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WEEKLY TRUE DEMOCRAT?
VOL. 1.
WEEKLVTKI- : E PpotßiT.
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From Georgia*
Athkxs, (la., Dec. 5, 1860.
To the Editors of the Charleston Mercury:
I send you the enclosed “Welcome to Southern
Independence.” The lines were written by a
prominent citizen 6f this pla :c, and sung at the
close of a concert at the Lucy Cobb Institute situ
ated here. All the’youug ladies of the Institute rose
to their feet and sung it, wearing blue'cockades.
Is not this enough to make ever submissionist
in Georgia hide bis face for very shame at his
craven heart ? I, as a subscriber to the daily
Mercury, would like to see the song iu its col
umns. Very respectfully.
WELCOME TO SOI.TIIEBN INDEPENDENCE.
She comes ! she comes ! and joyously dancing,
Are the sons of the South,
To welcome her birth—
From the eyes of the daughters
Bright sunbeams are glancing,
And the whole world re-echoes with gladness and
mirth ;
She comes full of beauty—
She comes full of blessing—
We hear now again the proud Eagle's wild straiau :
And soon a bright day.
With joyous caressing,
And peace and tranquility,
Shall return once again.
Then welcome ! —thrice wele.ome. thou day-star of
Freedom—
Though thou eouiest iu storms, we bid the good
cheer !
Though thou conicst right gladly, “1
We greet thee with song— |
The South wakes to meet thee Ru P eat ’
In one happy throng. J
Shu comes ! she comes ! ah ! see her advancing
Where the Palmetto springs
’Mid the lull waving Pines—
W.iore the sons of the South, their bosoms
upheaving,
Will defend with ilieir lives their tig trees and
vines. a
She Hies from oppression—
She seeks a bright home.
Sh 5 is pierced in the M"'tli lip a fanatical band ;
She flies to the fair South,
She seeks a bright home.
Sbo is pierced in the North, by a fanatical band;
She flies to the lair .'outh,
The last, hope of Fro atom —
She asks us !o give her a heart, home and hand.
Then welcome ! —thrice welcome, thou day star of
Freedom —•
‘iLotjiU t” ” g,V !u units, wo oid thee good
TooOrAagfct J
The following is tlie excellent speech made
by General Joseph Lane iu the United States
Senate on the sth iustant. We copy it from
the Congressional Globe:
I’ltlNTlNG OF THE I'KESIUE.NT’s MESSAGE.
The Vice Fresident. ‘The pending question
is on the motion of the Senator from Indiana
to print extra numbers of the President's mes
sage.
Mr. Lane. Mr. President, it L- not my in
tention to consume the i,ir..e of the Senate at
any len t.li, but inertly to.say a ten words in
relation to the unhappy condition of our coun
trv. ‘
tVe are all aware. Mr. President, that there
f 4 s great dissatisfaction in this country, and a
near approach, unless something can be
very speedily, to a dissolution of the
WUnion., ii is not very strange, as l took at
V it, tliai-this condition of things should exist.
f it has been truly said that the election of any
man to the Presidency would not he good
! cause for a dissolution of the Union. 1 am
prepared to say that the simple election of
any man to that office, in my judgment, would
not lie cause for a dissolution. Nor is that
the cause of complaint in the country; but it
is the principles upon which the late election
lian taken place that have given rise to the
trouble. Never in any previous presidential
election has the issue been so fully put, so
directly made, as in ihe late one. The ques
tion everywlie was: shall the equality of the
Slates be maintained; shall tiie people of
every State have a right to go into the com
mon territory with their property? And the
verdict of the people lias been that equality
this country shall not prevail. It is to the
et that fifteen States of this Union shall
deprived of equality; that they shall not
into the common territory with their pro
r„ , ty; that they are inferiors, and must sub
mit to inequality and degradation. Then,
sir, with such a state of facts before us, is it
strange that there should be dissatisfaction
and trouble?
The platform upon which the Opposition
have succeeded in electing their President is,
as 1 look at it, directly in contiiet with the
Constitution. It is directly in conflict with
the equality of the States: and though it is
said that this election is in accordance with
the Constitution,M must say, in my honest
opinion, that it is in violation of its spirit.
1: never was contemplated by those who-made
tiie Constitution that a sectional party, with
out an electoral ticket in nearly one-half the
States of the Uiiion, upon a platform con
flicting with the Constitution and wilh the
■ glits ot the States in one half of our couu
y, should elect a President. Though it
may not be in conflict with the letter of the
Constitution, yet, us 1 look at it, it is in cou
th, t with iis spirit. liy opinion to-day is,
if our lathers iu forming that instrument had
provided any means by which the legality of
this election could be tested, before the Su
preme Court if ycu please, they would In
this case decide in equity that the election of
Mr. Lincoln conflicts witli the Constitution
of the United’ States, and is consequently
void.
Mr. Hale—No doubt of it.
Mr. Lane—And, sir, while l know there is
io- such redress, I am nevertheless, not wit li
la.iding the smiles and laughs of gentlemen
u the opposite side, fully convinced of the
irrectness of my position, that it never was
intemplated, and it cannot be consistent
ith the Constitution, that one section of this
intry, without regard to the rights of near
one half the States, should have the pow
(,to elect a President on a platform in eon
.•’ t with the Constitution and in conflict
v h tiie equality of the States of one half
*1 country, depriving them of equality, and
and riving them of the principle on which the
f ,n was formed. Without the maintenance
ol tat principle, the Union never could have
he - formed, and the Constitution never
ou i have been adopted. Sir, that equality
nUi be maintained, or this Union cannot
aut.ought not to last.
1 sa . that the people of fifteen States ot’
tuis uiou shall be inferiors, that they shall
be u quais, that they shall not have rights
equa |h e other portion of the country,
is a u ition that a proud, honorable, and
J llst i pic cannot submit to ; and if they
should, 1 would not entertain for them that
respect hat. Ido to-day. It is not consistent
>'i air,on sense, it is not consistent with
right, . llut cons i s tent with justice, to say
hat a portion of this country shall exclude
the of 1.. iiuif of it from the common territory
acquired equally by the blood and treasure
cf every portion of it, and appropriate the
whole ex -naively to ‘heir use, and deprive
the other ir,lf of any pai itcipatiou therein.
1 have V .nested ihe process of acquiring
territory, p know how it is done. I wit
nessed it i.pon- the battle-field when I saw
the brave Jlississipvpi regiment led on by the
gallant Davi-. I saw the Kentucky regiment,
too, behaving gallantly in the same battle,
commingling their blood with the good sol
diers ol toe Northern S.ates. . By the victo
ries achieved rt mat war we acquired terri
ry : and now g. ntlemcn on the other side say
v fi.hat it shall L ppropriated to their exelu
wive use and tL of ;hcir section. 1 can see
mio justice in si -n ucclarations. I can see no
sense or*, ■; riotUra, fraternity, or equal-
ity, or good faith, in such a declaration of
principles. Upon what principle of right
can a Northern sectional party set up exciu
-1 sive claim ,o territory acquired at such sneri
j fice of Southern as well as Northern blood ?
| Can such unjust pretensions be allowed, or
can the Union be preserved on such terms?
I think not. To preserve the Union, we must .
! be just, and carry out in good faith every
I provision and guarantee pf the Constitution. ,
j It is not only true, sir’ that the platform of j
principles set forth all that i state, but 1 re- j
collect lately reading the speech of the Sena- j
tor from Illinois, [Mr. Trumbull,] made in
the presence of Mr. Lincoln, in which be
spoke of the great triumph—the election of
Lincoln. He said it had secfln and one great
object. One great tiling had been acc.im
plished by this victory ; it was, I'rl‘e Tcrrito- ‘
ry ; that slavery should never be extended !
upon another foot of the Territory of this
country.
In addition to that, sir, we have seen a lei
ter from the honorable Senator from Wiscon- j
sin, [ Mr. Doolittle] —I will have it before me !
directly—in which he commences by saying I
that it is indeed a great triumph ; that it has |
settled forever tiie question of free Territo
ry ; .that slavery shall not he extended into i
the Territories by ary act, In weverMmWj of );
liowevOt spec'ouS : neither b .1 (Icv-rimTifTiUj
vasions, nor by the decrees of courts, nor by j
congressional slave codes; but that ilic Ter- ;
ritory now acquired, - or to be hereafter ac
quired from Mexico or Great Britain—throw
ing his eye over all the opportunities of ac
quiring Territory, seeing we could only ac
quire it from the one or the other—shall for
ever remain free.
lie does not stop there, sir. He professes
to own a portion of the people of this country
—Florida, Louisiana, Texas—to have pur
chased them; and that he isgoina to hold on
to them ; that they paid a large sum of mo
ney, and sacrificed forty thousand lives and
$11)0,000,01111 to defend them, and he is not
going to permit them to go out of this Union.
They cost a price that lie enumerates: and
lie intends to hold them here, and they shall
have no lot or part in the common Territories
of our common country. Will our people in
that portion of the country thus spoken of,
knowing that the platform of principles upon
which that party succeeded in the late elec
tion is in conflict with their equality, is in
conflict with the Constitution ; and with these
threats afmeetings rejoicing over their suc
cess, and the written views of distinguished
gentlemen on that side—will they sit still?
Will they submit ? 1 ask you, sir. and the
patriotism of the country, will they submit
to this kind of inferiority, to this kind of in
sult, inequality, and degradation? If they
do, sir, wi'hout a guarantee that cannot here
after be broken, that they shall have equality
in this country, and enjoy rights with t he
other States, then they are not worthy to be
called American citizens or freemen.
1 would do anything, sir, to save this
Union; but it must be saved upon honorable
terms; it must be saved upon the principles
of the Constitution. The obnoxious law
laws violative of a faithful and prompt execu
tion of the fugitive slave law—now on the
statute-books of the northern States, must be
repealed, and such guarantees made as will
satisfy every man that hereafter their rights
shall he safe. 1 would not advise them to be
very ready in accepting promises. They are
easily made and easily broken.
Then I say, sir, without such guarantees as
will secure to every portion of ibis country
unquestioned equality, without such guaran
tees, as will enable every man of every State
in this Union to go into llie common territory
and take his property and enjoy it while the
territorial condition remains, there can be no
peace in this country; there can be no Union.
It does not exist to-day. That fraternity,
tliai good faith, that honorable feeling and
just action that controlled our fathers, does
not exist in this country to-day. There must
be a change of head, and I would to God of
heart also. Heaven cau work a miracle. Ii
did upon Saint Paul, and 1 would be very
i glad to see ii d*n m t‘> eoflutrj , nr,l “'t (
hearts of the people throughout the land!
changed, and good will, good faith, honorable j
feeling, and just action restored,and then tiie j
country would go on together forever, lint I
while [ say these things, 1 want “ i.nderstood
distinctly that 1 would ask nothing for Ore
gon: that she is no’ outitffed to under the Con
stitution; lint that 1 would have, and noth
ing less. And, sir, 1 say, if the South laid
tiie numerical strength, and could, by action
here, or in any other way, deprive tiie State
which I represent of her equality or ben ights
with the other States of this Union, 1 would
not submit toil. 1 would have that which
we arc entitled to. and 1 vlouifi ask no more;
but that I would have, and every State of this
Union is entitled to it, and ought to and must
nave it.
Mr. President, 1 sent for, and have now in
my hand, the letter of the distinguished Sen
ator from Wisconsin to which I have alluded,
and for tear 1 do not quote ii correctly, I will
read his letter. It is a beautiful document,
but ju st in keeping with the principles upon
which Air. Lincoln was elected* He says:
“Racine, Nov. 10, 1800.
“W. Y. Selleck, Esq., Corresponding Secre
tary :
‘■Sir: An important business engagement,
beyond my power to postpone, wiil prevent
me from joining the Republicans of Milwau
kie this evening, in ‘rejoicing over tlie glori
ous victory lately obtained by the Republi
can party.’
“It is, iudee a great victory ; establishing
tw-o tilings, at least:
“1. That slavery shall not be extended
into the Territories, by any means however
bold, nor under any contrivance however
specious, neither by act of Congress, by bor
der ruffian invasion, by judicial decrees, nor
by territorial slaves; but that the free Territo
ries acquired or to be acquired from Mexico, or
Great Britain, shall remain free. And,
“2. That the majority, and not the minori
ty, by their votes, constitutionally given,
shall determine who shall be President of the
United States, and that it is the first princi
ple in Republican popular sovereignty that
the minority must acquiesce, peacefully if
they will, but they must acquiesce in the en
forcement of all constitutional laws enacted
for the country, and for the whole country,
‘■We have not purchased Florida'to protect
our entrance into the Gulf of Mexico, nor
Louisiana to control the outlet of the Missis
sippi valley, nor annexed Texas, and defend
ed her against Mexico at the expense of forty
thousand lives, and $100,000,001), to suffer
them now to j>ass under a foreign and hostile ju
risdiction. It cannot be done. Mr. Lincoln
will be inaugurated President of all the Uni
ted States, and must take charge of all our
foreign relations.”
Now, here is the modest part of this letter:
“When the passion and misrepresentation j
of the hour are passed; when the people of |
the South, who have as yet refused to hear
wliat Republicanism is, except from its poli
tical enemies, shall learn from him what it
really is, and how grossly it has been mis
represented to them, every consideration of
interest and of patriotism will bind them
anew to the American Union, and lead them
to a peaceful gicquiesence in Mr. Lincoln’s
administration.
“J. R. Doolittle.”
Mr. President, it is not the election of Air.
Lincoln that is troubling the country; as 1
said before, but that he is regarded as a dan
gerous man: that lie entertains views and
opinions as expressed by himself, which are
dangerous to the peace, safety, and pros
perity of fifteen States of this Confederacy.
It is because he has been supported and
elected by a party bulding the views of the
Senator to whom I have just referred. Mr.
Lincoln himself, if he were not in the hands
of such a party, would not be objectionable,
nor would he if he had no views, or had ex
pressed none; but he has had views; he is an
“irrepressible conflict” inau; he holds that
the slave States and free States cannot live
together. 1 apprehend the result will be that
they will not live together.
The motion is to print the message. It is
a very important State paper, and 1 approve
a very considerable portion of ii. There arc
many points in it that 1 like; and before it
goes out to the country, 1 have thought it
proper to say this much on the subject.
Governor of South Carolina. —Much inter
est is very naturally felt with regard to the
individual who is to become the first Gover
nor, or President, of the new Republic of
South Carolina. The Columbia corrcspon
dent of the Charleston Courier has the fol
lowing information on the subject :
The ballot for Governor will commence on
Tuesday next. The most prominent candi
dates now spoken of are Messrs. B. .1. John
son, and J. I). Allen, F. W. Pickens, D. F
Jamison, and K. B. Illicit. As all is yet
conjecture, and the friends of each appear to
be sanguine of success, 1 shall not indulge
in what might prove a mistaken foregone
conclusion.
-—— -•
Washington Dec. 7—Submissionists in the
South are now stigmatized as abolitionists.
Whatever Union sentiment exists South is
placed in the same rank, and considered ac
cordingly. There is no question shout the
disposition, and that it will occur within forty
days isithe conviction of sound thinking men
at the national capital.
.AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 19, 1860.
President’s Message.
In our last we gave the remarks of Gener
al Lane. We present to-day an abstract of ,
; other speeches in the debate of the 6th inst. ;
. in the United Stales Senate :
Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, had enter
j mined hopes that ihe message would have
i pleased some ; as regarded himself, he thought
j ihe President had ailed 10 look the crisis iu
! the face. As regards South Carolina, he
‘real it thus: Ist. South Carolina has just
! reason to secede: 2d. She has no right to
j secede; and 3d. Tiie United States has no j
I power to prevent her secession. The power
of the country, men; according io tin- I’resi
j dent, was, as Dickens said o. the power of:
I the British Constitution, a power to do noth- 1
i ing. The President, by not looking the crisis |
; rig lit in the face, hud behaved like tiie os-
I trick, hidden his head and thought he was ]
| safe from danger. The country had expect- j
!ed a decided policy from him. As ‘regarded
! himself, tiie honorable gentleman was indif- ;
! ferent as to what that policy might be. The !
I posture of affairs seems to look to absolute
submission on the part of the North, a sur- !
[[render of those sentiments on which she has ‘
(■fist elected a President, according to t’ue re- j
I ty: cm -uts o the C ustitution. or to open
! war. This ugitatii n naans war, and the
I Stale that now puts herself in an attitude of i
i secession so regards it. If the alternative !
be non-siihtni -fin to a President, elected ac- j
cording to constitutional form , or war, then :
let war come; let it come in any shape.
There is an idea tty these troubles are
owing fit the aggressions of the North. The j
truth is that there is a set of venal politicians j
and presses in the North, traitors to the pco- j
pie they live among, and on whom they feed, j
who persistently misrepresent the sentiments
of that section. Let the result of this contro- !
versy be as it may, the country drenched in
blood if it may, his little State would stand j
acquitted before the whole civilized world. ,
Tiie difficulty in the North is that she lias ;
conceded too much: the result of every, dis- !
agreement has been fresh concessions from I
that section. She has no more concessions j
or compromises to make- lie admitted that 1
the South was to have an honest administra- j
tion of the fugive-slave law, and wi.-hed it to ]
be so. He bad no sympathy wilh Fourth of
July orators who we e perpetually dilating
on the progress we had inn le, when we had, J
in reality, done nothing. AVe have only betn j
trying an experiment, and were now in its I
crisis Rome, ns a republic, endured for six j
hundred years, but some of the very soldiers |
who fought for ti.is country in theßevolution j
were still living. The great struggle of prin- j
cijile with power, which had been going on in |
Great Britain for cenUrics, was now seeking
its termination country whose early
soldiers were still living. In the course of a
few further remarks, Mr. Hale said he could I
not help regarding the Supreme Court as a j
subservient judiciary, lie had, he said,since j
his appearance upon this floor, found himself |
uniformly opposed to the acting administra- |
tion. lie was glad that he would not so stand i
in regard to the incoming administration, if
it should not quail before file storm.
Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, said if lie was ]
to have peace, wanted to know it; and if j
war he wished to know that also. He asked j
if the Ropublidan jftrty not only denied the ;
South peace in the Union, but intended to re- j
fuse them that poor boon out of it.
Mr Hale said his remarks were merely his j
own private opinions; be did not speak fur a j
party and had held no communication, by I
letter or personally, with the President elect, j
lie had not said Will’ mu.st come; but. lie be- j
Jieved it would come.
Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, after referring to
the positions of Mr. Hale, stated that five :
States at least, would certainly secede, and a j
Confederacy, as he hoped and believed, be t
formed. The North and the South were dis
tinct peoples even now. In this chamber
there was no reciprocity of the usual conrte- I
sics between the two sides of the Senate, and |
I this w.s a type of tho sections represented ,
by these -ides. Vb; ‘■North kfct lit./ i ‘>nlh,
Lml no love is Inst frou, theSouiii toward the ;
■ Orth. [Laughter in galleries.] In every
espect-—politically, geographically, and so- [
ciiiUy—the North and the South were distinct j
nations, and could not, and ought not to. live
under one government. He did not wish for
war, but if it must, come let it come; The |
South will say to her enemies, “We ll welcome
you with bloody hands to hospitable graves.”
Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, discussed at some
length flic right of sece sion, quoting from
the message the portions he objected to, and
reading from Elliott's Debates. He main
tained that a Stale bad the undoubted right
to secede, and said if South Carolina should
withdraw, and the Government should keep
Federal troops within her borders, an attempt
would be made to take the forts *and blood
would flow.
Mr. Lane, of Oregon, did not understand
the President as saying lie would collect the
duties ifSouih Carolina seceded.
Mr. Wigfall said the more he read the Mes
sage the less he comprehended it. [Laughter.]
For himself, if war must come, lie would say |
“To thy tents, O Israeli” and the God of Bat- j
ties decide the issue 1
Mr Saulsbury, of Delaware, said his State |
was the first to adopt tlie Constitution and !
would be the last to do anything looking to
its destruction. [Applause and hisses.] It
would be time enough when this Union was
dissolved for Delaware to say what she would
do. [Applause and increased hissing.]
Then, at 25 minutes past 2, p. m., the
Senate adjourned.
[From the X. V. Tribune, Nov. ffil/A. ]
Are >Ve Going to Fight !
That the State of South Carolina is about
to secede from the Union—that her Conven
tion to assemble on the 17th proximo will as
sume formally to dissolve her connection with
the Federal Government—is no longer doubt
ful. Probably no single delegate has been or
will bo chosen to that Convention who is not
an avowed secessionist. It is expected that
the act of secession will be perfected on the
second day of the Convention, and that not
a single vote will be cast or voice raised
against it. „
What then?
Georgia. Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana.
Florida, Texas and Arkansas—-composing
(with South Carolina) the eight Cotton States
—are confidently expected to follow. Some
of them will probably do so, but not without
a desperate struggle. The Union lias warm j
friends in each of these States, and among i
them is Sain Houston, Governor of Texas.— !
Threatening demonstrations have been and i
will be made to induce him to call the Legis- !
l.iture to meet in exit- • ssior. ft v the purpose ‘
! of calling a Convention : but we think they
; will have to hang him up until he is black in
the face before they will force him to do so.
All the rest of the Cotton States have Five-
Eating Governors, who wilt readily call their
Legislatures: indeed, most of them hare al
ready done so. We shall not anticipate the
result, though ive shall await it with intense
anxiety.
ii South Corolina shall bo left to stand
alone, we think she must ultimately recede.
Her people, weave aware, do not think so;
but a single State will not be permitted to
break up tbe Union. We do not talk of sub
duing her; we only say tlia. her position as
a seceding and quasi independent State in the
heart of a Federal Union will be anomalous
and untenable. She may maintain it for a
little while, but will ultimately be constrained
to return to her norma! condition of a mem
ber of the Confederacy.
But ii the cotton States generally unite
with her iu seceding, we insist that they can
not be prevented, and that the attempt must
not bo made. Five millions of people, more
than half of them of the dominant race, of
whom at least half a million aje able and
willing to shoulder muskets, can never be
subdued while fighting around and over their
own hearthstones. If they could be, they
would no longer be equal members of the
Union, but conquered dependencies. Sup
pose they could be overcome and their mili
tary forces destroyed: what then? Can you
compel them to send members to Congress ?
Can you make them accept Federal offices ?
Can you prevent their taring and feathering
those who do ?• If how idle to talk of
subduing them!
As to all that is so well said of the duty of
remaining in the Union and submitting to its,
constitutional authority, etc., etc., we con
our in i; most heartily: but suppose blic won’t,
what do you propose to do about it ? Web
ster, and Marshall, and Story have reasoned
well—lhe Federal flag represents a Govern
nment, not a mere league; we are in many
respects une nation, from ilie St. Johns to the”
Rio Grande : but the genius of our institu
tions is essentially republican, and averse to
the employment of military force to fasten one
section of our confederacy to the other. If
eight States haying Five Millions of People
choose to separrte from us they can not be
withheld from so doing by Federal cannon.
Virginia will undoubtly form one of the
seceding States. That is Ihe unanimous
voice oi the rcp‘ esentativo men from the Old
| Domiuio- :.dw hero.
From the Washington correspondence of
the Charleston Mercury: •
The adjournment of the two Houses of
i Congress yesterday, to meet on Monday, was
by preconcert between the Abolitionists and
border State members, for tbe purpose of
preventing discussion. The old wire-pullers
are at work, and are resorting to every des
: perate means which cunning can suggest, to
patch up a temporary peace. They have
; carefully sounded, fully understand,
the spirit of the members from the cotton
States, but are still incredulous of that gov
j erning the people whom they represent- It
is to gain time to operate upon them, by in
troducing conciliatory measures in Congress
—measures which they know to be hollow
and impracticable —but which they design
more for the object of delay than anything
else. Delay once conceded, their game of
hilling the secession movement becomes cer
j lain, to their minds. It is generally under
stood that tiie members of the committee of
thirty-three, from the cotton States, appoint
ed by the Speaker on Mr. Bottler's resolu
tion, will, some of them, either refuse to
serve, or if < ompelled to do so by the refusal
of the House t i excuse them, make a minor
ity report which must lead to angry discus
siou. A desperate effort to ward off this re
sult is now being made, but it will certainly
fail. The committee bears in its very com
position the seeds of its own rottenness. It
is purely sectional, except where such men
from the South as Henry Winter Davis, of
Maryland, and politicians of a like stripe,
could be selected from the Southern delega-
I tions. These, however, have few affinities
with their constituents, and are without their
I confidence. Thev in no particular truly
represent them. It is, in addition, a remark
able feature in the composition of this com
mittee that no member of it is a Breckin
ridge man except in those instances where it
was impossible to appoint Douglas men,
I Americans, or an Abolitionist.
The correspondent says there are but three
Breckinridge men on the committee. He
concludes his letter in these words.
I am in constant communication with per
sons of the highest intelligence fTom Mary
land, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennesse, and
all the cotton States, and they say to Caro
lina : “Action! action! action! for our
j safety and your own.”
The President’s Message.
The Charleston Mercury publishes an arti
cle which it introduces to its readers as fol
, sows :
“ Tiie following criticism of the President’s
Message has been handed us from a high
| quarter.”
’ We copy a part of the article as follows :
Holding these views, the President declares
that lie will refer the whole matter to Con-
I gress, as beyond his Executive power to settle.
I But, that until Congress pronounces its deci
i sion upon the status of such a seceding State,
j he his bound by his oath to administer the -
! laws of the United States; but having declared
j that its force is also neutralized by a state-
I meat of the insuperable difficulties in the
way of such administration. Indeed the
whole message stands as scarcely an cquivo
| cal declaration that this Union is ended—its
; days numbered —its work done. So be it.
; We purely believe it. We sympathise with
! ihe position of Mr. Buchanan. We are ready
j to dojustice to the honest expression of his
i opinions and feeling-, which he has made in
this message. We hope and trust that, when
i the State shall have seceded, he will be pre
: pared to meet the many and different ques
tions which must come in the same spirit of
temperate good sense. This duty may be
i a painful one; but it is also a great one. He
| cun safely declare that lie has not, by trea
chery to the Constitution, * fear of wild and
wicked fanaticism, hastened this end. But
it has come, and the only duty lejj. and thej|
! pijv'est cfdutie rteft to
I Ui” e lilted’ Staled,. k*o : %xf
ment of such a tno V-ffl by li.e calm wisupiu
! proclaimed by half a cemury of eminent am}
’ heffnrab’.c public -e; rice, am’ ts - make this
final parting, one of peace.
j fitiy* The Southern students at Jeffi-*soa
! College, Pennsylvania, have resolved to leave
in a body on the 19th instant, for their re
spective homes.
We take the following paragraphs from a
letter to the Mercury, written at Lowell,
Mass., under date of tlie sth inst:
And what guaranties should satisfy the
South? In my estimation, nothing short of
amendments to the Constitution, that would
make negro slavery legal and perpetual in
every State in the Union, and upon every foot
of territory that now belongs, or ever shall
belong, to the United States.. It is not only
possible, but probable, that such a reaction
may take place in the public mind. When
we are no longer one people, and the North
I see that they, as well as the South, are de
pendent upon the products cf slave labor for
all their material prosperity (not to say for
their very subsistence), they will begin to
’ reason upon the slavery question. And to
reason from facts, not indulging passion, is
to come to the conclusion that negro slavery
is light, poliiieally, morally and religiously.
*******
Whether Lincoln will attempt to coerce tbe
seceding States (I take it for granted that
there will be such) is a matter of much so
liciUide among the Abolitionists in ibis State.
Some claim that'it will be his duty to do so;
others say no. There is a disposition mani
fested by a portion of the Black Republicans
to back down from their extreme positions,
I but the greater portion of them are more ul
na and impudent than ever. They breathe
i nothing but fire and slaughter against the
1 South. I wish that every submissionist in
the soutli was compelled for one week to
listen to their impudent, threats and insane
i vituperations. If it diJ not cure him, he
might be set down as incorrigible. They
even go so far as to threaten with violence
those who say one word in defence of the
rights and institutions of the South, but as
knavery and cowardice are usually combined
there is little to fear from them.
Mb. Bcchaxax’s Style ofConciliation.—
The President, it will be seen, proposes to en-,’
graft tbe Fugitive Slave law of 1850 into the]
constitution, and make it part of the fundaif
mental law of the land. At the same time he
; declares that unless the Personal Liberty
j bills are at once repealed, no human power
| can save the Union. We are sorry to hear it;
! for his first recommendation is admirably cal
culated to render the repeal of those utterly,
impossible.
Mr. Buchanan must know very well than
the harsh and unjust provisions of the FugiJn
tive Slave law—under which more than one |
free colored citizens of the North have been i
sent into slavery, have afforded the pretext
for these bills, and in the view of tens of
thousands of our citizens made them abso
lutely necessary. If those provisions could
be modified, if the law could be divested of its
odious and repulsive features, without impair
ing its efficiency in the least, there would
be the slighest difficulty in procuring the re
peal of every one of the Personal Liberty
laws, Yjjiicli gave such serious offende to the
Southern States. But without some such
amendments, or at least some indication of a
willingness to take them into consideration,'’
it is idle to expect that the Northern State)*)
will sweep them from their statute books®
merely at the beck and will of the South.
Mr. Buchanan’s style of compromise is ceT-S
tainly peculiar. Instead of the Fugitive Slmh
law, in order to conciliate the North, he
coolly proposes to make that law, with
defects and unjust provisions, part and nM
cel of the Constitution. He could not pflßju
bly have made any recommendation more
tain to arouse the resentment of the NiflU
than this. And no severer blow could hwtjl
been given to the rising spirit of compronuH|)
and conciliation, than it thus receives at thi l
hands of the President. —New York TYmssJlH
Neio York City a Republic. —Mayor WjSRK
of New Y’ork is great on “sensations
his newest sensation, it is said, will be
cial message to the Common Council,
mandiug that, as soon as South
cedes from the Union, measures will be i tskyf
to erect the city and county of New YhJB;
with the adjacent counties of Westchcci^,. ea( j
Kings. Queens and.Suffolk, into a sepsw
State, in order to cut loose from the 43 jport of
itionists and Republicans of the rural distflE rernor’s
Tlrtf message, it is said, is already in goo® n,t man
written, and that it was to submit it totjmifed the
tain hgih authorities that took the Matt far any
Washington, a few days since. 9 ividual.
The John Brown Pikes. —One of the ll kich * re
instruments of death specially prepared l “ e et * u ”
the murder of our people by the hands (W
slaves may be seen at the store of .V Js&C’r D *7 B
Taylor A Hoyt, on College Avenue, Wttrw elf
all the calm, suhmissionists in the State {apt ?V w * B
look at it for one minute, and thepyunk oi
their wives and children at home. injH|gi t
many would go away quite as
they go in. —Athens Banner.
[For the Federal Union. ]
Co-operation Among the Seceding States.
Messrs. Editors: As I have been honored by
the request from several citizens of this and
adjoining States, for my opinion as to the
proper plan to .be adopted by the seceding
States, for the purpose of securing unitedand
harmonious action—may I ask of you a cor
mr in your “Daily” for the expression of an
oj iuiun perhaps of but little consequence.
Such co-operation I deem of great impor
tance. The greater the number of States
which retire together from this Union—the
more dignity and moral weight will the move
ni.-nt have. Any haste in one State to move
in advance of the others, (though not. so in
tended) will have or be construed into an ap
pearance of a disregard to the will and action
of others. And while lam free to admit that
each State must act for herself and resume by
her own independent will her delegated
sovereignty, yet I conceive that it is possible
and highly desirable that all of them should
assign some common day for such resump
tion. In the,meanwhile proper steps might
be taken not only to secure harmonious ac
tion, but to provide for a future Confederacy.
so be more explicit—South Carolina holds
hezCQivention on the 17th of this month—
t> “ 3rd of January—Alabama and ‘
M vissippi on the 7th, and Georgia oh the
D ili ot ihe same month. Other States may
appoint earlier or later days. If the Con
vt itiion offiShulh Carolina would by ordinance
de .lare that State out of the Union, the ordi
nance to take effect at some future day —say tiie
15th or 20th of February, and by the same
ordinance should provide for commissioners
or delegates to meet similar commissioners
from other seceding States—at an earlier day,
(say Ist. February,) to consult and consider
the propriety of stepping from the one Union
into another, based upon the Constitution of
the United States; and if the several Conven
iens which follow should in like manner fix
upon the same day for secession, and make
i uilar provisions for delegates for consulta
tion, we should present to the other. States
and the world an example of calm delibera
tion worthy of a free People. While at the
stme time there would he no symptom of
hesitancy or indecision, which could be con
strued into the slightest doubt ns to the pro
priety of our action, or the fixedness of our
purpose. And all this can bo consummated
before the hated dynasty is inaugurated as
our Government.
But two objections suggest themselves to
my mind as to this course : First, By giving
notice of an intention, the seceding State
invites preparation by the General Govern
ment to defeat it. This may be avoided by
provision in the Ordinance for earlier action
in such an event. Second. Is such consultv
ton and negotiation Constitutional while we
in the Union ? I think it is on the
1 art of a State seceding and only postponing
the day of secession, while it might not he on
the part of States purposing still to remain in
the Union.
I have said that the new Confederacy
should be based upon the Constitution of
-Uie United States. Our people love that Con
stitution, while they are heartily sick of the
Union. Os necessity some changes will be
lequired—and the Convention of Delegates
thus chosen could provide for sucli changes.
Thus we could have true co-operation, that
is, among States of similar views and inten
tions, and thus we would provide for an
almost immediate discharge of all the func
tions of Government.
With great diffidence I make these sugges
tions for the considerat ion of more experienced
minds.
Respectfully, Thos. R. It. Cobb.
—. o
luuncu .e Secession Demonstration in Sa-
L vanuali!
The meeting last night at Masonic Hall
was the'largest und enthusiastic we
Tver aawVin Savannah. At an early hour in
the streets in tiie neighborhood
bJubtl®' wei ' e Pronged with people of all
Ujososi .yfue Sons or ilie South, the Minute
-Tilen, aad the Southern Rights Club, was
formed at the Exohange under the direction
of John M. Gucriu and, Esq., Chief Marshal.
iVith torches and banners, and preceeded by
a band of music, they then marched up the
Bay to Whitaker street, up Whitaker to South
Broad street, down South Broad to Drayton,
and thence to the Hall. Not more than one
ihirdoftbe immense crowd could gain en
trance. and the larger part of the procession
formed themselves in a line on Bull street, in
front of the Hall.
The meeting inside was organized by call
ing His Honor, Mayor C. C. Jones, Jr., to the
Chair, Rev. J. F. O’Neill acting as Vice-Pre
sident, and C. 11. Way as Secretary.
Ilia Honor, the Mayor, on taking the
Chair, explained the object of the meeting,
after which ex-Mayor Arnold, after some ap
propriate remarks, proposed the appointment
of a committee of thirty-three to nominate
candidates for the convention. The motion
was put, both inside and outside of the Hall,
anfl carried unanimously.
The committee reported the following
names as nominees for delegates to the Con
vention :
Capt. Jno. W. Anderson, .
Capt. F. S. Bartow,
Cfil. Augustus S. Jones.
Resolutions were unanimously passed in
structing the delegation to vote tor the imme
diate secessisn of Georgia from the Union.
Speeches were made by Jloii. Henry R.
Jackson, F. S. Bartow and others, and the
meeting is still in session as we go to press
wftli our country edition.— Savannah Xeu-s
lZth.
Muscogee Moving—Secession Meeting—Great
Enthusiasm. —The people of Muscogee in fa
vor of immediate secession, assembled at the
Court House at 12 M., on Tuesday the 11th.
On motion Hon. A. H. Chappel was called to
the Chair, and Oliver Cromwell and A. J. Floyd
appointed Secretaries.
After an impressive prayer by Rev. J. H.
DeVotie of the Baptist Church, a committee
of five, consisting of John A. Jones, Esq., R.
J. Moses, Esq., Dr. John E. Bacon, and Mr.
Richard Dozier, reported the following reso
lutions, which were unanimously agreed to,
to-wit:
m Resolved, That this meeting cordially ap
prove the call of a Convention by the Legis
lature of the S.ate of Georgia, to determine
the “mode, manner, and time of resistance”
to Black Republican rule.
Resolved, That we consider SECESSION as
the only mode and measure of resistance, and
, that, we consider the 16th day of January,
-*ct as soon thereafter as practicable, as
ucJriME, aud that we cordially invite the co
iteration of the slave States of this Union in
[pis mode and measure of resistance.
* s'pon motion of Mr. D. P. Ellis, the meet
ing proceeded to nominate candidates for
delegates to tbe State Convention, by ballot,
which resulted as follows:
Hon. Henry L. Benning received 248 votes.
James N. ltamsey, “ 199 “
A. S. Rutherford, Esq., “ 142 “
Hon. A. H. Chappell, “ 71 “
Mr. R. M. Gunby, “ 62 “
Mr. F. S. Dillard, “ 27 “
Dr. J. E. Bacon, “ 19 “
Scatterring, “ 14 “
! The three highest on the ballot were de
clared elected and the election-made unani
f mous amid great applause. Hon. James N‘
['Ramsey was loudly called for, who made a
Isliurtr pointed, eloquent speech, which was
received. B. A. Thornton,
fEsq. also made a few appropriate, well-timed
Lremirks for separate State action and the
I independence of Georgia.
I. The:* meeting adjourned in the finest
I humor, amid enthusiasm and cheers for the
I’ticket and old Muscogee. The men selected
[ will bear the secession flag with honor to a
I glorious victory.
The Burch Divorce Case.
[ Napierville, Til., Dec. 10, 1860.—The jury
I in the case of Mr. Burch, the hanker, of Chi-
I cago. vs. Mrs. Burch, for divorce, rendered a
| verc to-day, for the defendant Mrs.
jjßur^T
3 Van Arman, for the complainant, con
jj eluded his argument at noon to-day, having
I spoken nine hours.
j then adjourned until two P. M.
N OiilL'iening the afternoon session the Judge
instructions iu behalf of both
irty-two in all, and submitted the case
R. o’clock.
j ;ry was out an hour and a half, and
ru with a verdict in favor of Mrs.
P..
r verdict was received with demonstra-
Bjof enthusiasm which spread rapidly
h the village.
pt-el for the defense made a motion for
fTvcdy of the children and alimony,
and m inis ir? ; nurned. The trial has
whom can wc rot
alone. His Omni pyre at seven o’clock,
from the awful effebv rejoicings by the
follies. Jfc hundred rockets
£of the Tremont
THIBTY-SIXTH CONGRESS.
Second Session.
SENATE Dec. 10.
Mr. Powell’s resolution in regard to federal
affairs was called up. He said that events
were rapidly crowding one upon another,
which, if not speedily suppressed, would re
sult in a dissolution of the government.—The
resolution proposes legislation to give power
for the correction of the evils which have pro
duced the present state of affairs.—Duty to
the country requires that they should act
promptly. The eleventh amendment was made
i and in 1803 the twelfth was made.
| Our lathers acted in emergencies, and so can
i we.
Mr. King—l am not one of those that de-
J spair.
Mr. Collamcr moved that part of the reso
lution be stricken out except so much as re
ferred to federal affairs, and that it be refer
red to a special committee.
Mr. King inquired whether additional legis
lation was necessary to maintain the consti
tution.
Mr. Y'ulee inquired what was intended by
the amendment.
Mr. Green said he would not vote for the
resolution for an amendment to the constitu
tion or legal ennetments ; unless the popular
sentiment goes with it, or the strong arm of
government goes with it, it is not worth a
straw.
Mr. Latham said that California will re
main with the Union—'the great North and
West—no matter what occurs. The Pacific
railway was the great desideratum of her peo
ple.
Mr. Powell accepted Mr. Collamer’s propo
sition to strike out.
Mr. Foster said the remark had been made
that the management of the government was
in the hands of the democratic party. We were
told that the Union is in danger of disruption
and will fall to pieces
1 will, therefore, cordially give my support
to the resolution, and hope the committee
will decide promptly for the harmony and
peace of the country. [Applause.]
Mr. Douglas said:—l am ready to act with
anybody—any individual who looks to the
settlement of this question, or that will aid
in the preservation of the constitution I
trust we may lay aside all party grievances,
feuds and jealousies, and look to oufi country,
not our party, oil this occasion. I desire to
hear no words of party while” meet ing and
discussing a question upon which the fate of
the country depends.
Mn Davis said that the proposition pre
sented was not very hopeful of good results.
It lias been suggested to cure the public evil
by investing the federal government with
physical power, Buch as rightfully belongs to
the minority alone. Some refer evn to party.
Sir, we have fallen on evil times when party
politics are shaken by this slavery agitation.
The formation of republican government was
peaceable. Our fathers fought the war of
the revolution to maintain their rights as set
forth in the Declaration of Independence.
Mr. Powell said, I speak of the present gov
ernment.
Mr. Davis—The government is a machine.
It is an agency of the Stale. I cling to the
government not merely because of the name
and form, but on account of its spirit and
purpose. It was formed to insure domestic
tranquility—to provide a common eiefense;
not disloyal armies and navies, and bring by
common force a State fogethcr. Do we want
anew government, and are we to exercise
military force over the people of the State?
This is not the means our fathers provided
for [Hitting down insurrection. When it was
proposed that Congress should execute the
lews, it was refused upon the ground that to
make war upon any State would rear a mili
tary despotism.
Ilow long would it be before a inilitry force
would turn on the minority? It is proceed
ing under the name of Union to carry ou war
against each State. This 1 will resist as sub
versive of the theory of our constitution,
ififieli is oik- of the equality of the sovereign
States. It was made by States, and made for
States. [The debate was further continued
by Mr. Foster and other Senators.]
HOUSE.—Mr. Hawkins explained at length
why he could not serve on Mr. Botcler’s com
mittee; and, in the course of his remarks, he
rebuked the'incongruous construction of the
committee. He was particularly severe on
Winter Davis, who did not represent the senti
ments of his State. Ilegave fair warning that
Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia and
South Carolina would certainly secede, and
Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas would certain
ly follow. The selection of the committee
tended to disgrace and irritate the South.
The time for patching up peace had gone
by.
Messrs. Vallat-dighain and McClernand
complained that the Democracy of the North
west were not represented on the committee.
Mr. Sickles said in the eventof a dissolution
of the Union, New York city would set up for
herself as a free port. To settle the present
question, the Republicans must repeal their
unjust laws, as well as give proper protection
to Southern rights. If they will not respect
the Constitution of our fathers, it can’t be
expected they will amend it, guided by such
men as Seward, Giddings and Sumner, so as
to secure the objects sought.
No vote was taken on Mr. Hawkin’s request
to be excused.
Mr. Sherman, by consent, reported a bill
authorizing the issue of ten millions in
Treasury notes, to meet public necessities—
which passed. The bill provides for six per
cent, interest, and authorizes the Secretary
of the Treasury to issue them as necessity re
quires, to the highest bidder, for specie, with
out restriction as to par value.
The House then adjourned.
Agricultural Resources of Georgia. —Dr.
Meredith Reese, A. M., M. D., L. L. D., of
New York, in the American Medical Gazette
of December, 1860; thus notices the Reportof
Prof. Joseph Jones, of Augusta, Ga., to the
Southern Cotton Planters’ Convention of
Georgia:
Prof. Joseph Jones, M. D., of the Medical
College, having been appointed Chemist to
the Cotton Planters’ Convention of the State,
has published his first report, in a huge oc
tavo pamphlet of 312 pages. It exhibits the
agricultural resources of that State to be im
mense and inexhaustible, and proves how
little has been done to develop them by the
sparse population of that extensive State, in
which millions of acres of the finest land, rich
to repletion, with every native material for
agricultural improvement, are lying unculti
vated, not only going to waste, but rapidly
deteriorating for lack of industrious laborers.
The luxuriant crops yielded to the past gene
ration by the spontaneous richness of the
soil, and this with but little labor or cultiva
tion, have exhausted its productiveness, and
the inhabitants by tens of thousands have mi
grated to other parts of the State and to other
States in quest of more productive lands.
The agricultural survey, now commenced
by Prof. Jones, as the appointee of a Con
vention of Cotton Planters, if fostered by
the State and carried out to completion, can
not fail to work a mighty revolution in the
and commercial status of that great
State, for Georgia has a Territory 322 miles
in length from North to South, and 224 miles
in breadth from East to West, having thus an
area 58,000 square miles, while her whole
population scarcely exceeds that of the sin
gle city of New York, including half a mil
lion of the colored race, either bond or free,
and includes almost every variety of climate,
extending, as it does, from the almost tropi
cal regions wpon the Atlantic coast to the
cool aud bracing atmosphere of the Blue
Ridge, thus covering the finest climate of any
State in the Nnion. Surely the time cannot
be distant when agriculturists will rally to
develop ihe resources of so desirable a coun
try, and rescue its worn-out soil from the
sterility to which the richest lands of earth
are destined when exhausted by their own
productiveness and abandoned without labor
to the elements, annually degenerating by
neglect.
We copy the above with much pleasure
from the Chronicle <j- Sentinel. Some days
since we received a copy of the work, refer
red to by Dr. Reese, and intended before this
to acknowledge its reception and commend it
to the public for its varied and intrinsic mer
its. The work oontains twelve chapters
whicli make three hundred and twelve pages,
to which is appended a copious index. It
was published at the Chronicle & Sentinel
office of this city, and is a highly creditable
specimen of typographical execution. Dr.
Jones is eminently qualified to fill the posi
tion of chemist to tho Cotton Planters Con
vention. The varied learning displayed ip
this report on the Agricultural resources of
Georgia, its many valuable suggestions, and
its practical truths, commend it to thecon
sideration of all intelligent^Agriculturistt.
Eromthe Washington Constitution.
The Resignation of Hon. Howell Cobb.
We are authorised to announce the resigna
tion by the Hon. Howell Cobb of the high
and responsible office of Secretary of the
Treasury, which he has held since the lorma
tion of President Buchanan's Cabinet, and
the President’s acceptance of the same.
The following are Mr. Cobb’s letter tender
ing his resignation, and the Presidents reply :
Washington City, Dec. 8, 1860.
My Dear Sir: A sense of duty to the
State of Georgia requires me to take a step
which makes it proper that I should no lon
ger continue to be a member of your Cabinet.
In the troubles of the country consequent
upon the late Presidential election, the honor
and safety of my State are involved. Her
people so regard it, and in their opinion I
freely concur. They are engaged in a strug
gle where the issue is life or death. My
friends ask for my views and counsel. Not
to respond would be degrading to myself and
unjust to them. I have accordingly prepared
and must now issue to them, an address
which contains the calm aud soleniu convic
tions of my heart aud judgment.
The views which I sincerely entertain, and
which therefore I am bound to express, differ
in some respects from your own. The exist
ence of this difference would expose me, if I
should remain in my pjßsent place, to unjust
suspicion, an?? put you in a false position.
The first of these consequences I could bear
well enough, but I will not subject you to the
last.
My withdrawal has not been occasioned by
anything you have said or done. Whilst dif
fering from your message upon some of its
theoretical doctrines, as well as from the
hope so earnestly expressed that the Union
can yet be preserved, there was no practical
result likely to follow which required me to
retire from your administration. That ne
cessity is created by what 1 feel it my duty
to do; and the responsibility of the act, there
fore, rests alo!ne upon myself,
To say that 1 regret, deeply regret, this
necessity, but feebly expresses the feeling
with which I pen this communication. For
nearly four years I have been associated with
you as one of your Cabinet officers, and dur
ing that period nothing has occurred to mar,
even for a moment, our personal and official
relations. In the policy and measures of
your Administration I have cordially con
curred, and shall ever feel proud of the hum
ble place which my name may occupy in its
history. If your wise counsels and patriotic
warnings had been heeded by your country
men, the fourth of March next would have
found our country happy, prosperous, anil
united. That it will not be so, is no fault of
yours.
The evil has now passed beyond control,
and must be met by each and all of us under
our responsibility to God and our country.
If, as I believe, history will have to record
yours as the last administration of our pre
sent Union, it will also place it side by side
with the purest and ablest of these that pre
ceded it.
With t.lie kindest regards for yourself and
the members of your Cabinet, with whom I
have been so pleasantly associated,
I am most truly and sincerely, your'friend,
Howell Cobh.
To the President.
Washington, December 10, 18(50.
My Dear Sir : I have received your com
munication of Saturday evening resigning the
position of Secretary of the Treasury which
you have held since the commencement of
my administration. Whilst 1 deeply regret
that you have determined to separate yourself
from us at the present critical moment, yet 1
admit that the question was one of your own
decision. 1 could have wished you had ar
rived at a different conclusion, because our
relation , both official and personal, have
ever been of the most friendly and confiden
tial character. I may add that 1 have been
entirely satisfied with the ability and zeal
which have displayed in performing the
duties of your important oflicc.
Cuui.a/.y reciprocating y uni sciitimei.U of
personal regard, I remain, very respectfully,
your fri'end,
James Buchanan.
iion. lie well Conn.
Knowing as we do the reverence and affec
tion which Mr. Cobb feels for tho President,
and the unbounded confidence in and regard
for him which the President entertains, we
can comprehend the regret which this sever
ance of official intercourse must have caused
to both ; and we arc well aware that nothing
but an imperative sense of duty would have
impelled Gov. Cobb to the step he has taken.
Hosts of friends, who, like ourselves, have
learned to know his worth, to value his high
qualities of head and heart, to admire his
great talents, and to appreciate his frank,
genial manners, will miss him from among us
as regretfully as we shall. We know that tho
same high and honorable motives which have
ever guided his public and private career
have actuated him in his present course, and
are sure that even those who differ most
widely from him in opinion, must honor and
respect his convictions of duty.
Gov. Cobb returns immediately to his na
tive State', Georgia, where we have no doubt
his sage counsels and varied experience will
prove of immense value to his fellow-citizens
in the stirring scenes in which they are called
to play so prominent aud important a part.
Where has the Gold Gone To ?—The London
Times, of Nov. 15, in its money article, says
that, since the autumn of 1859, the banks of
France and England together have experi
enced a drain of j£15,000,000. Some fair
portion of the outflow, it adds, has doubtless
been directed to Northern Germany, the
largest receipts of grain having been from
Prussian ports, while a demand for a further
portion may reasonably be attributed to an
increased activity of coin among the people,
especially in England, in consequence of the
unparalleled extent of commercial traffic. The
Times continues:
But these are all inadequate to explain the
largeness of the sum that has been absorbed.
Perhaps they may solve the question as to
£5,000,000, but there will then remain £lO,-
000,000 to be traced out. The difficulty, how
ever, wili vanish when we look at the vast
military operations that have been going on
in various parts during the last twelve months.
In Syria and China the outlay must have been
immense, and these are about the two worst
countries in the world from which we could
look for a speedy flowing back of any thing
that may be expended. At the same time the
French army at Rome lias been maintained
on a scale of increasing costliness, and through
out the whole of Italy and Sicily, the move
ments of armies have necessitated a constant
use of coin, while the inhabitants of those
countries they have, doubtless led to board
ing. In the midst of all these charges, France
has parted with £BOO,OOO to the Viceroy of
Egypt, and is every day augmenting, in every
quarter, the expenses of her armaments, aud
also of her diplomatic establishments.
The Times concludes with the remark that
“it is hard, even for England, with her bound
less trade and extraordinary credit, to main
tain the scale of expenditures now'being
forced upon her: but for France, the financial
policy of the Emperor, must, sooner or later,
be ruinous.”
The Spirit.
Below we give the opening paragraph of
the Marietta Stateman’s account of the Cobh
Cos., meeting.
Cobb County a unit—No Submsssion for her—
ff’he Leaders at Fault-, but the People Right. —
A Good Ticket Nominated by Acclamation.
Tuesday was a glorious day for the good
old county of Cobh ; and the voice which she
sends greeting to her sister counties of the
State will not only be regarded as in keeping
with her prominence, her patriotism, and her
devotion to the rights of tho South, hut will
thrill with delight the hearts of Georgia’s
sons, from the rich Savannahs to her lofty
mountain peaks. We wish every man in the
oounty could have been present at the patri
otic feast which was served up ; for, like the
supper of old, which fed a multitude, from
five loaves and three fishes, there was en
kindled from the doubt, distrust, and parti
san feeling which existed at the opening of
meeting, enough of genuine patriotism,
brotherly love, Southern valor and devotion
to this beautiful, sunny home otours, to tiro
a million hearts, and nerve a million arms in
her defence.
The following is the ticket : —Hon. George
D. lfioe; Elisha H. Lindley ; Allen J. Winn.
A writer in the London Shipping Gazette
styles tlfb iron screw steamships, now exten
sively employed in navigating the waters of
Northern Europe, as “sea-going coffins.” No
legs than six or seven of them were lost (five
foundered) in a gale October 3a and 4th. the
loss of life amounting to about two hundred
persons.
tfo. 21.
An Appeal to the South.
no. v.
Ihe Southern Stales shoulti leave the Union
now, because the time is propitious to the move
ment, and the separation at no far distant day
is inevitable.
I do not believe that there exists on the
face of the earth two nations who more cor
dially detest each other, than the slavehold
ing and non-slaveholding States of this Re
public. It was bad enough before Lincoln’s
election ; it is ten times worse, if possible,
now. It takes a long, long time to cool in
ternational hatred, even when the causes
have ceased, and mutual interests have shed
their cooling influences upon it. With the
people ot the North, it has maddened lega
tion, poisoned the fountains of justice,
eclipsed reason, blinded judgment, benumbed
sensibility, subdued delicacy, banished cour
tesy, deadened humanity, leveled distinctions,
neutralised oaths, justified extortion, white
washed bribery, honored theft, sanctified
butchery, profaned pulpits, desecrated chur
ches, and in divers respects set at defiance all
the laws of God and man. Is not this true?
Look at their mis-uamed Personal Liberty Acts
They alone verify much that I have said.
Their title is a falsehood. They imply a
breach of oath and constitution in all who en
acted [hem, M They harbor runaways. They
shock j ustice and the moral sense.
They (some of them) make it criminal in
witnesses to speak the truth. They make it
shockingly criminal for a white man to claim
his rights, and for no other offence they cast
him into prison from two months to fifteen
years. That is personal liberty, is it ? And,
moreover, they impose a fine on him from one
to five thousand dollars. Name the offence,
not capital, so sorely visited, as that of a
man’s saying “this is tny negro, and I claim
him.” May God deliver me from all connec
witli a batch of judicial monsters who can
thus legislate. Look at their tariff. Look
how their courts decide all questions wherein
the master’s and the slave’s interest are
brought in issue. See their versions of the
Constitution, of their oaths, of the Bible.
Look to Mattison and hip confreres in Con
gress. Hear their glorying in man stealing.
Sec their mobs, their raids, their murders,
their house burning. Mark Montgomery,
fresh from Boston, tiie second Brown. See
their many gatherings in that oity. High,
low, white, black, male, female—all on a
level, all tongue-clattering, all furious. See
the conventicle of preachers, professors, stu
dents, women and children, in the North
Church of New Haven, subscribing for Sharpe’s
rifles. See genteel ladies in common plot
with dirty negroes, nay, united with them in
connubial bonds. Listen to their insults,
their sarcasms, their dares.
What mean these bedlam scenes? Why,
persons a thousand miles from these people
own slaves, and they wish them set free. It
wili cost the owners $2,400,000,000 to set
them free. No matter, they must be set free,
or men will turn demons and women furies.
But orphan children own a half million of
them, and these cannot be set free. No mat
ter, they must be set free in some way. But
the poor own a few. No matter, they must
be set free. But many poor own none. No
matter, they live among those who do own
them, and they must be burnt out and poison
ed with the rest. Does history or romance
furnish any parallel to this? Such are the
pieople on the one side; on the other, there is
no retaliatory legislation, no bending of jus
tice. A little while ago a clever estate in
South Carolina was decreed to free negroes
iu Ohio. Negroes claimed as slaves are often
set free by our courts. The Northern men
and the Southern man has equal justice. A
man comes reeking from the land of mobs
and violence, to the land of the mobbed, sues
in our courts for his just debts and recovers
—none inquiring whence he came or what
his creed. No mobs here, no bribery, no
contempt of law, no tw'-rtug of oaths. They
are taxed to enricl— Dupont’s J>- -‘hey com
plain, and tV-’- .The y
arc ro HAY—Eastern per ton 1V v ,
of tin I —Northern per ton —'-
*nvi. HIDES— pert*
( r IKON —Swedes. per }b
this They yieli/uTSh and
endure"R’Jg tor tin sake of the Union, and
this is called cowa’ lice. But enough of this.
How long can sue. people live together un
der one government ? How much more in
tolerant must the one become, before the pa
tieuce of tho other will wear out ? You have
just reached the point when you are as much
despised for your spirit as you are for your
property. They see that neither taxation,
robbery nor invarim can rouse you to resis
tance, and they h. ve begun to shake the lash
over you, dare you to fulfil your threats, and
tell you that you shall “eat dirt.” Your at
tachment to the Union I know is very strong ;
but the world does not know it; and it wili
write you down as the most arrant cowards
that ever disgraced the earth if you do not
go out f the Union, or declare war against
your oppressors. Y'ou must rise and vindi
cate your honor and your rights before long ; ‘
and why wait until you can endure no lon
ger ? Asa South Carolinian I should vote
against her having any fellowship with you,
if, after-having stood by and seen her fight
your battles, you some, with the dirt of Yan
kee heels upon your necks, to link your des-’
tiny with hers. 1 should be jealous of that
more than connubial love of yours, and fear
ful that if your task-makers should throw
you a pet word and a cruni of comfort, your
first love would revive in all its long-cherish
ed ardor, and you would desert the Palmetto
Confederacy for the glorious Union. Cojae,
now, and she. will receive you with open
arms, and thank you for your countenance.
A. B. Loxgstreet.
The Relief Bill. —Tiie Bill for the Relief of
the People, and the Suspension of the Banks,
has been passed over the Governor’s veto. In
the Senate, the vote was 95 to 13; in the
House, 108 to 20.
This bill goes into operation immediately.
No more debts are therefore to be collected
by law until December Ist, 1861. This will
be a great relief to the people. The most
punctual men will find some difficulty in
meeting their engagements, money being so
scarce. The farmers can now hold their cot
ton, and await a better price, which they may
confidently expect in the course of a few
months. We hope that they Will hold it, and
we urge upon them so to do, that none of it
may reach n northern mamet. Abolition
manufacturers at the North are already get
ting into trouble for the lack of material.
They say wc are compelled to Bell our cotton;
let us show them that we are not.
Yet while the law so favors those who can
not meet their many engagements, we trust
that none who have the money will take ad
vantage of the Relief Bill to withhold pay
ment — Bainbridge Argus.
Spirit of Columbus—9l,6oo Raised?
As an evidence of the spirit in Columbus,
to resist Republican rule, the citizens have
contributed over sixteen hundred dollars to
equip and put in marching order the “South
ern Guard,” embracing five military corps of
tbe city. One gentleman, an intelligent
member of this community, when called upon,
contributed SIOO, and stated that he had-one
hundred bags of cotton, the money from
which, he would gladly give to the cause of
Southern Rights. All who know this patriot
will give him crodit for being willing to do
what he says. Nor was be alone. There
were others willing to contribute any amount
at a moment’s warning, if necessary. They
feel that a grateful couutry will freely give
the tribute of their just applause to those who •
advocate the deliverance of the South at this
perilous moment. The ladies, too, are with
us and do not hesitate to declare their senti
ments. The cause prospers!
We take the above from the Columbus Times
of the 11th inst. Having been requested to
call the attention of our citizens to the fact
that our “Southern Guard,” the Minute Men,
have not yet been equiped, we can think of
nothing better to say, than, let Augusta emu
late her western sister.
Washington Items.
Washington, Dec. 12. —Ex-Gov. Thomas,
of Maryland, has been nominated by the
President to-day as Secretary of the Trea
sury, and been confirmed. He accepts the
position and will enter upon the discharge of
Ins duties at once
The progress of the secession movement in
Louisiana excites a good deal of interest
■among the Northwestern members. They
say they cannot permit it; that the Gulf States
must not cut loose from the great Northwest.
A Unit for Secession.— The South Caroli
nian says : “So far, there has not been a
single opponent of secession elected in the
State. Our Convention, will, therefore, we
Ihave no doubt, bo unanimous for immediate
secession.