gen
tleman is prepared to voto for the terms
of t’ml treaty ?
| Mr. Haralson tigain replied by saying,
ns he was understood, that he did not in
tend to he driven off by a quibble of that
sort ; lie was ready to voto for any proper
plan. |
Mr. Stephens continued. No quibble',
Mr. Chairman. 1 ton, nm prepared to vote
for any proper plan ; but is that treaty, the
proposition in snhstnrtci now before ns, n
proper plan 1 That is tlm question.
That party with which 1 act in that State
luts always been in favor of annexation ns
soon as it could he honorably, peaceably,
ptopei'lf, and practically done, hut no soon
er.
Ami it is true, that the party with which
my colleague outs, during tlm late canvass,
went for "immediate annexation” us he
stated ; some of them upon otto plan, anti
sonic upon another, and some upon no plan
in paitieiilar, except to get tho territory in
any way possible, and then to "lottery it
off” amongst the people. And calcula
tion*, 1 believe, were mndo i t Romo parts,
showing how many aeicacnuh voter would
get in Jliis way; nil these humbugs” had
their day and champions, and porhup, at'
NWercd their purport'. Hut amongst nil
the scheme* n<! vacated there, it was gener
ally wry carefully omitted to say mutth in
defence of thnt treaty. Nor do I believe
that the people of Georgia of either party,
desirous as I know them in the main, of
belli parties, to be for annexation upon pro
per terms, would he willing to see it accom
plished according to the provisions of that
measure,
The same 1 will venture, to affirm of
tho people of the South generally,of all par.
ties.
Sir, tho distinguished gentli ninn from
Smith Cnmlinit (Mr. Holmes) tlm other
day said, what 1 consider, in effect, ns do.
during tiuvt the .Southern man who would
not voto for tlm term*of that treaty was
either "a foul or a knnv>
1 Mr. Holmes rose and suit!, thnt what
he had stilted was, thnt tiny Southern mnu
who would consent tndivido tlm Toxuntor.
rltory between tin* Slnvt holding uiul non
.Slaveholding hit* rests would he either “a
fool or n knave,” and such wns still Id* o
pinion.]
Mr. Stephens continued. Exactly so,
sir ; and so I understood him. And how
tlid thnt treaty, or how does tho plan now
upon your table, dispose of and adjust those
interests? Where is tin guaranty it cor.,
tain* for the security of any porti >n, much
leas one Imlf of the uountrv or territory for
tlto slavrlioldiltg interests ? Upon this sub
ject, which that gentleman thin'. , so vi'ul
nud important, ihtti tic.ic and the plan
now before us nrc as silent as the grnvo ' —
And would tlm Southern men who sould
vote to have tho country . qually divided
between tho slovoholding and non.slave,
holding Interests be uny morn " a foal or n
knave" thuti the mnn vv ho would veto for
the acquisition of that extensive territory,
larger titan several of tho largest States of
this Union together, or the Kingdom of
France, us some gentlemen huvosuid, bor
dering upon thru* ol the slave Slates of tlto
Union, without any settlement of thnt quo*.
lion, or adjustment of thruo iutortslat—
Leaving ii for a Allure House of llt«pr«UM(i
tatives, wheni the majority will he decid
idly ojtjinstd 10 the slave.lidding interest*,
10 make tin; division ? I should not call
any man who may or might ao vote, either
“ a knavtt or a fool.” I use no such lan
towards any member on this Horn
I *uppoae every one will vote according to
the dictates of his judgment, and what he
conceives to he for the bant interest* of tho
country. This in the rule I claim for my
self, and I urn disposed to conccJe it to oth
ers. Hut this 1 will not -hesitate to »«y :
that no Southern man could pursue, in my
opinion, a more uuwise course than to vote
for any measure upon this subject without
a settlement and establishment of the line
I dividing those interests. If slavery is to
exist in any part of the territory, let it be so
stated. Let it be “ nominated in the bond.”
Le.t it be inserted in the compact of union,
of whatever character it may !»e, whether
in the form of a treaty or a bill or joint re.
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
XVAWIHWrOAI, WII.KKB l.tVt'X. GA-. FKUHI tltV 47, 1814.
; solution fiw hi t admission as a State, or in
am other way. Not can I say upon this
| point, with the honorable chairman of the
Committee on Foreign A Hairs, (Mr. 0. J.
j Ingersoll.) who reported this plan, which
' is so vtwm upon this most important matter
connected with it, that it is unm eessnrv to
\ adjust tliat question new ; thnt u sufficient
| unto the day is the evil thereof.” The an
thority ol Scripture, 1 admit, is good, when
properly use.); hut, unfortunately, it is not
| always m> applied. And whoever lifts read
l the history ol the temptation in the wilder,
ness, will doubt!.ss agree with me that this
is not the first instance of its misapplica
tion. 1 should rather say, lot us not put
off tlto evil hour; let the members from
different parts of the country understand
themselves upon this question «t the thresh
hold. Distinct understanding* often avoid
! unnleasant differences anil difficulties, ns
well between Sti tes ns individuals, ts i
Texas is to he brought into the Union, upon
what terms is it to t o done? Is it to he a
free or a slavo Territory, or is it to he sub
jeet to the operation of the Missouri compro
miso within similai limits ? The honora
ble chairman to whom I have just alluded,
in a paper put forth hv him lust summer,
said, in his classic language, that annexa
tion would ho the euthanasia of slavery, the
easy death of that institution !
Is that the object, then, if those who ad
voento his plan? Do they intend, after
carrying tlm measure for annexation, with
out any tiling being said upon slavery, to
oppose the admission of any slave State in
to the Union, formed out id’ that territory *
Is tills the object ami designV If so, why
not avow it ? And, if not, why not *av at
once what part shall he admitted ns States
with slavery, if the people so < house ?
Why leave it an open question ? My ren.
.sim for wishing it settled in the beginning,
and for opposing any and all measures and
plans which leave it unsettled, 1 do not lies
itnte to make known, 1 fear the excite
ment growing out of the agitation of the
question hereafter may endanger the har
mony and even existence of our pr< sent U
niuit. Suppose this measure should pass;
I mean the plan proposed by tho Committee
on Foreign Affairs: and i\ xns shortly
hereafter should apply for admission ns a
Stale into the Union, and the restriction*
proposed for Missouri should ho imposed
upon her—can any oil# he so blind as not to
know what would he the result, or so infat
uated as not to r» -nil'll the eomvi quence* ?
If so, I conies* it i.- not theou t with invuolf,
I have nn ardent attachment lor this Union.
Upon its existence and continuance, our
prosperity, happiness, mid safety, depends
ami patriotism -true putriolixm -whieli,
a* I understand that term, means love ol
one's own country above all others—com
pels me to declare that, tot ntiieli ns I feel
lor the interests and vvelfure of the people
of Texas, I feel much more for tlm interests
and vvelfure of the people of this country ;
and us much us I admire the lustre of tho
" lone star,” ns some gentlemen have been
pleased to designate our neighboring Re
public, I feel much great. u admiration for
tlm bright galaxy of tho twenty-six brilliant
stars of our ow n glorious tu mdellntibn ;
ami rather thun sec iior shooting irregular
ly from Inn pluae, producing disorder and
confusion in our well-balanced system, I
should greatly prefer to let Iter “ heain on”
w ith increasing spfrmlor. a.- a fixed Ntar in
Mho political firmament. Though slid might
never reach tlm first magnitude, yet her
position would ever rentier Iter conspicuous
amongst tho nations of the earth.
But if gentlemen from tho North arc sin
cero in their professions; if they consider
the annexation of Texas u great national
question; if our own greatness and glory
art to he increased thereby, and our own
union and harmony are not to bo disturbed;
if they aro disposed to abide by the compro
mise established ut tho admission of Mis
souri, by w hich alone thnt harmony can he
jirosorved, let them say so new, and lenvr
no door open for future disputation, dissen
sion, nud strife. I speak plainly, nnd wish
to ho understood. I want to set- no oro
om u nrts practi s'd upon tee South, or upon
this country ; and 1 want to see no huge
" wooden ho.so” (nought within the walls
of this Confederacy, iindor the feigned aus
pice* of any false divinity.
And now I must ask to h,« indulged in
snying something upon the official oorres
potidonee connected w ith this subject,which,
though it dneii not relate directly to tho
merits of tlm question, yut nevertheless is
olosely connected therewith. Against that
correspondence, its spirit, its piineiple* ami
doctrines, 1 protest. It has placed t he an
nexation of Texas upon the ground of its
being necessary to strengthen the institution
of slavery in the Hiule* ; and for this ob
ject, and with this view, this Government Is
culled upon to act and legislate in the case.
Mv objection is, that the General Gov.
Crnittent III* no power to logFlato for any
such purpose. If I understand tho nature
efthia Government, nnd the ground alwny*
heretofore occupied by the South upon this
subject, it is, that slavery is peculiarly a
doinestio institution. It is ft matter that
concerns the Stale* in which it exists, sev
erally, separately, and exclusively, and
with w hich this Government has no right
to interfere or to legislate, further than to
secure the enforcement of rights under ex
isting guaranties of the Constitution, and
to supprt ss insubordinations and insurrec
tions, if they arise- Beyond this, there is
no power in the General Government to
act upon the subject, with a view either to
strengthen or weaken the institution. For,
if the power to do one be conceded, how
eaujffiwt to do the other he denied ? Ido
not jk Hites* t,> belong to that svlmol of poll
ticisns who claim one construction of the
Constitution yn* day, when it favors my in*
tvre-», and oppose the same, or a similar
om ,Mi* next day, when it happens to he
ng:u sst me. Truth is fixed, indexible, im
tnutfibb', and eternal, unbending to time,
circumstances, and interests; and so should
he the rules and principles by which the
Constitution is consumed and interpreted.
And* what has been the position of tin l
South for years upon this subject 1 What
has been the course of Iter members upon
this fioor, in relation to tho reception of
abolition petitionsf Has it not been, Hint
slavery is a question upon which Congress
onnn.it not, except in the cases I have Mu
ted—whore it is expressly provided by the
Gon.'titution that Congress bus no jtirisdio- |
’iOPfiftpyott please, over the subject and i
that jnWrofore it is improper tied dbeloss', if *
not unconstitutional, to receive petitions
asking what Congress cannot constitutional- j
ly grant? This has been tho ground as-!
suim and by the Mouth, and upon which these
petitions have been rejected for years by
this House, until tho rule wns rescinded ut
the beginning of this session. And how
ever much gentlemen from different parts
of the Union have differed in opinion upon
the extent of lire abstract right of petition,
and the propriety and expediency ofreceiv
iog all kinds of petitions, whether toi con-
stitutional objects or not, yet I believe they
have always been nearly all agreed in tills,
that Congress lias no light or power to in
terfere w ith the institutions of the State*.
This, sir, is our safeguard, and in it is our
only security; it is the outpost and bulwark
of our dofetioo- Yield this, uml you yield
every thing. Grant the power to act or
niyW upon the subject, yield the jurlsdlo
tioil, tall upon Congress to legislate with
l hill view presented in that correspondence,
nnd iusteuil of strengthening, I hoy might
deem it proper to weaken tho*o Institutions;
and whore, then, is your remedy ? I ask
Southern gentlemen, where, then, is their
remedy ? Wo were reminded tho other
day by n gentleman from South Carolina,
(!\fr. Holmes,) that we were in a minority
on this floor. It is true, wo are in a tin
utility; nut) ik it wise in a minority to yield
their strong position, their a tiro and safe
fortress, to the majority, for them to seize
nud occupy to their destruction ? No, sir;
never. Upon this subject, I tell gentlemen
from the South, and the people of tlm
South, to Miami upon thu Constitution as it
is, nud that const ruction which has been
uniformly given to it upon this point, from
th qj* .dewing «f the Government TM* <*
our shield, wrought in the furnace of the
Revolution. It is brond, ample, Arm, nnd
strong; ami we want no further promotion
or security than it provides. But this is
not nil. That correspondence not only
m*kes slavery a national question, nnd
ciijls upon Congress to treat it us such, and
legislate in reference to it us such, but it
lias even thrust tho whole subject into for
cl*>n diplomacy; mid those .Suite institu
tions which heretofore wore never held to
bo proper topics for discussion nud ngitu
tion, even upon thi* floor, are now deemed
proper subjects of legitimate correspond
ence between this Government, in its na
tional diameter, and the inotil influential
nod powerful Courts of KtirUpe. Where
itA«ill end, I know not. Hut the whole
piveewluigs I consider as untimely, uncoil
e(Mfnr, and exceedingly Improper; nnd
against it, a* * Southern man, a Georgian,
and us nn American, I protest.
Upon the institution of slavery, sir, I do
not intend to speak here, either of its origin,
history, present condition nud necessity, or
of ita evils and abuses It is not the pro
p.-r place, I Imvu been led to say whut I
have, in staling >uy first objection to the
proposed plan for the annexation of Texas;
which is, that it leaves this nn open ques
tion, for mischievous and dangerous discus
sion hereafter.
Thu other objection to that plan is, tlmt
it provides lor tho assumption of tlm debt
of r I '.xn*—at lenst, to the extent of ten
millions ol dollars. N>rdo 1 consider this
matter of debt “all smoke,” us another
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. illicit)
said the other day; or, at luiihi, where there
smoke. I fear tin ru is "some
fir:)' quite enough to "blister our lin
gers,” if wo handle'it much There are
other obligations, nl any rate, which I
think we would bo deiltg modi bettor to Im
looking niter first. Wo ought to Im just be
fore we undertake to bo generous. Goof,
gijt has not yet been reimbursed lor expen
dimes made In behalf us the common de
fence during the late Indian difficulties;
and tlm (sit Ill'll I soldier, In many 111*111111* iq
ban not yet been successful in getting bis
honest due* for service* and loss of proper
ty in llioso campaigns. We might cer
tainly to pay our own debts first; ami after
that, we have other debts, still much nearer
homo, if we are disposed to fie liberal with
the public money. .Several of the Stain*
oftlie Union, unfortunately, are largely in
debt- Andi have nut been a little surpri
sed at the course of oortatn gentlemen upon
question, wiio w.'re not long since ex-
Aoedingly clamorous ugainst the monstrous
%nd unconstitutional assumption oftlie debt*
ft the States, which was without foundation,
and altogether gratuitously, charged upon
tlicii opponents, but who now see no objec
tion at all, no constitutional impediment, to
die assumption of the debts of a foreign
country, it is destruction to the Constitu
tion, according to their logic, to pay the
debts of the States ; but there is no olwfacle,
nothing more formidable than “ smoke,”
which s.Hin disappears and vanishes, in ilia
wav of paying the debt of Texas. There
is one part of Scripture l would commend
j to the attention of such gentlemen ; and it
is that which describes the inconsistency of
j n class of people of old, who “ strained at
j gnats, and swallowed camels.”
i Hut who knows the amount of our lia
bility to he incurred by (lie assumption of
j that debt ? It is true the committee only
: propose to pay ten millions ; hut who docs
j not know, that if we take Texas, with her
j sovereignty, lands, nnd all her property, as
: that plan proposes, wo will become liable
for her whole debt, let the amount boas
large as it may ? And tiro gentlemen pro
pared thus to incur nn unknown liability ?
[Horn Mr. C.J. Irtsersoll, chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, inter.,
ruptod to explain, and stated that the min
isters of Texas had estimated the debt at
between seven and eight miMiui.al; hut the
committee had put the amount al ten mil
lions, so us to cover every thing.)
Mr. Stephens continued. Yes, air, I
know all that ; hut "ill the honorable
chairman oflho Comm ill eo on Foreign Af.
fairs umieriuko to sav to tho House that
ten millions will cover the present debt of
Texan?
| Mr. lngersoll replied, that he made tho
statement on tho authority of the Texan
ministers. |
Mr.Stephens proceeded. Yes, sir; hut
up to what time did that estimate refer ?
As far back as 18-11 ; three—four years a
go. It tuny Imvo been going on and in
creasing ever since. 1 want to know what
it is tit this time. If I have linen correctly
informed, the authorities ol’Toxas have not
even kept nn account of tlioir debt since
1841, uml do not themselves know Its ox
tent. If they did, why did not their iniiiis
tors toll whut it was in 18*14 ? Either ho
cause'they did not know, or because the »-
mount wns too frightful to disclose. Many
men of fortune owed hut little in 1841, who
have long since been bankrupt. Ami puo.
pie in debt aro generally in tlm linbit of
estimating their liabilities for short of their
real amount, (t is sufficient for mo thnt
we have no authentic information upon tho
extent of thut debt at this time; and tlm
absence of information Isomlnousof itself.
I have heard it estimated by Homo nt twen
ty million*, others forty, nnd some us high
as sixty. For my part, I should about us
hooii iiiicmpt to count the Nturs in tlm heav
ens, or estimate tlm “ number of the doud,”
us to oonio to any accurate and satisfacto
ry opinion upon tlm real amount of tlpit
debt, or the extent of tlm liability which
this Government would incur by a reckless
SMViwpllon of it, wholly m tlm dark, ami
without information. This leap 1 urn not
prepared to make.
For these reasons, I cannot voto for thu
proposition of tho Committee on Foreign
Adairs; and ns my time is passing so rap
idly that I shall not ho able to notice the
various other plans, tho one offered by the
gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Douglass,)
uml the one by ilm gutiilernuii from Ohio,
(Mr. Weller,) ami tlm one by tlm gentlo
mnn from Kentucky, (Mr. Tibet tit) a”d
the one by tho gentleman from New Yoik,
(Mr. Robinson,) uml various others—nix
teen in all, I believe; I will briefly sav,
that each and every mm of thorn is liable
to one or tho otlioi objections I have stated,
or other consideration* growing out of the
subjects to which I have alluded. 1 can
not, tlmrufuro, notice them singly and sepa
rately.
All of them fall within tlm scope of my
objections; am! I pas* on to wlmt I propos
ed to do in the second place ; which was,
to statu what kind tis a proposition for an
nexation I would support, and upon whut
terms and principles i would consent to a
tmiun of Texas with this country. These,
sir, arc imhodiud and set fortli in the [dun
submitted by the gentleman from Tonnes
nio, (Mr. Milton Brown ;) nnd us thnt plun
bus been printed and laid before members,
and gentlemen can read its terms at their j
leisure, if they uro not already familiar
with them, 1 will not detain tlm committee
by a recapitulation. It propose! to admit
Texas as a State af once, and leaves Imr
debts urid her lands for her own manage
ment, just os Georgia and other Himes,
with their debts and rich donnun, oaino in
to thu Union at the formation fff tho Gov.
ornrrient. Not only this, it settle* the sla
very question. It leave* no floor open for
future mischief, discord, and strife, from
that quarter. It loaves tio prospect for an
other Missouri agitation, which once came
well nigh destroying tho Government; but
it quiet* and puts to rest forever all distur
bance on that question, nud that, too, upon
tlm terms oftlie compromise agreed Upon
on the admission of Missouri. With that
the country is farruliur, and the people in
all parts seem to bo satisfied.
Ami, witli thi* exposition, I shell say no.
thing further upon that point, but will pro.
Cecil to notice som* of'ho objections urged
against the proposer! action, which apply
to thi* plan ns well a* others. Theeo ole
jection* aro of two clause* ; first, those
1 which look to the .foreign, and, secondly,
those which relate to tbo domestic aspect
oftlie question. I shall speak of each In
lhr4f order.
First, of the Foreign. And upon this
view I wish to be understood as paying no
I regard to tho various treaties which gentle
j men have said so much about 1 have no
tiling to say of tbo treaty of 1803, with
j Franee, by which Louisiana was acquired,
ior whether we did, by that treaty, uctuui
j’ygcta good title to any portion of the
country west of the Sabine or not. Net
11. J. HAIM* I 1,. Fries!'r.
j shall 1 say any tiling of the treaty of Inltl
I with Spain, Ity winch we got the Florida*,
and agreed upon the .Sabine as a boundary
- between us and the neighboring Spanish
, provinces in that quarter; or the treaty
(of 18.13) of amity with Mexico, alter the
establishment of her independence. All
these, 1 consider, have very little to do
with tlm real merits of the question. If
wo did get u good title to Texas by tlm trea
ty of 1803, we certainly parted with it, by
solemn I'iigugemont, by tlm troaly of 1810.
Nor uml disposed to lied fault with tbo
Ireuiy of 1810. By it wo got, in consider
tion of’’ve millions of dollurs, and tlm re
linquishment of a disputed claim for all
west of tbo Sabine, a settlement for ull
oust, and tlm Fluridus beside* } which was
a great acquisition at that day. It was so
considered by Mr. Monroe, Mr. Gullioun,
Mr. Wirt, und our own distinguished and
highly gil'u J Ohm .‘si; J ; all Sop'Urmrqenk
statesmen, ttXid putriols, Tlu'sij all garef
it tlioir approval und sanction at ilm time—
and I take it for grunted thnt tho treaty,
under tho circumstaucos, w-as not only u
good one, but highly advantageous to tlui
country. It was nil important for us to
have Florida ; nnd 1 do not see how wo
could well do without it. Bui oven if that
treaty were not a good one, we could not,
in good faith, at thi* time, go beyond it.—
We would bo stopped by our own deed and
compact. That, therefore, I think is out of
tlm question. Nor do I conceive that the
treaty of Jwfio, between this country and
Mexico, has much more todo with the caso.
Huh Texas acquired Imr independence, and
is she entitled to be considered ns one of
tho nations of the earth? This i* tlm
only point, upgn thin view of tho subject,
entitled to oonsiuurntion. And 1 oonfots
litis aspect of tlm ease, in my opinion, lias
materially changed since this question was
first (Started. Then it is true, after protrac
ted nnd ineffectual efforts On the part of
Mexico to re-establish her authority, there
wns no uotual war going on in Texas ; no
llagruns helium raging ut tlm the time. But
the armistice which had for some time been
agreed .j.ju, and Ity whiult hostilities bad
been suspendml, hud just terminated, and a
proclamation had been made by Mexico for
a renewal of hostilities. There was every
reason to expect that another effort would
ho made ; nnd how fur, under such ciroum
atunoes, it wits just und proper for this
country to make herself a party to such
war, ns shu would have done by taking
Texas to herself, nnd bow far our national
honor and national good faith might have
been involved in such course, was a grave
nnd Important question, and well deserving
tho calm and wriau* consideration of our
Government. A nation’s honor und good
faith aro of groat value—above all price—
and should not bo rashly sacrificed ; tlmy
should !>u guarded, watched, ami defended,
with prudence, wisdom, firmness and pntri
olUrn ; and if error ever should ho commit
ted in regard to those, it seems to be the saf
er course to let the error be in a leaning to
the side of honor and good faith. But, a
part from this, it was a grave question,
how fur it was discreet uml proper for this
country to involve herself In n war, oven if,
in the eyes of all the world, it should have
been viewed right and justifiable, when
not in defence of Imr own eili'/etiH. Warm
all times is a great evil; it is tlm ultima ra
tio regam- -tlm last resort of nations for
the redress of grievance*, when argument
and ronsori have tailed; and while it should
never bo shunned or avoided when the case
arise*, it should never bo courted in antici
pation, Al! these view* were presented
fry the circumstances when this agitation
commenced; but since then wo have scon
thnt Mexico has failed to act in accordance
with hor proclamation ; slm has failed to
ronow tho war, Her Congress, it is re
ported, lias failed and refused to voto tho
necessary supplies; justifying the infer
ence that sho Im* abandoned the intention
of making an y further attempt to re estab
lish her power atid authority in Texas, and
leuving the present. Government in tho pos
session of tho undisputed sovereignty of
that country, and fully authorized to bn
treated as other independent and sovereign
I’ownr*. Nay, more ;we sec Mexico !ior
selfnow convulsed with internal revolu
tloit; inti'jfliim.war now rages throughout
her fimilt/f a rid site seen?* n<r loti get a file
to maintain tier cftvn institution*. The Gov
ernment in existence there so late as Inst
year has recently been overthrown. Divi
ded and torn to pieces by feud* and (ac
tion*, she appear* to day much less stable,
if not less capable of maintaining Imr inde
pendence, than Texas. Anarchy teign*
throughout her borders, und it would be
diflieult to say if she hits tiny Uoveriimvnt
at this time, either '/<- I'uclo or dr jure. Her
claims, therefore, I am not disposed any
longer to regard. Mho is clearly horn dr.
combat, 10 fur os this question is Concern
ed ; for if Mexico has abandoned tho war,
or forfeited her right by unreasonable de
lay, or lias proved unable to carry it on,
Texas lias certainly established her inde
pendence, and is entitled to be considered
and acted towards as other independent na
tions. And if this he so, oi com v- our so
considering and treating her cannot inter-
Here at all with the obligations of our tres
tv of boundary and «ir.ity with Mexico.**-
The only inquiry, therefore, tipi tribe fbr*--
going aspect of the question is, whether
Texas is now entitled to be considered one
oft Sic independent nalionsofthe earth s and
for inv own part, I sec no reason why she
should not he. As for Knglaud, or Fiance,
or other countries, and their • feelings and
wishes, I have nothing to say. They have,
nothing mere ur-do with the t-tR-sfon item
(YOU AIK \Y\,