Newspaper Page Text
die £ii-U)eehlt) Constitutiounlist.
BY JAMES GARDNER, JR
AUGUSTA, GA.
THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 7.
(From, the Georgia Banner.)
To Jas. M. Smythe, Editor of the Republic.
I have read with great care your explanation
of the sentiments which were delivered by you
in a speech at Forsyth in the year 1834, upon the
doctrine of Nullification. As will be seen from
the extracts which I made from a printed copy
of that speech, and which were published in the
“Newnan Banner,” and subsequently copied in
the “Chronicle & Sentinel,” you asserted the
right of the General Government to enforce the
execution of its laws, if necessary, “at the point
of the bayonet.” You also asserted in that speech
that a State had no right to declare an unconstitu
tional act of Congress null and void, for the rea
son that sovereignty resided not in the people of
the State, but in the people of the United States.
You asserted also that in our system of Govern
ment a majority must rule. These sentiments,
to my mind, were utterly antagonistical to those
you now entertain and urge in reference to State
secession. But you make a distinction between
the right of a State to secede from the Union and
the right of a State to nullify an act of Congress
and remain in the Union. The right of a State
to secede you assert, and maintain that the prin
ciples contained in your speech at Forsyth in no
way contravenes this right. Now without en
tering into the argument to show that there re
ally is no difference in these two positions, I must
beg further light upon some other passages of this
same speech. You say that you have always
maintained the right of a State to secede from the
Union. I assert that in the year 1834 you de
nounced this doctrine as wild and visionary. The
question therefore between us is—What were
your opinions in the year 1834 upon this subject?
To prove that you were opposed to the doctrine
of State secession, I quote from the same speech,
page 17 and 18, the following passages:
“Time has not permitted me to touch upon
the great subject of allegiance, or to notice the
wild theory of those who contend that any State
can secede at pleasure from the Union. So wide
a discussion would have trespassed too long upon
your patience and that indulgent attention which
you have so kindly bestowed, and perhaps would
have been considered inconsistent with the du
ties of the occasion. Perhaps it would be proper
for me here to state that our association, and par
ty generally, hold that supreme allegiance is due
to the United States—that the Union is intended
to be perpetual , and that no State can be released
from the obligations it is under to the rest , but by the
joint action and consent of all the parties to the con
tract .”
I have italicised the above words in the pas
sage quoted, as fully sustaining the assertion that
in ‘"the year 1834 you were opposed to the doc
trine of secession/' No distinction is taken there
between the doctrine of nullification and seces
sion, but both are denounced by you in unmeas
ured terms. But I suppose this last passage is
but another "loose remark” which you would
not make again.
1 will not pretend to advise you, sir. in the pre
mises, though I will venture to give my opinion
this difficulty,
ftOTfSTJIi fimfifr/iy w vnt
men ought not to be “held to too strict an ac
countability for political sentiments uttered while
so young and inexperienced.”
And now, sir, believeing as I do that you have
seceded from your young ideas of State secession,
and having said all that I deem material or ne
cessary upon the subect, I must bid you a final
adieu. State Rights.
We [Mr. S.] did not seethe Banner, in which
the above was published, or we would have no
ticed it before. We copy it from the Chronicle
of the 3rd instant.
We said, in 1831, that the General Govern
ment had the light to enlorce the laws, if neces
sary, at the point of the bayonet; but such was
our opinion while a State remained a member of
the Union. We were undertaking to show that
a State could not refuse obedience to the law’s,
and still remain in the Union and enjoy its ad
vantages.
We asserted that the power of sovereignty re
sided in the United States for general purposes,
in so lar as the States had delegated powers to
Congress. That a State could not declare a law
of Congress, passed according to the forms of the
constitution, to be null and void, and resist it. and
still remain a member of the Union.
We asserted that in the Union a majority must
govern. Such is the case in a State. The right
ot the majority to govern in the Union , does not
conflict with the undoubted right of a State to
secede from it. In putting a proper construction
upon the above quotation, from our published
speech, it is necessary to know that our main
object was to show the absurdity of the doctrine
that a State had the right to nullify a Jaw of the
General Government, prevent its enforcement
within its limits, and still claim every right and
privilege conferred by the constitution upon the
other States which submitted to it. The consti
tution declares the law’s of the United States
shall be supreme. Our meaning and intention
was to convey the idea, that in the Union re
cognizing its existence and the authority of the
General Government, supreme allegiance was due
to that Government. That was not inconsis
• tent with the doctrine, that as soon as a State
resumed the exercise of sovereign powers, and
called upon its sons to stand by her authority,
they w’ere bound to throw’ off all allegiance to
the General Government, and yield a loyal obe
dience to the State.
It was contended by many, in 1834, that a
State could secede at pleasure, or without as well
as for cause. We thought then that it was a wild
theory to hold, that a State had the right to se
cede from a union intended to be perpetual, as
the articles of confederation declared, without the
contract was violated by the majority. Our
view was this, that as the Union was intended
to be perpetual—as a contract was made and en
tered into by the States forming the Union—no
State whose rights were respected by the rest ,
could secede without being released from its ob
ligations—without the consent of the other
States. Those were the crude opinions enter
tained by us at that early and inexperienced pe
riod of our manhood.
That this explanation is a correct commenta
ry upon the above passage of our speech, is man
ifest from the fact that about that time we pub
lished an article, in a public journal of the State,
in which we combatted the doctrine of nullifica
tion, and maintained the right of State secession.
It would show, at least, that within a very short
period our views underwent a change, if for a
time we denied that right. We shall take steps
to procure, if possible, a file of the paper in
which the article referred to was published, and
we will then insert in our columns an extract or
two to show that our statement is correct. If
that file cannot be produced, we have no doubt
the editor will recollect that the fact is as we
now state.
But admit, for the sake of argument, that the
construction which “State Rights” puts upon
our language, is the true one : Are \ve to be held
bound by the imperfect views, of our youth, of
the great fundamental and philosophical princi
ples upon which the superstructure of our Gov
ernment has been reared ? We could plead, in
our justification, the change of opinions in other
and distinguished citizens of our country. Mr.
Clay, after becoming a member of the United
States Senate, made the most powerful argument
against the constitutionality of a Bank of the Uni
ted States that we have ever yet seen. He af
terwards changed his opinions, and advocated
the constitutionality of such an institution.
Let us come a little nearer home. Mr. Toombs
was the most rabid nullifier, in 1834, that it was
our fortune to meet with. We have heard him
say, within a few years past, that his advocacy
of that doctrine was one of the follies of his
youth.
The question, in these times of danger, is not
what were men’s opinions in 1834, but what are
they now ! We are now for State sovereignty,
the right of State secession, and we pledge our
self that we will die in that faith. We believe
that the honor and safety of the Southern States,
in particular, depend upon its faithful mainten
ance. We frankly admit that some of our for
mer views have undergone a change, and we
would remark that the above explanation must
be taken as an exposition of what we thought
in 1834, and not what we think in 1851. Our
views now are known, and hence it is not ne
cessary to weary the patience of our readers with
them. We are for Slate rights, for the South, for
equality and justice, or the practical exercise of
the right of State secession. We beg our readers
to excuse us for this extended personal explana
tion.
Mr. Toombs’s Letter of Acceptance.
[continued.]
’ Extract No. !>.
“The acts for the government of the territories
of Utah and New Mexico, unquestionably stand
upon no worse footing for the South, than non
intervention with slavery. This doctrine of
non-intervention, was affirmed by the Demo
cratic party of the whole Union, in the Presi
dential election of 1848, in full view of all of
its legitimate consequences, as expounded by
Ueu. Cass himself in his Nicholson letter. It
as a' party. thn.W.h.vw’
fourteen of the slaveholding States, to be the
true reading of the Constitution.
“This principle, whether true or false, would
have been harmless in its application to the Ter
ritorial governments, if another position w’ere
sound of even more universal acceptance at the
South, because it was maintained by overwhelm
ing majorities of both the Whig and Democratic
parties. This position is. that the Mexican laws
against slavery by operation of our Constitution
became void without legislation immediately
upon the acquisition of the Country. It is known
to you, gentlemen, that I did not concur in this
opinion, but it was the settled judgement of the
South, often proclaimed from her legislative
halls, from primary assemblies of her people,
from party Conventions of both parties, from
the public press and the ballot box. Mr. Cal
houn was the father of this heresy, and main
tained it with fidelity and ability down to his
grave. The Nashville Convention adopted it,
and called upon Congress to conform its legisla
tion to it. And to deny its truth was held to be
an infallible test of “unsoundness on the slavery
question.”
“If the principle be sound, the whole of New
Mexico and Utah, which embrace four fifths of
all the Territory w’e acquired from Mexico, by
the late acts of Congress is made as free and open
to the entry and peaceable enjoyment of slave
property as is South Carolina herself.”
Mr. Toombs, within the last year, has made
so many reckless statements in defiance of fact
and common sense, that we have ceased to be as
tonished at any thing he utters or publishes, how
ever extravagant, absurd or malignant. We
desire to avoid a minute examination (with its
tedious deduction,) of the various ridiculous
propositions contained in the above. Mr. Toombs
knows that neither the democratic nor whig
parties of Georgia and the South, nor the Nash
ville Convention contended for such a non
intervention as these Utah and New Mexico bills
give them. He knows that his assertion, that if
the principle to which he refers is sound. New
Mexico and Utah, by the late act of Congress,
are “ made as free and open to the entry and
peaceable enjoyment of slave property as is South
Carolina herself,” is not practically true.
Why then does he quibble, and even positively
assert upon this point, that which can be so
easily disproved by his own declarations.
Mr. Toombs knows, as well as any one, what
kind of non-intervention the South contended
for. He knows that they contended for the
right to go into the new territories with their
slave property and there hold it ivithout difficulty
or molestation. He knows that is the non-inter
vention for which the South contended. She
did not get it, for Mr. Toombs himself says, the
Mexican laws, excluding slavery from the territo
ries have not been BEPEAi.Et), and are still in '
force. If a slaveholder goes to those territories
with his slaves, Mr. Toombs knows that he will
be liable to be dragged into the Courts to test his
rights to his property in them, even upon his
own soil, purchased, perhaps, with his own
blood or that of his father or brother or son.
But, perhaps, the nou-intervention, which Mr.
Toombs thinks the Southerner has got, is the
right to sell out his plantation, horses, cattle and
hogs, and after great sacrifices, toil and priva
tlbns, to cross the line of Utah and New Mexico
and risk the consequences. This non-intervention
protects him in selling out and protects him on the
route to the territory, but forsakes him as soon as
he crosses the line ! It leaves him to the tender
mercies of implacable fanaticism. He would be
in a pretty condition, surrounded by hell-hounds
of anti-slavery, who would view him in the light
of some sinful monster, scarce worthy of being
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, FRIDjVY, AUGUST 8, 1851
permitted to live. He him in February, 18o0!
“ Though hostile interference is the point of resis
tance, non-intervention is not the measure of our,
rights. We are entitled to non-interference
from alien and foreign governments. England-'
owes us that much; France owes us that much;
Russia owes us NON-INTERVENTION, you
owe us MORE. You owe us PROTECTION;
withhold it and you make us ALIENS in our
OWN government. Our HOSTILITY-to it then
become a NECESSlTY—a necessity justified by
our HONOR, our INTEREST and our COM
MON SAFETY. THESE ARE STRONGER
THAN ALL HUMAN GOVERNMENT.”
Propositions were made in both Houses of
Congress to get a fair non-intervention and they
were voted down. The North was unanimous
against it. Mr. Toombs was in his seat and voted
for opening the territories to the South as well
as*the North. He was defeated. He came home
and told his constituents that the Mexican laws
were not repealed, but that an honorable settle
ment had been made, and the South was better
off than she had been in thirty years. We ask,
if ve not obtained the non-intervention, for
w.. .. Mr. Toombs contended, what has become
of his IIOSTILILY to the government which was
to become a NECESSITY—“ a necessity jus
tifed by our HONOR our INTEREST and
our COMMON SAFETY!” How appropriate
again is the mournful language of Scripture, ‘‘The
beauty of Isreal is slain upon thy high places,
how are the mighty fallen.” “ Tell it not in
Gath, publish it not in the streets of Askelon,
lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice.”
How different now is the language which
shoull be upon the lips of Mr. Toombs. He
should now proclaim, in behalf of the South, ‘"Age
does not tremble on my hand ; I still can lift the
sword. Shall I fly in Fingals sight; in the sight
of him I love ? Son of the sea, I never fled :
exalt thy pointed spear.”
Would to God we cortld say of this son of
Georgia, “ The oaks of the mountain fall; the
mountains themselves decay with years; the
ocean shrinks and grows again; the moon her
self is lost in heaven ; but thou art forever the
same, rejoicing in the brightness of thy course.”
Alas! Alas ! what a dark eclipse.
(Subject resumed and concluded on to-morrow.)
Interesting Arrest.
About nine years ago. a negro fellow was ab
ducted from his owners in Lexington dist., S. C.,
and brought to this city by a man calling himself
Amos Wright. The negro was purchased by the'
late John M. Turner, who owned him about six
years—the boy was subsequently sold to Mr.
John S. Green, now residing in Barnwell.
Spd.f.wneii by him about three years, Soipetirjie
from this city, and sold in Macon to Mr. Benj.
Fort, who sold him shortly afterwards to Maj.'
James Howard, of Columbus. The boy ran
away from Maj. Howard in July, and was ar
rested in this city on the Ist inst.
From disclosures made by the boy himself, and
sustained by Mr. Fort, who reached this city last
evening, Mr. J. Gallagher, who assumed the
name of James Young, has been arrested as the
individual who inveigled off the boy from Mr.
Green, in April last.
It is due to Mr. Joseph B. Ramsey, one of our
efficient police officers, to award to him the full
measure of praise for his activity and vigilance
in discovering, apprehending, and ferreting out
the villainies which have been perpetrated. The
boy is now in jail, as well as Mr. Gallagher, and
the whole matter will undergo judicial investi
gation.
The Chronicle & Sentinel.
Since the withdrawal of Dr. Daniel Lee, of
Buffalo, New York, from the Editorship of The
Chronicle $ Sentinel, that paper has been in much
need of editorial assistance. It now announces
to its friends that Samuel Barnett, Esq., of
Washington, Wilkes County, has become con
nected with the editorial department.
We deem this selection a fortunate one for that
paper. Mr. Barnett is a gentleman of fine talents
and education, and is already well known in po
litical circles as a vigorous and graceful writer.
Fine Peaches.— We tender our acknowledge
ments to James L. Coleman, Esq., for some fine
specimens of peaches, from his extensive orchards
at Bedford. They were the lemon and the Eng
lish white, and were of delicious flavor.
Arrival of Hungarian Refugees. —The packet
ship Devonshire, Capt. Hovey, arrived at New-
York on Saturday morning, brought as passengers
forty-seven Hungarians from Turkey, among
whom are several military and civil officers of
rank in the late provisional Government of
Hungary.
[communicated.]
The Canvass in Cherokee Georgia, &c No. 2.
Messrs. Editors It would seem that the
Union party, in their zeal for the election of Mr,
Cobb, if there is any truth in their prints, blow
hot and cold as best suits the locality and the
prevailing popular opinion of the place. There
is but one thing in which they all agree, and
that is to charge McDonald and his party with be
ing disunionists, and that they are the Simon
pure friends of the Union and the South.
In Cherokee Georgia, the stump speakers and
street politicians are boldly meeting the issue,
first made by Cobb, and joined by McDonald in
opposition, that a State has no right peaceably to
secede from the Union ; that the Federal Govern
ment is in duty bound to interpose with force, if
necessary, to prevent a State from resuming its
“ delegated powersthat Cobb, if he is Govern
or, will be bound, by his oath of office, to call
out the militia to aid in the suppression of South
Carolina, if Fillmore caffs on him, in his official
capacity, to do so. Some of the candidates for
the Legislature, in this district, even go so far as
to say that they will not wait to be called out;
that they will volunteer to go and whip her
back into the Union. Some of Cobb’s warmest
sup,writers say that if he acknowledges the right
ot secession, they will not vote for him. Whence
clierge Cobbites, on the stump, with holding the
doctrines above alluded to, they acknowledge the
ilsue, and meet it on its merits fearlessly. They
not. in their newspapers and resolutions, make
thfe issue as boldly, for the reason that they
have heard a hint that the doctrine is not so well
received in Middle and Lower Georgia. But
be assured, sir, this is the battle we are now
ighting in Cherokee Georgia. The odds are in
iur favor. It is no boast to say we are rapidly
jaining, as public opinion becomes more en
ightened.
When we attempt to set Gen. Jackson's opin
iitis right liefore the people, by reading his coun
ts proclamation, which was issued through his
coificlential organ, months after the Force Bill
.van sanctioned, and his views as they said were
bervrted by the Federal press of the times, and
Livingston’s speech in the Senate, they
deny, the authority, and quote Mr. Donalson,
|vho;says that Jackson never took back any
thing,” and therefore insist upon the doctrines
of l ae Proclamation and Force BiH, without the
ex] anation of Jackson himself, and as they
we e understood and treated by the Federal par
ty f that time. There can be no doubt as to
wh tis the real issue now in Georgia. Cobb
ma e it himself as soon as be came home from
W shington last spring. The men who were at
Me-on, at the complimentary dinner given to
hint, from this section of the State, came home
ani fold us publicly that Cobb denied the right
of ecession, and that it was the duty of the
Fe eral Government to interpose, for the purpose
of Preventing it, if necessary, by force. They
still stand upon that doctrine and boldly defend it.
l| r ill it not be a grand spectacle indeed, after
we have fought and paid for the territories, and
which we have been deprived of, and a con
vention of our State, in her sovereign capaci
ty. lias chosen to pretermit the injury for
the sake of peace, if Georgia is so submissive
to the will of the Northern Free-soilers, that
they can set us on South Carolina, and make us
whip her into submission—butcher up our fel
low-citizens of the South, who have as good a
right to act and think for themselves as we
have—and the infernal abolitionists standing off,
laughing at our stupidity ! They can steal our
land and negroes, vilify and abuse us, call us hard
names, pull our noses, kick our shins, and make
us whipobstropulous neighbors ! Georgia would
truly occupy a gallant position !
All who are in favor of civil war, should vote
for Mr. Cobb.
Yours, &c. LUCIUS.
(communicated.)
Dialogue between Lawyer Spikes and Farmer
George.
Lawyer —lts all a mistake Farmer George, its
’• • • r. ... t. ‘ • . e
Farmer —O, I can’t understand your legal lin
go. 1 ask you a plain question about the letter,
and you answer in phrases that no man can
understand.
L. —Thats because when any thing is ex delicto ,
or even quart clausum fregit. it is reduced to a
unum and cannot be explained on any other
principle.
F- —Which means that when you don’t know
a thing yourself its very hard to tell it. I ask
you to tell me..
L. —Well lmv’itf I told you it is the same as
his letter of acceptance with the exception of the
ne exeat, aad that only amounts to a capias.
F. —No doubt about it but shall I ask what
the letter contains.
L.— Why, just what I told you, that its prin
ciples are perfectly consonant with the sex talio
ns of any man’s wishes.
F. — have received your cue frpm
Mr. TooiudS; for he's just about as explicit as
you are. # Do you suppose I’m going to take Mr.
Cobb eis the man did the French teacher, who
u[khi trial proved to be a Dutchman anil could
speak nothing but Dutch. So when I vote for
a man, I want to know in advance what man
ner of man he is. Am I not right ?
L.—O yes; but you do not pretend to insinu
ate that Mr. Cobb is not perfectly straight, es
pecially when Mr. Toombs, myself and the
Southern Banner, have told you that he is E.
Pluribus Unum ?
F. —l pretend to say that I wish to know well
about that letter. You remember how Ned Hill
fared for keeping back his opinions, and what
do you think will be Mr. Cobb’s fate ?
L. —Why Ecce Signum.
, F —ls that means get beaten like blazes, you
. are about right.
I submit it to all candid men to say whether
the above does not exhibit about as much sense
as we generally get out of Mr. Cobb’s defenders
when questioned concerning that letter l But it
will avail them nothing—the people will shew
Mr. Cobb whether they are to be tampered with
or not. Nor is it at all astonishing that he
should deny them the right of secession, when
he even goes so far as to deny them the right of
knowing his opinions i This is just saying, I
want your votes , but you have no business to meddle
with me: if 1 chose to give you my opinions I'll do so,
if not, its no concern of yours, “thats all.”
L.
[communicated.]
Southern Rights Meeting.
According to previous uotice, a portion of the
Southern Rights Party of Madisjn County con
vened in the Court House at Danielsville, on
Saturday, the 2d inst., and on motion of IsaTac
Simmons, Mr. James R. White was called to
the Chair, and Dr. J. F. Groves requested to act
eis Secretary.
The Chairman, upon taking his seat, explained
the object of the meeting to be, to nominate del
egates to the Convention to be held in Athens
on the 7th of August, to nominate a suitable can
didate for Congress in the Sixth Congressional
District.
On motion of T. M. Daniel, the Chair ap
pointed B. W. Woods, G. H. Bird, T. M. Daniel,
Isaac Simmons, Dr. J. F. Groves and Robert
Matthews, a committee of live, to report four
suitable delegates to represent the Southern
Rights Party of Madison County in said Con
vention,
After a short absence the committee returned
and reported the following gentlemen as dele
gates: G. H. Bird, Isaac Simmons, Dr. J. F.
Groves, and Robert Matthews.
Mr. Moore, being present, was called upon to
address the meeting. He responded, and in an
able and eloquent style set forth the principles of
the Southern Rights Party.
There being no further business, on motion,
the meeting adjourned.
JAMES R. WHITE, Chairman.
Dr. J. F. Groves, Secretary.
[communicated.]
Privit and Confidinshal.—To the Hon. Howil Cob.
Now would yc bolave it, but Howil it's tlmio,
That Letthor I writ to the “ Kurnel ’’ and you
Has, somehow or other, got out o’ the mail
And iqto the paypors, (don’t I wish it in jail '.)
Quite a different fate from “ that letther " of yoors.
Which sames, like a culprit, to skulk within iloorcs.
And now me advice must all go by the boord.
Or by that same advice you will shurcly bo ttoord,
The best plan I'm thinkin’ would be to play mum.
And kape hould of “ that letther" twixt linger and
thumb.
I've bin thravellin' a little, like you, for me hilth,
And a pickin’ up votes by sly thricks and stilth,
But, be jabers ! I’m fearin’ the “ Sectary Privit ”
Will never be mine, laste ye’re sharp to conthrive it.
Whcriver I go, Southern Rites and ould Mac
Is in iveryone’s mouth—on this pint they hack
Till in faith ono might think that, if you were elicted,
Soulhern Rites from all Georgy would soon bo
ejicted.
I havo nailed to the couuther this falsefecation
Os you and Boh Toomts, and, without hisitation,
Pronounced ye as thruo to the South in that quistion
As yo are to good dinners, and aisy digistion.
Now Howil I want you and Bob to sustain me,
Sing thim rousin' ould songs, (I know it will pain yc,
But ther’s no other hope,) and git Bob to repato
His ould firo-ating spachc, where he said at the fate
Os the glorious South, the North would implore
That to “ fire and disunion ” we'd “ plazo shut the
doorc,”
If the Sons of the South to the South would bo thruo:
(What a rap was at that, Howil, at himsilf and at
you !)
And me boy don’t harp on the Kompromisc Aleas
huros,
Quit swarin’, the South did by thim git more threa
sures
Than all the goold that she lost on the bloody
shtained faelds,
Where the South fought and bled with my coun
thrymnn Shaelds.
How the divil can ye think that will go down the
throat
Os a sinsiblemnn, when the printed report
Os the Georgy Konvintion distinctly declares
If it was to do over, they'd insist upon shares.
Bad enough, 'tis indade, to bo miserably chated,
■Win# e papfe"belave
That it’s not hard to “ place” ye—try Bobby T’s
shave,
About swarin’ the childer, and raisin’ the divil,
If frao suvrin States can't all stand on a livil.
And tho Wilmot Proviso—ochi agin there’s tho
divil!
Why didn't ye dodge it ? “Boa doin’ tho civil ”
To a natc brandy smash, while the boys up stares
Were a working it thru with potishuns and prayers.
The Proviso of Sphaker! D'ye think that repaid yo,
Och ! Howil, I fear that one vote hits unmade ye.
Tho “ Savannah Ropub,” now a blarneying jurnal,
On that very vote used to have a diurnal
Attack upon you, for your shameful desertion
Os the land you were born in—they made a new
vershun
Os the tale about Judas, and applied it to you,
And a swato “ mess of pottago ” they put yo in too.
In short, me' dear boy, you and all of ycr flock
Were caught, penned, branded, and fastened by
Locke.
Tho “Jurnal it Mcs” and the “Southern Rokorder”
Ransacked thare whole fort from cup-boord to
larder,
For powdher and bulletts to riddle you thru,
(What a fix for them now, if tharo ould talcs are
thrue.)
Sam indeed was a Chop-man —tho Rokorder it
Gr ieve hi)
O'er the wrongs of the South, which thru you she
received,
And all tho small-fry, from the inountins to sea,
Were yelping “Oh Howil what a Judas you bo ! ”
Now in faith I can’t see what under tho sun
To mend up these matthers is now to be done—
It sounds mity odd to'hear “ fellow-welt-met, ”
Betwixt all yo chaps who so late were dead sot,"
Like the Kilkenny cats, to lave nothing but tails.
Faith! yc had better have left all tho rest but th
tales !
One point, ero I closo—l think ’twould bo best
(I’ve more yet to gay. but I'll postpone tho rest,)
To answer the quistions they’ve asked you and
Oharly,
Put into your answer your usual blarney:
ICape the masked battery going—oid women and
fools
Arc throwin’ away kalkilations and rules
For countin’ its value—they'd rathor submit
To you for a Guvnor than come to a “ fit.”
I'll write ye again—kape ye up with the news,
And as to me pay, I have giv’n ye me views.
And minfPyc now Howil—if you bate the crack nag
Kape a good place convanient for
* PATHRICK McSCAG.
Away up in G kprekee.
JL opt
• Ne - v Cotton. —the steamer St. James, which
arrived this morning, brought down one bale of
new cotton, consigned to Messrs. Hill, McLean
Co., it is from the plantation of Mr. Mclntyre,
near, the mouth of Red River.
The steamer Rockaway No. 2 also brought
oniHjale, consigned to Messrs. Ward & Jones; it
isjjfom the plantation of Mrs. J. H, Harmanson,
Atchafalaya.— N. O. Picayune , lsf inst.
More New Cotton.—The steamer Romeo,
which arrived here yesterday from Alexandria,
brought down three bales of new cotton, two of
which are from the plantation ofH. Wilson, Esq.,
on Red River, and consigned to Messrs. E. H.
Pomroy & Co. The other is consigned to order,
and was taken on board the boat at some point
below Alexandria.— lb.
Black Rock Suspension BriOoe.—A bill is
now before the Legislature authorizing the build
ing of a suspension bridge, over the Niagara
River, at Black Rock. It is the intention to
build the bridge from ninty-five to one hundred
feet above the water, so that there is no possi
bility of its interfering with the navigation of
the river.
NEW SERIES—VOL. VI. NO. 94.
si| Jfingttrtir €tltgnts.
Reported for the Constitutionalist.
SECOND GUN PROM ALABAMA.
GLORIOUS STATE RIGHTS VICTORY.
We are indebted to the Montgomery Advertiser
and Gazette for another telegraphic despatch, giv
ing the following cheering intelligence from Ala
bama.
The State Rights ticket in Mobile county is
elected by 430 majority. In Butler, the same
ticket has succeeded by a large majority. Dallas
county has elected a State Rights man. Perry
county, two State Rights men, Goldsby and King.
In Autauga county, the entire State Rights tick
et has been elected. In Barbour county the State
Rights Ticket is elected—Cochran’s majority
495.
Lowndes county has elected the Union ticket
by over 100 majority. In Chambers, the Union
ticket has sueceded by 461 majority.
The returns received indicate the election of
Bragg State Rights, over Langdon, Union, by
about/?/ieen hundred majority.
The election of Harris and Cochran are doubt
ful. The vote will be a very close one.
SECOND DESPATCH.
In Talladega county White has a majority of
400—entire Union ticket elected. In Benton
county, Rice has 700 majority, and Harris 426
the entire Southern Rights ticket elected. In
Autauga county, Harris 153 majority—Southern
Rights ticket elected. Pike co., Abercrombie’s
majority reported at 200—Union ticket elected.
In Perry county, Harris has 40 majority—Golds
ly, King, H. C. Lee aud Cook, elected. Greens
boro 200 majority for Erwin. Clarke 561 ma
jority for Bragg.
Harris and Rice will be elected, and Cochran
and Beal. Advertiser & Gazette.
[Telegraphed for the Baltimore Sun.]
Further per Steamer Atlantic.
Nkw-York, August 3—lo A. M.
The American mail steamer Atlantic, Cap
tain West, arrived this morning, bringing dates
from Liverpool to the 23d of July. She brings
132 passengers. The Europa arrived at Liver
pool at noon on Sunday.
The Markets.
Cotton is depressed and prices have declined
Jd. Fair Orleans s id.; Mobile and Uplands sgd.;
middling Orleans and Mobile ssd. The sales
since the Niagara left have been 15,000 bales, of
which exporters took 2,500 and speculators none.
The sales on Wednesday up to 1 o’clock, were
3,000 bales, and prices were barely supported.
Breadstuff's.—Flour and wheat are quiet and
prices a fraction lower. Corn is firmer and
rather active.
,g
Sugar and tea are tending downward. The
demand for coffee is confined to the retail trade
and prices Are unaltered.
Money Market.
The Money market is inactive. Consols are
unhanged; Maryland s’s 90J; Ohio 104; Penn
sylvania s’s 82.1 a 823.
The Manchester market is very dull and prices
of yarns and cloths have further declined.
England. —The House of Commons, by a vote
of 118 to 71, has refused to allow Solomons, the
Jewish member from Greenwich, to take his
seat.
The Papal aggression bill has passed its second
reading in the House of Lords by a majority of
John O’Connell has resigned the seat from
Limerick to make way for the Earl of Arundel.
Geo. Fred’k Young, a distinguished protection
ist, has been returned for Seaborough, in opposi
tion to Earl Mulgrave, free-trader.
Dr. Lingard, the Historian, died at Hornby on
the 18th of July.
G. Wright, Jr., and D. & W. Stoca, failed at
Liverpool on the 22d, the former for .€60,000,
and the latter for .£35,000. Both failures were
caused by the decline in cotton.
The receipts of the Exhibition on Monday
were .£3,310.
France.— The vote in the French Assembly
on the revision of the Constitution, stood in its
favor 416, against 227. As the vote was not
two-thirds in favor, as required by the constitu
tion, the measure is defeated. The greatest ex
citement prevails on the subject, and the Minis
try are accused of corrupt movements relative to
the petitions presented tor a revision. It was re
()orted that the whole Ministry had resigned on
Tuesday, but this was not believed in London.
Resume of the Revolutionary Movements in Cuba.
General Lopez received a number of letters
yesterday from his friends in Cuba, written in
cypher, the purport of which was, as he express
ed it, that tile Island was up for liberty.
Authentic information had been received by his
informants, that, the following important places
in the Central Department had pronounced, to
wit: Puerto Principe, Las Tunas, Villa Clara,
Trinidad. In the Eastern Department, Baracoa’
Holguin, Santo Espirita, Pinal Del Rio—the
principal towns in the Island, after Havana..
The extensive and rapid spread of the
tion has induced inoHfpatriots to postpone the
movement on HavaM. which was fixed-tor the
24th. In a consultation held in thac *?ty, the
subject was reconsidered, and lor many reasons
it was thought more prudent to defer the demon
stration in that place. Os the five regiments
now in Havana, two are counted on as friendlv
to the patriots
If the revolution is successful in the rest of the
Islaud, it is believed that, with so strong a de
tachment of the toops in Havana in their favor
there will be no difficulty in effecting the capi
tulation of that city. The force*of troops in
Havana does not-reach 5000, as „ the regiments
are not all full, and 650 are reported on the sick
list. The patriots have therefore determined
to raise the country around, in which they will
be aided by two squadrons of Rural Guards, and
when their force is sufficiently strong and con
solidated, *hey upon Havana. Eight
hundred Creoles in that city have organized to
go into the \ uelta Abajo to assist the movement
there.
Gen. Lopez has certain information of the
disaffection ot the St. Leon regiment, stationed
at Matanzas. This is the regiment which it
was lound impossible to get to march on Carde
nas, when the expedition landed at that place
last year. Puerto Principe, where the first de
claration was made, had been deserted by all but
women and children. Troops had been sent
there, but they found no enemies to attack. The
patriots had all gone into the mountains. The
old Spaniards, throughout the island, including
T&lfT* were ve >-y downcast
Ihe rest of the intelligence communicated to
Gen. Lopez relates to details which, though
valuable and important to him, would not be
Is<T««” tCreBtUlS t 0 ° Ur reac * ers - —’&• 0, Delia^