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Southern courant. (Washington, Wilkes County, Ga.) 18??-18??, February 27, 1845, Image 1

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qMMmAuub J.IHKS fiKVTHK, Krfifsr. No. 12.—NEW SKRI ICS.] TO ADVERTISERS. t not ex coding om sqiii iftoertioti, Herentp-Jik* Vents; and tor v sequent insert mil, Fifty Cents, A reduction will bo nude of twt#ty4ivt to tht«c who advertise by tin' year. Advertisements not limited when handed in, Will in l inserted till tor bid, and charged accordingly. Sales of hand and Negroes by Kxee utors. Ad ministrators andduardtarts, are required by law, to be advertised, in a public tiaxette, six'tf ifttys previous to the day of sale. The sales of Personal Property must be adver tised in like manner,/orry days. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Kstate must be pubm-diodybrfy rf*tys. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for lent e to sell Land or Ne groes, must be published for Jonr months — I notice that application will be made for letters i of Administration, must be published thirty days; and betters of Dtsuiissu months. < ! SPEECH OF MR. STEPHENS, OF OCOKtiIA, The joint resolution tor Ike annexation of Texas being under consideration in the. Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. Hottsfi or Rkfrkskntativks, January ‘J5,1845. ) Mr. Stephens said; Mr, Chairtnan It is more from ft sense of duty to myself, that my position and view* may be correctly understood in the vote 1 may give on the several proposi tions now upon the table, as they may he severally presented when the hour of tn. king the vote arrives, than from nay expec tation of saying anything interesting to the House, that I now venture to invito the at tention of members to what I am about to oiler for their consideration. The subject before us is of no ordinary importance.— Its magnitude seems to tie duly felt by eve ryoue. And seldom, perhaps, if ever, has it been surpassed in interest by any that have ever been discussed within these walls. It is a matter of great concern, as well to the people of Texas as to the peo ple of tlm United States. 1 loth commies, therefore, are anxiously watching its pro. gross ; for it involves, to some extent, the harmony, well being, and destinies, of both, i have considered it. a groat and momentous question, from the time of its first agitation. Anti the same x lews must have struck not only thu politician and statesman, bur the most careless observer of public affair* ami passing events. It is also a question which to me losoa node or its interest as its decision approaches.— Us vastuess and magnitude, like great ob jects in nature, swell out and enlarge as we come nearer to it. The mountain in the distance, clothed in its " ar.uro hue,’’ looks all smoothe and even; hut experience ns well as poetry tells us, it is the dis tance that gives ''enchantment to the view ” Surveyed at its base, in the gloomy shade of its august frown, it no longer presents the delusive prospect of an easy and enti. cing ascent. The abrupt front and rugged surface too plainly show tlm dangers and difficulties that beset and environ its few atitl narrow passes. So, sir, with this subject, as we approach nearer to it, its surface is far from appear ing oven and smooth. Already wo sou its projecting rocks; the high impending dill’s; the deep ravines ; the frightful chasms— and sometimes, I must confess, I fancy I hear the portentous rumbling ofits slumb ering volonnio fires. May Hot] grant that my apprehension may prove to bo Confided only in alarm, or that their destructive on orgies may never he fully awakened and actively aroused. Before attempting, however, to encounter its difficulties or to surmount its heights, l will premise by stating, that, upon the ul> struct question oftlie annexation of Texas, or the union of the Government of that country with this, upon just and proper principles, I am favorably inclined, and have been from tbo beginning. Hut I am far from saying that I um in favor of any kind of a uniun, or that I am prepnred to vote, ns sonic gentlemen have said fur thorn, solve*, for cither or any of the plan* lor annexation which have been referred to this committee With me, much depends upon the form, the nature, and the terms of the proposition ; for while I might yield a willing and cordial support to one, I sliould not hcsitnle to give a similar opposition to another. lam far from declaring myself for Texas any how and in any may. The benefits to be derived from all human insti tutions, and the practical usefulness of all measures, even the wisest, dopund eminent ly on detail; and upon my opinion of the propriety of tlm details of tlm several plans now be (ore the committee will depend my vote whan the question coutos to be token upon them, respectively. As much ns I desire this addition to our Republic upon what ! conceive to he correct and proper prino ; |>liis, yet upon others, and upon some of those now before us, I should not liovi tatc to reject it, as ono of the greatest pos sible evils with which wo could bo cur*, cd. In what l have to say, therefore, for grea ter perspicuity, and for tlm purpose of be. jug better understood in relation to tho va rious plans, I will, if tlm committee will bear with mo, proceeded to state— In tlm first place, what kind of a proposi lion I will not support: secondly, what kind of a one I will support; thirdly notice some of the objections 1 have heard in op position ; and, lastly, if my time per mils, offer some of the reasons which influ- cnee me in supporting such a measure as 1 shall stale. In the first place, then, I wish it distinct, ity understood, that l am opposed to tin r lan reported by the chairman (Mr. C. J. ngoisull) of the Committee on Foreign Af ' fairs. That is the plon which is now iinnie diatelv before us. It is tin exact copy of | the treaty rejected by theSenato last spring, and which I have never failed, upon all proper occasions, to condemn, ever since ! its provisions were mude knew a. My ob jections to it aro two fold. Ii ’eaves the | slavery question, upon which no numb has been said in this debate unsettled ; and it also provides for the assumption by this Government of the debts of Texas Mv friend and colleague (Mr. Haralson) yesterday, and another friend aad colleague (Mr. Cobb) whomo 1 now see in his seal, the day betore, stated 'hat men of all par ties in Georgia were in favor of amVxa tion ; but neither of thus# gentlemen, 1 pre sutne, would venture to assert that any party in the State are favorable to aunexa tion upon the terms of that treaty. . [Mr- Haralson interrupted, and was un. j derstood to say that w hat he had stated, and now repeated, was, that tho people of Georgia were in favor of immediate annex, alien, ami ho was prepared to entry out their wishes in any way tho object could he accomplished, j Mr. Stephens. Then I suppose the gen tleman is prepared to voto for the terms of t’ml treaty ? | Mr. Haralson tigain replied by saying, ns he was understood, that he did not in tend to he driven off by a quibble of that sort ; lie was ready to voto for any proper plan. | Mr. Stephens continued. No quibble', Mr. Chairman. 1 ton, nm prepared to vote for any proper plan ; but is that treaty, the proposition in snhstnrtci now before ns, n proper plan 1 That is tlm question. That party with which 1 act in that State luts always been in favor of annexation ns soon as it could he honorably, peaceably, ptopei'lf, and practically done, hut no soon er. Ami it is true, that the party with which my colleague outs, during tlm late canvass, went for "immediate annexation” us he stated ; some of them upon otto plan, anti sonic upon another, and some upon no plan in paitieiilar, except to get tho territory in any way possible, and then to "lottery it off” amongst the people. And calcula tion*, 1 believe, were mndo i t Romo parts, showing how many aeicacnuh voter would get in Jliis way; nil these humbugs” had their day and champions, and porhup, at' NWercd their purport'. Hut amongst nil the scheme* n<! vacated there, it was gener ally wry carefully omitted to say mutth in defence of thnt treaty. Nor do I believe that the people of Georgia of either party, desirous as I know them in the main, of belli parties, to be for annexation upon pro per terms, would he willing to see it accom plished according to the provisions of that measure, The same 1 will venture, to affirm of tho people of the South generally,of all par. ties. Sir, tho distinguished gentli ninn from Smith Cnmlinit (Mr. Holmes) tlm other day said, what 1 consider, in effect, ns do. during tiuvt the .Southern man who would not voto for tlm term*of that treaty was either "a foul or a knnv> 1 Mr. Holmes rose and suit!, thnt what he had stilted was, thnt tiny Southern mnu who would consent tndivido tlm Toxuntor. rltory between tin* Slnvt holding uiul non .Slaveholding hit* rests would he either “a fool or n knave,” and such wns still Id* o pinion.] Mr. Stephens continued. Exactly so, sir ; and so I understood him. And how tlid thnt treaty, or how does tho plan now upon your table, dispose of and adjust those interests? Where is tin guaranty it cor., tain* for the security of any porti >n, much leas one Imlf of the uountrv or territory for tlto slavrlioldiltg interests ? Upon this sub ject, which that gentleman thin'. , so vi'ul nud important, ihtti tic.ic and the plan now before us nrc as silent as the grnvo ' — And would tlm Southern men who sould vote to have tho country . qually divided between tho slovoholding and non.slave, holding Interests be uny morn " a foal or n knave" thuti the mnn vv ho would veto for the acquisition of that extensive territory, larger titan several of tho largest States of this Union together, or the Kingdom of France, us some gentlemen huvosuid, bor dering upon thru* ol the slave Slates of tlto Union, without any settlement of thnt quo*. lion, or adjustment of thruo iutortslat— Leaving ii for a Allure House of llt«pr«UM(i tatives, wheni the majority will he decid idly ojtjinstd 10 the slave.lidding interest*, 10 make tin; division ? I should not call any man who may or might ao vote, either “ a knavtt or a fool.” I use no such lan towards any member on this Horn I *uppoae every one will vote according to the dictates of his judgment, and what he conceives to he for the bant interest* of tho country. This in the rule I claim for my self, and I urn disposed to conccJe it to oth ers. Hut this 1 will not -hesitate to »«y : that no Southern man could pursue, in my opinion, a more uuwise course than to vote for any measure upon this subject without a settlement and establishment of the line I dividing those interests. If slavery is to exist in any part of the territory, let it be so stated. Let it be “ nominated in the bond.” Le.t it be inserted in the compact of union, of whatever character it may !»e, whether in the form of a treaty or a bill or joint re. PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. XVAWIHWrOAI, WII.KKB l.tVt'X. GA-. FKUHI tltV 47, 1814. ; solution fiw hi t admission as a State, or in am other way. Not can I say upon this | point, with the honorable chairman of the Committee on Foreign A Hairs, (Mr. 0. J. j Ingersoll.) who reported this plan, which ' is so vtwm upon this most important matter connected with it, that it is unm eessnrv to \ adjust tliat question new ; thnt u sufficient | unto the day is the evil thereof.” The an thority ol Scripture, 1 admit, is good, when properly use.); hut, unfortunately, it is not | always m> applied. And whoever lifts read l the history ol the temptation in the wilder, ness, will doubt!.ss agree with me that this is not the first instance of its misapplica tion. 1 should rather say, lot us not put off tlto evil hour; let the members from different parts of the country understand themselves upon this question «t the thresh hold. Distinct understanding* often avoid ! unnleasant differences anil difficulties, ns well between Sti tes ns individuals, ts i Texas is to he brought into the Union, upon what terms is it to t o done? Is it to he a free or a slavo Territory, or is it to he sub jeet to the operation of the Missouri compro miso within similai limits ? The honora ble chairman to whom I have just alluded, in a paper put forth hv him lust summer, said, in his classic language, that annexa tion would ho the euthanasia of slavery, the easy death of that institution ! Is that the object, then, if those who ad voento his plan? Do they intend, after carrying tlm measure for annexation, with out any tiling being said upon slavery, to oppose the admission of any slave State in to the Union, formed out id’ that territory * Is tills the object ami designV If so, why not avow it ? And, if not, why not *av at once what part shall he admitted ns States with slavery, if the people so < house ? Why leave it an open question ? My ren. .sim for wishing it settled in the beginning, and for opposing any and all measures and plans which leave it unsettled, 1 do not lies itnte to make known, 1 fear the excite ment growing out of the agitation of the question hereafter may endanger the har mony and even existence of our pr< sent U niuit. Suppose this measure should pass; I mean the plan proposed by tho Committee on Foreign Affairs: and i\ xns shortly hereafter should apply for admission ns a Stale into the Union, and the restriction* proposed for Missouri should ho imposed upon her—can any oil# he so blind as not to know what would he the result, or so infat uated as not to r» -nil'll the eomvi quence* ? If so, I conies* it i.- not theou t with invuolf, I have nn ardent attachment lor this Union. Upon its existence and continuance, our prosperity, happiness, mid safety, depends ami patriotism -true putriolixm -whieli, a* I understand that term, means love ol one's own country above all others—com pels me to declare that, tot ntiieli ns I feel lor the interests and vvelfure of the people of Texas, I feel much more for tlm interests and vvelfure of the people of this country ; and us much us I admire the lustre of tho " lone star,” ns some gentlemen have been pleased to designate our neighboring Re public, I feel much great. u admiration for tlm bright galaxy of tho twenty-six brilliant stars of our ow n glorious tu mdellntibn ; ami rather thun sec iior shooting irregular ly from Inn pluae, producing disorder and confusion in our well-balanced system, I should greatly prefer to let Iter “ heain on” w ith increasing spfrmlor. a.- a fixed Ntar in Mho political firmament. Though slid might never reach tlm first magnitude, yet her position would ever rentier Iter conspicuous amongst tho nations of the earth. But if gentlemen from tho North arc sin cero in their professions; if they consider the annexation of Texas u great national question; if our own greatness and glory art to he increased thereby, and our own union and harmony are not to bo disturbed; if they aro disposed to abide by the compro mise established ut tho admission of Mis souri, by w hich alone thnt harmony can he jirosorved, let them say so new, and lenvr no door open for future disputation, dissen sion, nud strife. I speak plainly, nnd wish to ho understood. I want to set- no oro om u nrts practi s'd upon tee South, or upon this country ; and 1 want to see no huge " wooden ho.so” (nought within the walls of this Confederacy, iindor the feigned aus pice* of any false divinity. And now I must ask to h,« indulged in snying something upon the official oorres potidonee connected w ith this subject,which, though it dneii not relate directly to tho merits of tlm question, yut nevertheless is olosely connected therewith. Against that correspondence, its spirit, its piineiple* ami doctrines, 1 protest. It has placed t he an nexation of Texas upon the ground of its being necessary to strengthen the institution of slavery in the Hiule* ; and for this ob ject, and with this view, this Government Is culled upon to act and legislate in the case. Mv objection is, that the General Gov. Crnittent III* no power to logFlato for any such purpose. If I understand tho nature efthia Government, nnd the ground alwny* heretofore occupied by the South upon this subject, it is, that slavery is peculiarly a doinestio institution. It is ft matter that concerns the Stale* in which it exists, sev erally, separately, and exclusively, and with w hich this Government has no right to interfere or to legislate, further than to secure the enforcement of rights under ex isting guaranties of the Constitution, and to supprt ss insubordinations and insurrec tions, if they arise- Beyond this, there is no power in the General Government to act upon the subject, with a view either to strengthen or weaken the institution. For, if the power to do one be conceded, how eaujffiwt to do the other he denied ? Ido not jk Hites* t,> belong to that svlmol of poll ticisns who claim one construction of the Constitution yn* day, when it favors my in* tvre-», and oppose the same, or a similar om ,Mi* next day, when it happens to he ng:u sst me. Truth is fixed, indexible, im tnutfibb', and eternal, unbending to time, circumstances, and interests; and so should he the rules and principles by which the Constitution is consumed and interpreted. And* what has been the position of tin l South for years upon this subject 1 What has been the course of Iter members upon this fioor, in relation to tho reception of abolition petitionsf Has it not been, Hint slavery is a question upon which Congress onnn.it not, except in the cases I have Mu ted—whore it is expressly provided by the Gon.'titution that Congress bus no jtirisdio- | ’iOPfiftpyott please, over the subject and i that jnWrofore it is improper tied dbeloss', if * not unconstitutional, to receive petitions asking what Congress cannot constitutional- j ly grant? This has been tho ground as-! suim and by the Mouth, and upon which these petitions have been rejected for years by this House, until tho rule wns rescinded ut the beginning of this session. And how ever much gentlemen from different parts of the Union have differed in opinion upon the extent of lire abstract right of petition, and the propriety and expediency ofreceiv iog all kinds of petitions, whether toi con- stitutional objects or not, yet I believe they have always been nearly all agreed in tills, that Congress lias no light or power to in terfere w ith the institutions of the State*. This, sir, is our safeguard, and in it is our only security; it is the outpost and bulwark of our dofetioo- Yield this, uml you yield every thing. Grant the power to act or niyW upon the subject, yield the jurlsdlo tioil, tall upon Congress to legislate with l hill view presented in that correspondence, nnd iusteuil of strengthening, I hoy might deem it proper to weaken tho*o Institutions; and whore, then, is your remedy ? I ask Southern gentlemen, where, then, is their remedy ? Wo were reminded tho other day by n gentleman from South Carolina, (!\fr. Holmes,) that we were in a minority on this floor. It is true, wo are in a tin utility; nut) ik it wise in a minority to yield their strong position, their a tiro and safe fortress, to the majority, for them to seize nud occupy to their destruction ? No, sir; never. Upon this subject, I tell gentlemen from the South, and the people of tlm South, to Miami upon thu Constitution as it is, nud that const ruction which has been uniformly given to it upon this point, from th qj* .dewing «f the Government TM* <* our shield, wrought in the furnace of the Revolution. It is brond, ample, Arm, nnd strong; ami we want no further promotion or security than it provides. But this is not nil. That correspondence not only m*kes slavery a national question, nnd ciijls upon Congress to treat it us such, and legislate in reference to it us such, but it lias even thrust tho whole subject into for cl*>n diplomacy; mid those .Suite institu tions which heretofore wore never held to bo proper topics for discussion nud ngitu tion, even upon thi* floor, are now deemed proper subjects of legitimate correspond ence between this Government, in its na tional diameter, and the inotil influential nod powerful Courts of KtirUpe. Where itA«ill end, I know not. Hut the whole piveewluigs I consider as untimely, uncoil e(Mfnr, and exceedingly Improper; nnd against it, a* * Southern man, a Georgian, and us nn American, I protest. Upon the institution of slavery, sir, I do not intend to speak here, either of its origin, history, present condition nud necessity, or of ita evils and abuses It is not the pro p.-r place, I Imvu been led to say whut I have, in staling >uy first objection to the proposed plan for the annexation of Texas; which is, that it leaves this nn open ques tion, for mischievous and dangerous discus sion hereafter. Thu other objection to that plan is, tlmt it provides lor tho assumption of tlm debt of r I '.xn*—at lenst, to the extent of ten millions ol dollars. N>rdo 1 consider this matter of debt “all smoke,” us another gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. illicit) said the other day; or, at luiihi, where there smoke. I fear tin ru is "some fir:)' quite enough to "blister our lin gers,” if wo handle'it much There are other obligations, nl any rate, which I think we would bo deiltg modi bettor to Im looking niter first. Wo ought to Im just be fore we undertake to bo generous. Goof, gijt has not yet been reimbursed lor expen dimes made In behalf us the common de fence during the late Indian difficulties; and tlm (sit Ill'll I soldier, In many 111*111111* iq ban not yet been successful in getting bis honest due* for service* and loss of proper ty in llioso campaigns. We might cer tainly to pay our own debts first; ami after that, we have other debts, still much nearer homo, if we are disposed to fie liberal with the public money. .Several of the Stain* oftlie Union, unfortunately, are largely in debt- Andi have nut been a little surpri sed at the course of oortatn gentlemen upon question, wiio w.'re not long since ex- Aoedingly clamorous ugainst the monstrous %nd unconstitutional assumption oftlie debt* ft the States, which was without foundation, and altogether gratuitously, charged upon tlicii opponents, but who now see no objec tion at all, no constitutional impediment, to die assumption of the debts of a foreign country, it is destruction to the Constitu tion, according to their logic, to pay the debts of the States ; but there is no olwfacle, nothing more formidable than “ smoke,” which s.Hin disappears and vanishes, in ilia wav of paying the debt of Texas. There is one part of Scripture l would commend j to the attention of such gentlemen ; and it is that which describes the inconsistency of j n class of people of old, who “ strained at j gnats, and swallowed camels.” i Hut who knows the amount of our lia bility to he incurred by (lie assumption of j that debt ? It is true the committee only : propose to pay ten millions ; hut who docs j not know, that if we take Texas, with her j sovereignty, lands, nnd all her property, as : that plan proposes, wo will become liable for her whole debt, let the amount boas large as it may ? And tiro gentlemen pro pared thus to incur nn unknown liability ? [Horn Mr. C.J. Irtsersoll, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, inter., ruptod to explain, and stated that the min isters of Texas had estimated the debt at between seven and eight miMiui.al; hut the committee had put the amount al ten mil lions, so us to cover every thing.) Mr. Stephens continued. Yes, air, I know all that ; hut "ill the honorable chairman oflho Comm ill eo on Foreign Af. fairs umieriuko to sav to tho House that ten millions will cover the present debt of Texan? | Mr. lngersoll replied, that he made tho statement on tho authority of the Texan ministers. | Mr.Stephens proceeded. Yes, sir; hut up to what time did that estimate refer ? As far back as 18-11 ; three—four years a go. It tuny Imvo been going on and in creasing ever since. 1 want to know what it is tit this time. If I have linen correctly informed, the authorities ol’Toxas have not even kept nn account of tlioir debt since 1841, uml do not themselves know Its ox tent. If they did, why did not their iniiiis tors toll whut it was in 18*14 ? Either ho cause'they did not know, or because the »- mount wns too frightful to disclose. Many men of fortune owed hut little in 1841, who have long since been bankrupt. Ami puo. pie in debt aro generally in tlm linbit of estimating their liabilities for short of their real amount, (t is sufficient for mo thnt we have no authentic information upon tho extent of thut debt at this time; and tlm absence of information Isomlnousof itself. I have heard it estimated by Homo nt twen ty million*, others forty, nnd some us high as sixty. For my part, I should about us hooii iiiicmpt to count the Nturs in tlm heav ens, or estimate tlm “ number of the doud,” us to oonio to any accurate and satisfacto ry opinion upon tlm real amount of tlpit debt, or the extent of tlm liability which this Government would incur by a reckless SMViwpllon of it, wholly m tlm dark, ami without information. This leap 1 urn not prepared to make. For these reasons, I cannot voto for thu proposition of tho Committee on Foreign Adairs; and ns my time is passing so rap idly that I shall not ho able to notice the various other plans, tho one offered by the gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Douglass,) uml the one by ilm gutiilernuii from Ohio, (Mr. Weller,) ami tlm one by tlm gentlo mnn from Kentucky, (Mr. Tibet tit) a”d the one by tho gentleman from New Yoik, (Mr. Robinson,) uml various others—nix teen in all, I believe; I will briefly sav, that each and every mm of thorn is liable to one or tho otlioi objections I have stated, or other consideration* growing out of the subjects to which I have alluded. 1 can not, tlmrufuro, notice them singly and sepa rately. All of them fall within tlm scope of my objections; am! I pas* on to wlmt I propos ed to do in the second place ; which was, to statu what kind tis a proposition for an nexation I would support, and upon whut terms and principles i would consent to a tmiun of Texas with this country. These, sir, arc imhodiud and set fortli in the [dun submitted by the gentleman from Tonnes nio, (Mr. Milton Brown ;) nnd us thnt plun bus been printed and laid before members, and gentlemen can read its terms at their j leisure, if they uro not already familiar with them, 1 will not detain tlm committee by a recapitulation. It propose! to admit Texas as a State af once, and leaves Imr debts urid her lands for her own manage ment, just os Georgia and other Himes, with their debts and rich donnun, oaino in to thu Union at the formation fff tho Gov. ornrrient. Not only this, it settle* the sla very question. It leave* no floor open for future mischief, discord, and strife, from that quarter. It loaves tio prospect for an other Missouri agitation, which once came well nigh destroying tho Government; but it quiet* and puts to rest forever all distur bance on that question, nud that, too, upon tlm terms oftlie compromise agreed Upon on the admission of Missouri. With that the country is farruliur, and the people in all parts seem to bo satisfied. Ami, witli thi* exposition, I shell say no. thing further upon that point, but will pro. Cecil to notice som* of'ho objections urged against the proposer! action, which apply to thi* plan ns well a* others. Theeo ole jection* aro of two clause* ; first, those 1 which look to the .foreign, and, secondly, those which relate to tbo domestic aspect oftlie question. I shall speak of each In lhr4f order. First, of the Foreign. And upon this view I wish to be understood as paying no I regard to tho various treaties which gentle j men have said so much about 1 have no tiling to say of tbo treaty of 1803, with j Franee, by which Louisiana was acquired, ior whether we did, by that treaty, uctuui j’ygcta good title to any portion of the country west of the Sabine or not. Net 11. J. HAIM* I 1,. Fries!'r. j shall 1 say any tiling of the treaty of Inltl I with Spain, Ity winch we got the Florida*, and agreed upon the .Sabine as a boundary - between us and the neighboring Spanish , provinces in that quarter; or the treaty (of 18.13) of amity with Mexico, alter the establishment of her independence. All these, 1 consider, have very little to do with tlm real merits of the question. If wo did get u good title to Texas by tlm trea ty of 1803, we certainly parted with it, by solemn I'iigugemont, by tlm troaly of 1810. Nor uml disposed to lied fault with tbo Ireuiy of 1810. By it wo got, in consider tion of’’ve millions of dollurs, and tlm re linquishment of a disputed claim for all west of tbo Sabine, a settlement for ull oust, and tlm Fluridus beside* } which was a great acquisition at that day. It was so considered by Mr. Monroe, Mr. Gullioun, Mr. Wirt, und our own distinguished and highly gil'u J Ohm .‘si; J ; all Sop'Urmrqenk statesmen, ttXid putriols, Tlu'sij all garef it tlioir approval und sanction at ilm time— and I take it for grunted thnt tho treaty, under tho circumstaucos, w-as not only u good one, but highly advantageous to tlui country. It was nil important for us to have Florida ; nnd 1 do not see how wo could well do without it. Bui oven if that treaty were not a good one, we could not, in good faith, at thi* time, go beyond it.— We would bo stopped by our own deed and compact. That, therefore, I think is out of tlm question. Nor do I conceive that the treaty of Jwfio, between this country and Mexico, has much more todo with the caso. Huh Texas acquired Imr independence, and is she entitled to be considered ns one of tho nations of the earth? This i* tlm only point, upgn thin view of tho subject, entitled to oonsiuurntion. And 1 oonfots litis aspect of tlm ease, in my opinion, lias materially changed since this question was first (Started. Then it is true, after protrac ted nnd ineffectual efforts On the part of Mexico to re-establish her authority, there wns no uotual war going on in Texas ; no llagruns helium raging ut tlm the time. But the armistice which had for some time been agreed .j.ju, and Ity whiult hostilities bad been suspendml, hud just terminated, and a proclamation had been made by Mexico for a renewal of hostilities. There was every reason to expect that another effort would ho made ; nnd how fur, under such ciroum atunoes, it wits just und proper for this country to make herself a party to such war, ns shu would have done by taking Texas to herself, nnd bow far our national honor and national good faith might have been involved in such course, was a grave nnd Important question, and well deserving tho calm and wriau* consideration of our Government. A nation’s honor und good faith aro of groat value—above all price— and should not bo rashly sacrificed ; tlmy should !>u guarded, watched, ami defended, with prudence, wisdom, firmness and pntri olUrn ; and if error ever should ho commit ted in regard to those, it seems to be the saf er course to let the error be in a leaning to the side of honor and good faith. But, a part from this, it was a grave question, how fur it was discreet uml proper for this country to involve herself In n war, oven if, in the eyes of all the world, it should have been viewed right and justifiable, when not in defence of Imr own eili'/etiH. Warm all times is a great evil; it is tlm ultima ra tio regam- -tlm last resort of nations for the redress of grievance*, when argument and ronsori have tailed; and while it should never bo shunned or avoided when the case arise*, it should never bo courted in antici pation, Al! these view* were presented fry the circumstances when this agitation commenced; but since then wo have scon thnt Mexico has failed to act in accordance with hor proclamation ; slm has failed to ronow tho war, Her Congress, it is re ported, lias failed and refused to voto tho necessary supplies; justifying the infer ence that sho Im* abandoned the intention of making an y further attempt to re estab lish her power atid authority in Texas, and leuving the present. Government in tho pos session of tho undisputed sovereignty of that country, and fully authorized to bn treated as other independent and sovereign I’ownr*. Nay, more ;we sec Mexico !ior selfnow convulsed with internal revolu tloit; inti'jfliim.war now rages throughout her fimilt/f a rid site seen?* n<r loti get a file to maintain tier cftvn institution*. The Gov ernment in existence there so late as Inst year has recently been overthrown. Divi ded and torn to pieces by feud* and (ac tion*, she appear* to day much less stable, if not less capable of maintaining Imr inde pendence, than Texas. Anarchy teign* throughout her borders, und it would be diflieult to say if she hits tiny Uoveriimvnt at this time, either '/<- I'uclo or dr jure. Her claims, therefore, I am not disposed any longer to regard. Mho is clearly horn dr. combat, 10 fur os this question is Concern ed ; for if Mexico has abandoned tho war, or forfeited her right by unreasonable de lay, or lias proved unable to carry it on, Texas lias certainly established her inde pendence, and is entitled to be considered and acted towards as other independent na tions. And if this he so, oi com v- our so considering and treating her cannot inter- Here at all with the obligations of our tres tv of boundary and «ir.ity with Mexico.**- The only inquiry, therefore, tipi tribe fbr*-- going aspect of the question is, whether Texas is now entitled to be considered one oft Sic independent nalionsofthe earth s and for inv own part, I sec no reason why she should not he. As for Knglaud, or Fiance, or other countries, and their • feelings and wishes, I have nothing to say. They have, nothing mere ur-do with the t-tR-sfon item (YOU AIK \Y\,