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About Tri-weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 18??-1877 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 26, 1868)
OOKSTITTJTIOHALIST. atjgkusta, oa. WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUG. 26,1868 Hon. Geo. H Pendleton. HIS SPEECH AT BANGOR, MAINE. m Bangor, Mb., August 20. George H. Pendleton received a magni «SovS in this city to-day. The enure nnmilat.ion turned out en masse, and the sui ronndtng country for a radius of fifty miles was represented by thousands. A procession of the stalwart lumbermen of the Penobscot Valley, tastefully uniformed, and bearing suitable ban ners inscribed with the mottoes and wrnch words of the workingmen of the Union, escort ed Mr. Pendleton to the place ol meeting. 1 his was a capacious square on Union street, and was densely packed with a surging mass of hu manity. After an address of welcome by Mai ceilus" Emery, Mr. Pendleton addressed the multitude as loliows: Ladies and Gentlemen, my Fellow-citizens of the , State of Maine: < It is obviously impossible for me to make ■ mysell beard throughout this vast assemblage unless there is the most profound silence. I thought last night that you had exhausted your enthusiasm and your hospitality. I see to-day that 1 was mistaken. I see to-day that it is not only the Democratic party of Maine, but the people of Maine who are moved in the right direction. [Applause.] I am rejoiced at this magnificent meeting, for it shows to me that the”public calamity sits heavily npon the pub lic mind, and that there is the beginning of hope. I am reioieed at this demonstration, arid when I go back to my people in Ohio I will teil them that they must be upon their guard or that the people ot Maine will snatch from their hands the laurels which we hoped iu the hour of victory to place upon the ma jestic brow of our peerless State. [Applause.] When I received the Invitation of your com mittee to attend this meeting, I accepted it without hesitation. I desired to sea this part ot my country, and then, my countrymen, 1 desired to breathe the pure air of your ocean, and to see that 6cenerv of whose beauty I have read so much. I desired to see your immense forests, and your capacious harbors, and your unrivaled shipyards. I desired to see the very home ot our merchant marine. Twenty-three years ago, on this very day, I stood upon the pier of a most magnificent harbor almost upon the other side of the world. A stiff breeze brought in a gallaut ship ; her flowing sails were all set; her lofty masts towered to the sky. She was a thing of beauty and ot grace. She contrasted wonderfully with the tub-like crafts that were all around her. Tilt) stars and stripes flew at her masthead, and they told me she was built in Bangor. 1 desired lo ser her builders. I knew that there were points, of sympathy between the people of the North west and you of Maine; that both, iu our lines, were necessary to each other. You build the ships ; we raise the corn and wheat and pork You are the carriers; we are the producers. You carry our produets abroad, and bring back to us in return the Iruits of the tropics, the coffee of South America, the teas ol China, the oils of Spain, the wines and silks of France and the manufactures of Great Britain. Identity of material interests has produced a sympathy in political opinions between us of Maine and Ohio. Admitted, as your State was, into the Union in 1820, in the midst of the excitement that grew out of the Missouri Compromise, you have not given birth upon your soil to any of those promiuent agitators in polities, who, under the guise ot philanthropy and the pretence of being the apostles of a purer civilization, have disturbed the harmony of our people and perverted the system of our Government. When I received your invitatiou my mind was full of recollec tions of the trip 1 hau made to Wisconsin and Minnesota, and my heart exulted at the thought that, as I had traveled one thousand miles towards the northwest before I crossed the Mississippi, before 1 touched the outward edge of the great central basin, so 1 might travel fifteen hundred miles to the northeast and yet be among ray own countrymen, fn my own country. Leaving my home upon the banks of the beautiful river, I 6tood to-day un derneath the arching elms and admired the broad streets of your attractive city. Make with me the journey up the valley of the Miami over the broad fields of Ohio, along the shores of the great Northern lakes, over the fertile fields and exhaustless mines and towering mountains of Pennsylvania, the England of America, across the imperial domain of the more imperial New York, through the length of Massachusetts, radiant with the returns of her industry, with Connecticut' and Rhode Island dipping to the sea on the one hand, and the Green Moutains of Vermont and the White Mountains of New Hampshire rising with snow-white majesty to the heavens on the other, through opulent and hospitable Boston, along the shores of the ocean, along the noble in dentures of yonr own coast, through your own thriving villages to the very centre ot your noble and magnificent. State. Who can be astonished that the heart of an American citi zen exults, that his pulse beats high, aud that his tongue uses the language of pride, and often of exaggeration, as his love of country travels in vastness of territory and variety of scenery, climate and soil, opulence of wealth and power as that! For myself, gentlemen, I bow myself in reverence before the form of government, which has bound these mighty States together, aud which has reconciled their different and discordant, interests into the harmony ol one people aud one [Applause. 1 The men of 1787 were self-deny ing men. They fearsd consolidation of yower. They put behind them the allurements of im perial pomp. They denied themselves the fascinations of a strong government. They contented themselves with the simplicity of confederation. They committed to the Fede ral Government interstate and int rnational affairs. All the rest they reserved to the States themselves Within this narrow sphere they made the Federal Government supreme. All beyond remained to the unimpaired so vereignty ot the several Slates If you would seek to know onr Federal system, to determine what are the powers of the Federal Government, go to the plain provis ions of the Constitution. If you would desire to know v.’hat are the powers of the States, go to that vast reserve of power which by ihe laws of enlightened civiliza- tion is lodged iu every sovereign comma nicy. Massachusetts understood this system of government well iu the begiuning. She knew that the rights' of her people were safest in her hands; ihat their lives, liberty and property were besi preserved under her guar dianship, arid therefore, first of all the Slates, at the very instant other adoption of the Federal Constitution, she proposed that amendment which decided that all the power not given by the Constitution to the United States nor pro vided to the States, remained to the States and the people respectively. Unfortunately, in these latter days, Massachusetts has wandered from the faith, but she wi ! l return to it with renewed zeal when power shall nave passed into another section, and she feels the doom of isolation. Wise men of 1781, purified in the trials of the Revolution, experienced iu the lessons of the confederation, virtuous them selves and upheld in the practice of virtue by the public sentiment of an extraordinary peo ple—they laid so strong the foundations of the Government, which enu alone accomplish this result, that neither force, nor time, nor the pro gress of the ages can shake them. They will endure until the degeneracy of our race shall call from indignant Heaven a denial of such blessings as punishment for oar manifold Bins. Gentlemen, the philosophy of our Government will dictate to me the subject upon which I shall speak to you. I do not understand your local politics ; I do not propose to take part in them. I shall confine myself to those matters which concern us all alike. I shall speak with no partisan bitterness. Not accustomed myself to yield anything to harsh words, I seek not to apply them toothers. Confident in the purity of my motives and the sincerity of my convictions, I am ready to admit the same integrity of pur pose in all my fellow-citizens. I shall not dis parage the ability or character of our opponents I would not, if 1 could, pluck one leal from the laurels of General Grant; whatever may be his ability as a soldier he has stood the test of suc cess, and so far as I have known he has borne himself with moderation and magnanimity iu his high office. I have seen him in possession of great power. He is an amiable and estima ble gentleman, and would perform with digni ty the duties of the high office to which pires. I have had pleasant associations with the members of Congress from your State, and I remember with satisfaction that we passed through many years of service in that body, in terchanging those courtisies which soften the asperities ot politicel excitement. Indeed, gen tleman, my observation of such hasledme to ex pect the most erroneoh3 opinion coupled with the purest motives, and the post destructive policy associated with the loftiest aspirations for the public good. Ido not therefore, deal hcare or at any other time with the intelligence of men. 1 deal with their opinions and then actions, and their party as an organization. 1 have described to you in the briefest possible tcrins the philosophy of your system of govern ment. It is a union and not a unity. It is a union of States, not of municipal corporations —of States, sovereign, except in solar as they have delegated the exercise of some power and have contracted to abate the exercise of others —independent, except in so far as they have bound themselves together—disunited, ex cept in so far as they, have united them selves by the terms of the Constitution. This system of government has solved the great problem. It has reconciled vastness of territo ry and strength of government with liberty. It has made it possible that we should bo one people, and this is the crowning glory of our matchless Constitution—[great applause]—a free people. It has assured sfreuglh to the Federal head, and health aud vigor to the con stituent parts. The States have grown in num bers, in population, in power. They have de veloped every local interest, they have secured to their citizens such intentions and such measures of liberty as they desired for them selves. The general features of the Stale gov ernments have, of course, a strikiug similarity, but the diversity of their policy is wonderful. The policy of each is adapted to the interests, the tastes, the habits of its people. The manu facturing States, the commercial States, the agricultural States, have their respective sys tems and adapt their laws to their mate rial interests. Laws which are popular in New England could not be passed, and it passed, could not be enforced in the West.— Mapy of the customs transplanted by the people who have built up opr thriving towns and cultivated our fertile prairies would shock the feelings of your people. Has not this system of government proved beneficial to ns all ’ Has it not proven beneficial to you in Maine? Have you not enjoyed liberty and prosperity at home, protection from all your enemies abroad? Have you not directed your local affairs iu your own wsy ? Have not yoijr relations with your sister Stites been agreeable and useful ? Have you not been rep resented with dignity aud potyer and splendor in the great family of nations? And yet, my fellow-citizens, the Republican party desire to change this government and substitute one of their own creation. They hate this system. They hate this diversity. They hate the doc trine of Stales’ rights. They hate the Consti tution as the fathers made it. They have de liberately conspired for its overthrow. They prefer a consolidated government. They pre fer a stronger government. They prefer to break down the barriers which the States with i heir reserved rights to interpose, to create a government so sensitive that it will fee! the joast impulse of popular will and so strong That, it will execute that will. They believe this will be a better, freer government. They believe that rather than have the limitation imposed by the Constitution, they ought to have the limitations onlv by by the unbridle 1 will of an irresponsible ma jority. Twice since the dose ol the war they have used all the power which the possession of the governments, both State and Federal, has given them to amend (he Constitution, and in each ease the amendment has been in derogation of the substantial, im portant, recognized rights ol the States. By the first of these amendments the power ot the States over slavery within its limits was abol ished. By the second, citizenship in the States is to depend upon the will not of the States, hut of Congress, and the exclusion of the negroes from the rule ol suffrage is punished by the loss of representation. Not satisfied with this attack upon the States themselves, with the true spirit of revolutionary leaders they have turned upon the Government itself. The Con stitution has vested in the President the power of a department, and made him responsible for the management of the army and for tiie execu tion of the laws. The Republican party lias stripped him of his patronage, taken away from him the selection of his Cabinet and the appointment of officers. It was chiefly owing to the indomitable lirrauess of one of your own Senators that it did not depose him from office and put its own leader in his place. (At this point Gen. Roberts proposed three cheers lor the lion, william rm Pwracadou, me Senator alluded to, and these were given with the greatest enthusiasm, the audience rising.J The State governments were in full vigor and operation before and during and after the war. During the war the State government of Virginia was called upon to gice its assent to the creation of West Virginia, and members of Congress were admitted from Louisiana so sootTas Federal troops obtained foothold in that State. After the war the States of the South were invited to ratify, and did ratify, the fourteenth constitutional amendment, and it derives its validity from their assent. The Re publican party, by the reconstruction acts, abolished these governments and created in their stead military governments, which no man will pretend was within the constitutional powers ol Congress. By the aid of the army they have built up other governments, not ac cording to the will of the people, but accord ing to the will of Congress, and they have founded them upon the exclusion of the intelli gence and wealth and virtue of the white race from the right of suffrage, and upon the ad mission of every negro to that right; and they I have made these negroes buy their exemption from the interference of the army and their re cognition as States by ratification of the four teenth constitutional amendment, and a pledge that they will never change the rule of suffrage. Do not their own acts convict them of the charge I have made ? Are they not surely and rapidly, even though silently, sapping the foundations of the Government and changing its form and nature ? Are they not accumulating power in the Federal Gov ernment and taking it away from the States ? Do they not declare openly, and make it the basis ot their creed, that Congress has a power over the right of suffrage in ten States which it has not over the same subject in the other States. Why is it they build up these governments upon the basis of the ne gro vote aloue? My friends, divest yourselves of passion; look at this work‘steadily. Is not the stolid ignorance of enfranchised slaves too narrow a basis for a prosperous State possessing equal powers with the State of Maine ? Why is it insisted on ? The reason, the sole reason, is that they believe they can control the negro vote ; that Dy this vote they can secure the election of a President and Senators and members ot tbe House and Governors aud Legislatures and Judges, dud so wield longer the powers of the Govern ment. I know many of these mca well. Tuey are men of intellect and daring. They are men of tirm resolve and lofty purpose. They are not actuated by low greed of gain, nor love ol the emoluments and honors of office. They I have the true spirit of fanatical reformers, and they seek power that they may overturn this system of government and build up an other system iu its stead. My friends, we are engaged in no scramble for office. We are stimulated by no lust lor power. This struggle touches the liie ot our confede rated system. It touches the q.uestiou of union or unity. It will decide in the far off future the destiny of our country. If our oppo nents succeed, we will have first unity, and then despotism, and then revolution, and then separa tion, and then whatever God in his wrath may inflict. If they fail, we will have the Constitution obeyed, the Union maintained, liberty enjoyed, prosperity abounding, peace everywhere, and all the glories of our past will be but as tbe early bud compared with the blooming beau ties of the full-blown flowers. In this supreme hour of our fate 1 beg you to pause and weigh well your duty to the country, as in the hour of death you would weigh your duty to God. To experiment is too costly; we cannot afford it. We might lose our liberty, for there is a limit to human endurance. We cannot buy what we do not pay for, and we cannot pay more than what exaction cau squeeze from our people. Freedmen’s Bureau, military com missions, military governments, the support of ten State governments, constitutional amend ments, negro suffrage, carpet-baggers, are in themselves expensive luxuries. When they bring with them stagnation of bnsincss, small, crops, idle hands, no cotton, no rice, no sugar, no home market for Western breadstuffs and pork, and no exports for Eastern ships to carry, they are more expensive still; aud when they superadd high taxes, high tariffs, exemption of capital from all burdens, and iucrease in the hours of labor, an increase of the prices of neces saries, and a decrease of the wages of labor, the expense gets to be intolerable The amouut of money collected by taxation in three years of peace, from July, 1865, to July, 1868, reached 11,594,174,000. I have it from official sources. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue reports for 1866, 1561,573,000; for 1868, *471,300,000, and Appleton’s Encyclopedia reports for 1867, *561,303,000—t0ta1, *1,594,174,000. In each case th&gold collected at the custom-house is estimated at *L 40. Os this amount, the reve nue from the tariff reached *724,584,000. The expenditure of the Government has been scarcely less than this enormous sum ; for, if you will look at the public debt on the 31st of August, 1865, you will find that it amounted to $2,757,090,5T!, aud if you look at the last monthly report, made August 1,1808, you will find it is stated to be #2,0:18,588, showing a decrease of $124,107,215. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue tells us that the value of all the real and personal property in the United States in 1860—the lands, farms, houses, town lots, money, stocks, bonds, railroads, steam boats, ships—all amounted to only $14,282,- 726,088. If the products of three years of peace have made up lor the' ravages of four years ol war, then the taxation for three years has amounted to very much more than one tenth of all the property in the country, while the taxation of Great Britain has amounted to one-thirtieth part. If the taxation for three years were assessed upon each individual equally, it would amount, in the United States, to $34 25; while in France, the taxation for the same time would amount to $22. and in Austria to less than $lO. The public debt of the United States, if assessed upon each individual, would amount to $74 35 ; the public debt ot France to $43, aud of i’nissia to SL2. I said to you that I never made » statement that I could not verify, and I hold in my hand this report from this Republican Commissioner of Internal Revenue, Mr. Wells. It is open to the inspec tion of any gentleman. On the 27th page of that book, which yonr member of Congress can furnish you, for it is a public document, yon will find verified every word I have said. Our Republican friends are very much astonished at this exhibition. [Laughter.] Did you ever know a spendthrift when he was brought face to face with the condition of his affairs, that was not very much astonished indeed. They will turn upon us with some statements made by this same Commissioner. In his letter to Mr. Allison, he says that during the three years of which I have been speaking, the amount paid on account of the public debt is $250,000,- 000, and that ought to save $15,000,000 annually j in gold, by wiy of interest. Now if you look into that report carefully, you will find the actual reduction of me public debt is but j $134,000,000, and that (be balance is made up t of an estimated surplus in the Treasury which is ] uot there, if at all, for the purpose of paying the ; public debt, but lor the purpose of being used for the ordinary expenses of the Government. ; and if you look at this $134,000,000, you will find that of this amount $71,000,000 have been reduced by virtue of the contraction of ibe currency and calling in the greenbacks, which pay no interest at all; and if you will pot side by side with these facts that i'> three years the increase of the debt which pay inter est in gold has amounted to $002,000,000, you will see how much your burdens have been lightened. Then the same Commissioner tells us that the estimated surplus iu the Treasury, on the Ist day of July, 1868, is $34,000,000. Where are they? They have not been paid on the public debt; that I have shown you. Tln-y are not in the Treasury ; thatl have, shown you, I have unfortunately for our Republican brethren a list, of the deficiency hills that were passed during the last two or three weeks of the last Congress, and the list that I have, imperfect as it is, shows that they have appropriated onto! this $31,000,000 the sum of $37,000,000 in that way. 1 lioUl in my hand this list. I hate to trouble you so lunch with the details of figures, but as this is a fair specimen of the way in which our Republican fellow-citizens when they get invested with power in Washington, seek to cover up their doings, you will excuse me if l call your attention to it for one monent. The way in which these gentle men manage is this. They appropriate very much less each year than they know will be ex pended, and, toward the end of the session ol the year for which the appropriations have been made, they get up what they call “ deficiency bills ” to ‘cover the excess. Then they go on in the same session and appropriate for the next year a very much less amount, and when that year comes round they pass “ deficiency bills” again; but when they, come to tell you what the. expenses year by year are, they say, “ That is all we have appropriated.” “ These are our appropriations.” “See how much we have curtailed upon last year!" They forget to tell you about these “ deficiency bills.” | Laughter.] Listen to me one moment. 1 wili not detain you long. Deficiency iu expenses of reconstruction, *(557, 000 ; second, appropriation ior tlie same object, $378,000 ; a further deficiency in third district, aud $87,000 for destitute people (chiefly negroes) in the District of Columbia. Then we come to the War Department, and we have a deficiency iu the War Department of *1,900,000. Tnen comes me L'ostmasier Oeneral’s office and the Quartermaster General’s office and Poet Of fice Department, and we have deficiency bills in each; and the Treasury Department, and we have a deficiency bill there; and coming to the Collectors of Customs, we have a deficiency there; and coming to the construction branch of the Treasury, and we have two deficiencies there. Then comes the Interior Department, and we have a deficiency there; and then the govern ment of Territories, and we have a deficiency there. Then conics the Legislative Department, and wo have a deficiency of SOOO,OOO in the Senate, -and $115,000 in the House. Then we come to a secoud legislative deficiency, then Pension Office, then two defieieuees in Public Buildiugs aud Grounds, and lastly a deficiency on the miscellaneous bill. [Great laughter J When next any of your members of Congress tell you how much money they have appropria ted tor next year, ask them to read ltiflw much they appropriated in deficiency bi’ls. I will not wearv you with this detail ol figuresany further. I might speak to you an hour on that subject, j They would afford you a very instructive lesson. You would see a great many things that you don’t see now. I don’t know whether it is worth your while to see them. It certainly is not unless you can correct them. The conclu sion of this whole matter ia that we are more than *2,000,000,000 in debt, and that year by year the Federal Government collects from your pockets more tlun $500,000,000. If you add to that $50,00,000,000 the amount collected by the various State Governments, it will run up to $800,000,000. and that is more than six per cent, of the value ol all the property iu the United States, an ' more than thirty, almost fifty, per cent of all r'-'e earnings ot labor and capital in the cotintry. Let me state to you iu sharp contrast with this Republican extrava gance that the whole expense of the tour years of James Buchanan's administration amounted to only *256.000,000. Let me state that, the ex penses ot tbe. whole four years of ihe War De partment during the Mexican war, under James K. Folk, amounted only to $90,000,000. Now while we have been piling up this gigantic line till it rises like a- monument on the hap piness and liberties of our people, even uuto heaven ; while we were piling it up wo were recklessly expanding the currency. When pay day now begins to make its apnroac-h we are just as industriously occupied in contracting the currency. Suppose a neighbor of yours should act upon the same principle. Suppose he should go into the market i.u the Spring and bny what ever he wanted, and should voluntarily have the price of wb never he wanted enhanced, and should promise to pay in the Fail oat ot the proceeds of his Summer’s labor, whether agn cuhural or otherwise, and suppose when fall came, and his notes were coming due, lie should voiu'W: \’y rr.i! down the prices of everything he had to seli, so that it consumed his who>e er-./p ■:%> pay his -deoi incurred in the Spring, when, i . he b.*b;Vcd rightly and kept np the prices, he might pay his debts and have halt his crops i'or a. surplus. Would you not say he was a fool? Well, that is exactly what the Re publican party has been doing for tbe people of the United States. What is the result ? You see it iu Maine, and what you see iu Maine you may judge of what tbe results are in the rest Os the country. Are you prosperous ! Are you growing rich day by day, ar are you living off the proceeds ot your past labors ? If you arc not prosperous, why not? Your skies are bright, your grouud is fertile, your air is pure, your men are industrious, your women are thrifty— why is it that the wail ot distress goes up Irom all over tins State of Maine, and that poverty and wretchedness find their way into homes where before there was nothing but luxury and comfort ? Why is it that your agricultural in terests are so depressed ? Why is it that your taxes consume such an enormous amount of your yearly supply ? Why is it that yonr har bors are deserted and your shipyards a desert waste? Why, the answer lies belore you, so that the wayfariug man or the iool may not err therein. You cannot build your ships because every article that enters into their construction is taxed so high that the British colonies under sell you always. You cannot employ labor, because labor is compelled to pay these taxes, and the bones and sinew and blood of men can not work and pay taxes and be neither fed nor clothed. You cannot carry our Western pro duce to other countries, because when we have paid our labor and taxes and transportation there is nothing left to send abroad. You can not carry the Southern produce, because under Radical reconstruction farmers have been con verted into politicians, and cotton, rice, sugar, have ceased to' be the staples. A garden has been turned into a desert. A liberal system is the life of yonr commerce, as it is the hope of your industry; yet the tariffs must be kept high to pay interest on our public debt,and the daily expenses incurred by Republican policy, and while it skims the rich alluvium of our fertile valleys to make the sterile rocks and barren coasts of Massachusetts to smile, it destroys your shipping and palsies your industry that her manufactures may be protected. I have stated to you that the last official report of the Sec titary of the Treasury ahows the debt to be $2,6 3,688,756; of this amount $1,583,110,000 are 1 1 five-twenty bonds. I maintain that these bom s are payable in legal tender notes. The law under which they are issued expressly de clare* that the legal tenders are payable for every debt due from the Government except interest on the public debt. The bonds say they are payable in legal tender notes. Sena tor Sherman says so. Senator Morton says so. Thadjens Stevens says so. The funding bill says so. The Democratic conventions of Penn sylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Wisconsin, lowa, Minnesota and Michigan say so. The Democratic convention says so. The guest council of the Democratic party at New Ypr* (ays so. A. year ago, when 1 asserted this theory, I ha.d opposition enough to justify an argument. Now I have not. I do not know how it, is with your Republicans in Maine, but in Obio aad Indiana there the peo ple are so auxious to get on that they threaten • to jostle me off my own platform. [Great laughter and applause.] A year ago the lead ing fcteti called us copperheads and traitors.— NovT they politely say the theory is true,, bat altogether impracticable. Not at all, my friends. Pay ihe bonds as they become due. Save the interest. Save the premium on gold. How ? The hational banks have but a circulation of $300,000,000, secured by bonds. You understand this operation very well. Three men by one hundred thousand dollars’ worth ol bonds.— They deposit them in the Treasury. They get their 6 per cent, interest in gold. They get 90 per cent, in bank notes, and this they come home here to loan at 10 or 15 or 25 per cent., as they may be able to exact from the purse of the borrowers. The Government pays 6 per cent, in gold to these gentlemen tor the bur den of- fending money at 20. Break up this system. Call in that circulation. Issue green j backs in ils stead. Take np $300,000,000 of | bonds, and save $18,000,000 in gold annually j by wav of interest. This will reduce your debt, j I reduce * our interest, aud suable you either to | reduce vour taxes or to payment, i 1 ihe utjit, year. Your income is at least i 1 $500,009,000 a year. Be honest- Be ecouomi- ] cal. Let ihe thefts be stopped. Let robbery be. punished. Expend $150,000,000 a year, twice as j much as President Buchanan expended, tar ; more Man General Jackson expended in any | tour years of his administration. Add $l5O, 000,000 for interest, aud yet you have more j thau $-300,000,000 a year, au<t that sum con- : stautly increasing by a large uraduin wim which to pay off the ptinlic debt. Iu this way it can be paid—every dollar in principal aud interest, by the time if. becomes due, without adding one cent to the tax or one ceDt to the j circulation. If it is thought advisable the taxes can be reduced aud the payment be prolonged for ten years. I hear it stated that this is unjust to the public creditor. Not at all. You pay him back all he gave; you pay him the highest interest; you pay him all you promised. Show tne a single bondholder who, if you pay him to-day in legal tenders with gold at 140 per cent., will not re place l>is outlay, 1 will show you fifty who, in addition to 12 per cent, interest, have added in five .years 40 percent, to. their principal. The question is uot whether you will pay the bond holders what you owe, whether you will rob the people to pay the bondholder what you do uot owe. [Applause.] i hear it stated this is unjust to the people. When this legal tender law was passed it confiscated two-thirds of all the indebtedness of the coun try. The man who had a note tor SI,OOO in gold was compelled to take $1,0(10 in paper. The man who had leased a house for SSOO in gold could pay his rent with SSOO in paper. I kufcw an instance in New York city. A man sold bis neighbor a lot for $20,000. The pur chaser was a thrifty trader who could make more than 6 per cent, from his money. The seller was a thriftless trader who eonld not make so much. They agreed that the pur , chaser should pay when he pleased, but iu the : meantime should pay 6 per cent, interest. He : waited till gold was two hundred and fifty. lie. took his $20,000 iu gold and bought $50,000 in legal tender, paid S2O,(XX) to ; the seller,invested $30,000 in five-twenty bonds, lias drawn SI,BOO in gold a year interest, and - now is the most loyal patriot and the loud- I est clamorer for payment of the bonds in gold • of all my acquaintances. [Applause. ] He is > a reasonably good man, they say. He is a i Christian man, and they 6ay that every nigiit . as he goes to bed he prays God that he may l do other men as he would have other men do to him, and when he raises his hand in prayer, that OviHb«t S«Utw him from ail bio enemtes, he prays especially that he may be saved from that public enemy who wants to pay the live twenty bouds in greenbacks—[ loud laughter and applause]—and I hear it said this system will deprioate the currency and cheat labor of just rewards. Not at all. Every dollar of the. public debt which is in this way paid will re lieve the property of the country from the mortgage which 13 upon ii, and by making the greenbacks more certain of redemption will increase their value. No, gentlemen, pay these five-twenties iu legal tender notes the moment they become redeemable, aud you will reduce the debt, you will save the interest, you will relieve labor from its burdens. | Applause.] Couple with this the taxation of capital to the same extent as you tax labor, stop the excessive contraction of the currency, expand it if neces sary to recover the husiuess of the country the prostration it now feels, and you will make capital profitable; you will make industry con tented. Your ship yards will be alive again. Our fertile fields will yield u bountiful harvest. Labor will perform its accustomed work, aud bowing its cheerful head to a burthen which is always heavy, will push forward with higher courage and loftier step. [Cheers.] Do not misunderstand me. I did not vote for the legal tender law. I opposed it. I thought it very wrong. I was then, and am now, a hard money man. I foresaw the evils ot au expand ed and depreciated currency ; but the law was passed. The evils were contracted ; they have been endured by the people; and lam now in favor of extracting lrom the system all the good which can be gotten out of it. [Applause.J I have no hostility to the bondholders. They are, doubtless, worthy aud estimable gentle men. I would do them exact justice. Where I promised gold I would pay gold ; where I ; promised paper I would pay paper. 1 beg of ! them now to be just, and wise. I would not j threaten, but they may go further and fare j worse. Labor is suffering; it may become restive. The Republican party upsets this whole policy. It insists on paying the debt in gold and exempting bonds from taxation. The funding bill expresses the whole idea. It pass ed both Houses ; it would have become a law except lor the adjournment. It provided that the present bonds should be exchanged for other bonds, bearing four-and-a-half per cent, interest, payable in forty years, prin cipal and iuterest, both to be paid in goid, ana to be exempt from all State and Fede ral taxation. Goid stands to-day at up wards of 140. This bill adds at once six hun dred millions and more to the debt. It aban dons ihe right of taxation and thus gives up 1 more i.bxu twelve millions or gold, li postpones indefinitely the payment. If payment is post poned lorry years the debt will never be paid at j all. It will become one ot me permanent in stitutions o! tfc country. It the debt should be $2,509,009,000, and should be funded, at even lour per cent., the annual interest would reach $100,000,000 in gold, aud this must be raised, year by year, from the labor of the couutry forty years. How many of you will live that loug? How many of your children will live that long. And yet, year by year, as long as you live, as long as they live, out ot their sweat aud blood, of their bones and sinews, of their breaking hearts and dying bodies, these one hundred millions must be raised. [Applause. | Do you know what a national debt, means ? It means hard labor, scant clothing, brown bread, and no meat. It means that the rich shall be richer and the poor shall be poorer. It means that untaxed capital shall pamper the idle with luxuries, while squalor shall preside in the cat in of the poor, and suffering 6hall make his life like a constant death. | Renew ed applause.] I see before me many young men. Are yon willing to perpetuate a policy which will forver prevent you from rising above your present condition? You look forward to a few years of labor, and then hope to devote yourself to trading with tiie capital which your industry and frugality shall have saved. Iu your dreams you see a suug cottage, lighted with the smile of love aud sounding with the babble ofinfant tongues, over which plenty and coulentmeut cast their cheer ing rays. | Great applause.] Are you willing to give up this bright prospect aud be content forever to pay the tax gatherer all your earnings beyond food and clothing ? [Cries of “No !” “No !”J Extend the debt and reduce the in terest! No, gentlemen, pay the debt and save the interest. Reduce the tnxes, equalize tiie burthens, and-industry will be stimulated, busi ness will be restored, enterprise will be active and labor will reap its just and adequate reward. An essential step iu this movement is the re storation of the prosperity of the Southern States. They constitute an agricultural com oiunjty. They are producers. Their interests are identical with yours. Their staples will furnish business for yonr mercantile navies. They will furnish wealth for us all. They ought to pay their share of the tax, and of the public debt. They can do it well. They will do it easily ii finder is established in their homes and security is felt. “He who soweth shall also reap.” Every instance of selfishness, as well as patriotism, de mands that the policy of hatred and oppression shall cease, and that those States be restored to their rights and the people to their liberties. [Applause.] Fellow Democrats, are you up and active and well organized for the struggle be fore you ? The eyes of the whole country are npon you. The hearts of the Democracy, of the Conservative men everywhere are with you. You will fight the first battle of this campaign. If you win it, even if you improve on last year, you will give it the prestige of victory. We will carry the country. For twenty years the elections of Maine hive foreshadowed the re sult in the West. We look always to you with intense interest. Our hearts and hopes are with you. Seud us iu September news of yonr victory. [Cries of “we will!”] Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, will follow ; Seymour will be elected— [tremendous applausej —and the shouts of our rejoicing will be answered to us from Heaven, as when of old the angel choir announced, “ Peace on earth, good will to men.” [Tre mendous applause.] Gen. Roberts then called for nine cheers lor the chieftain who had so gailantly entertained them, which were given with a will, the enthu siasm of the andieuce continuing for some mo ments after Mr. Pendleton resumed his seat. [From the Atlanta Constitution. GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. Saturdat, August 22. SENATE. The Senate met at 10 o’clock, and was opened with prayer by Senator Bowers. The journal was read and approved. The petition of R. E. Lester, claiming his seat as Senator from the Ist District, being the spe cial order for to-day, was taken np. Mr. Nunnally having the floor, yielded for the introduction of a resolution authorizing the appointment of a committee of two, ’’whose du t v it shall be, jointly with a similar commiitee on the part ot the House, to examine the books of the late Treasurer and Comptroller General. Mr. Bttrnes favored the adoption of the reso lution. Mr. Harris moved to lay on the table. Lost. Mr. Wiuu saw no objection to the appoint ment of the special committee asked for by the resolution. The resolution was adopted aud transmitted to ihe House. The Chair appointed Moore and Coleman on the committee. Mr. Nunnally presented the official returns, showing tin- number of votes received by Brad ley and Lester respectively, and read the law upon the question : “II at any popular elec tion the person receiving the highest number of votes is ineligible, the next highest candi date, who, if eligible, is entitled to the office.” The Senate had declared Bradley ineligible, and when it did it had declared Mr. Lester just as much elected as if he had received a majori ty of the votes east.. Mr. N. read the opinion of 11. P. Farrow, which was entitled to consid eration, the Governor having nominated him for the office of Attorney General. lie (Nnn iially) agreed with Farrow. No question had been raised as to the eligibility of Mr. Lester. He did n»t know that it was necessary to notice the quibble mooted by certain parties, that a Senator was an officer. The constitution speaks ol members of Congress and of the As sembly as officers. Again, the constitution provides that the “ oaths of office may be ad ministered by any Judge of the Supreme or Su perior Court,” etc. He hoped Senators are satisfied when they see the law bearing so plainly upon this ease. Mr. Brock requested Senators on the Repub lican side to divest themselves of all prejudice against the party claiming his seat. Let politics have nothing to'do with it. If it is the law that Mr. Lester is entitled to bis seat l will vote for him. But I have examined the law in this case, ands do not think he is entitled to a seat under it. There was no precedent where a man, hav ing been beaten 1,800 votes iu Georgia, was put into the office sought. I have never had the chance to be a smart man ; I never was fixed np right somehow; I havn’t much sense, 1 know ; but 1 have read the law as much as a few. Mr. B. read from authority, stating that a Senator of the United States was not an officer. Blunt, a Senator from Tennessee, in 1797, was impeached and the articles were vot ed down on the ground that, he was not an officer. If that is the rule in the United States Senate, it is good authority here. It is un necessary to argue that poiut further. lie wanted Mr. Lester to take bis seat, but if he couldn’t do 60 according to the laws of Georgia he did not wish him to do it. lie (Brock) couldu’t stand the idea of holding a scat here if lie had been beaten by 1,800 votes, but he (Brock) don’t mind sitting here in the seat of Mr. Head, who beat him for the Senate from the 38th District. [Sauce for the goose is sauce lor the gander. ] lie wanted gentlemen to “fix down or fix up any single ease” where a tnan under such circumstances had been seated. “ There ain’t nary single one in Georgia.” Mr. Hinton moved that the time be extended until this question is settled to-day. Mr. Merrill said it could uot be extended without a two-third vote. Mr. Adkius. Our Democratic Senators pro pose to scat Mr. Lester under the Code. That is not the matetinl by which we are to judge. The Code has no jurisdiction because if. con flicts with the Constitution of the United States in this case. He supposed, however, that what ever he could say would he super/ulm. Mr. Harris moved to adjourn. Lost Mr. Candler moved the previous question The President stated that a Senator yielding the floor for a motion to adjourn was entitled to resume after such motion has been disposed of. Mr. Adkius resumed and occupied the floor for five miuntes, when Mr. Smith (7th.) rose and said when a com mittee was appointed by this Senate to investi gate the eligibility of members there was an un derstanding by all parties that the one receiv ing the next highest number of votes should take the scat. Deny it who can. It was re ceived as the doctrine of Geucral Meade, and iu the confessions of Democrats as well as Re publicans. When the Republicans had the long end of the rope they held it to be a doc trine of the Code, and when the Democrats find a chance to oust a few Republicans they hold the same to be the rule. To be consistent we must treat all alike. If we fail to seat this man Lester we deviate from our former reorganized rule and are recreant to our own record. The precedents of Congress should not be allowed to override the law of Georgia. The statute law of the Slate geverns matters of this kind. The constitution styles the President of the Senate the presiding officer. There can be. uo question as to the official character of members of the Senate. Again, eases ol impeachment shall not extend further thau “ removal from office .” Mr. Adkins. I would ask the Senator whether lie has a commission ? • ! Mr. Smith. 1 shall answer tiie question by i asking another. Does the constitution state ; that because a Senator is not commissioned that he is not an officer ? I shall not detain the Senate. The case is a plain one. Were Ito re fuse to aliow Mr. Lester his sear, I should view my aetiou as a prostitution of the constitution and the law of my State. Belore 1 do that let death be my lot. - Mr. Adkius. Will the geutlemeu cite one clause in the constitution giving legality to Mr. Lester’s right to a seat in this Senate ? Mr. Nunnally. I can if you will allow me. Mr. Smith. The letter and spirit Os Irwin’s Code establishes such legality. The proposi tion is as clear as the noou-day suu. This man has a right to his seat under the constitution and the Code. Mr. Holcombe. This discussion puts me in mind of the song about John Jones, which con tained forty-two verses, and every word was John Jones. I move the previous question. The previous question was sustaiued. The President. The previous question brings the memorial before the Senate. On the question whether the prayer ot the memorial be grauted, the vote stood : Yeas, 18; nays, 11. Those who voted in the affirmative are: Messrs. Anderson, Bruton, Burns, Candler, Coliier, Griffin (Ctb), Uiuton, Holcombe, Jor dan, McArthur, McCutcbin, Moore, Nisbet,, Nunnally, Smith (7th), Smith (36th), Wellborn, Winn—lß. Those who voted in the negative are: Messrs. Adkins, Brock, Campbell, Colrnan, Harris, Iligbee, Jones, Merrill, Sherman, Wal lace, Welch—ll. So the memorial was adopted. Mr. Nunnally moved that Mr. Lester come forward aud be sworn in as Senator from the First District. Carried. [Appiause.J The President ordered the lobby cleared, but on motion of Mr. Candler the order was re voked. Mr. Lester presented himself at tho Clerk’s desk and was sworn in by the President. Oq motion of Mr. Holcombe, the Senate ad journed. [Several Democratic Senators paired off with Republicans, which, together witli perhaps a little dodging by, wo won’t 6ay who, accounts for the slim voting on the memorial of Lester.J HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The House met pursuant to adjournment, and was called to order by the Speaker. Prayer by Rev. Wm. M. Crumley. The journal of yesterday was read, when Mr. Scott, of Floyd, gave notice that ho would move a reconsideration of so much of the journal as related to the bill exempting from taxation foreign capital, for the purpose of amending the same. The amendment was to strike out foe word “ foreign,” so as to in clude all capital, aud also iusert ihe word “ three ” for “ five ” years. Mr. Bryant was in favor of reconsideration. He spoke in glowing terms ot Georgia aud her material resources. He loved his native State, but he loved his adopted State also. Georgia was susceptible of great improvements in man ufacturing interests. [The reporter will stop here, as Mr. Bryant went on a tangent foreign to the subject under discussion.] Mr. Flournoy had no objection to the ad vancement of the interests of the State iu every department of enterprise, but the bill discriminated materially. One class of capital was exempted from taxation, and another forced to pay it. The theory was dangerous and the practice ruiuous to the interests of the people of the State. lie read a clause of the new constitution in relation to the-taxatioa of property, which said, iu substance, that the power of taxation shall be equal and equita ble on all species of property. Mr. O’Neal said the bill only exempted a cer tain species of capital, which the General As sembly had a right to legislate npon. The pass age of the bill would not interfere with other species of property. The cases were not anal ogous. The manufacturing interests of the State were deficient, and it was the object of the bill to foster such interests. Mr. Hudson thought that such legislation had no stopping place. It was class legislation.— Why uot act similarly with other interests? The iron and lumber business commanded at tention as well as that of woolen goods, etc. Capital needed no assistance; it would take care of itself; the poor people of the State were alike interested in this matter with those of the wealthy. Mr. Crawford arose in opposition to recon sideration. He saw no necessity for exempting any species of capital whatever; there were owners of factories in this State who were now taxed on money invested, and it was not just to them to legislate for the purpo’se of making so great a difference as this bill proposed. He could not see why other enterprises should not come under the same law. The manufacturing was not the only interest to be considered in this State. There were others which we should not overlook. He was opposed to the bill on considerations of justice and equity to all classes. The previous question was called and sus tained. The main question was put, and the yeas and nays stood as follows : Yeas, 66; nays 53. The motion to reconsider prevailed, and the bill be came a law. The rules were suspended to take up the fol lowing resolutions, which were adopted : Mr. Williams, of Dooly—A resolution that no member be allowed to speak longer than fifteen miuutes, unless by consent of the House. Mr. Shumate —A resolution that the State Treasurer pay to each member of the House the sutu of SIOO. The rules were suspended, aud the following bill read the third time and passed ; A lit 11 to relieve the Comptroller and Treasu rer of certain liabilities. The. rules were suspended to rend the follow ing bill the first time: Mr. Sisson—A bill to authorize the adminis trator on the estate of E. M. Edwards to sell certain lands on the premises, iustead of in front of the court house. The House refused to suspend the rules for the adoption of the following resolution : Mr. Br.yaut—A resolution that both Houses ol the General Assembly adjourn on Saturday, the sth day of September next. Mr. Crawford moved to suspend tHe rules to take np the bill for the reorganization of the municipal government of the city of Savannah. The motiou prevailed. Mr. Crawford then moved that 200 copies ol the bill be printed, and that the same be made a special order of the day for Monday. The motion was agreed to. BILLS ON THIRD READING. A bill to incorporate the Georgia Mutual Life Insurance Company. The bill passed with a few amendments. A bill to authorize Francis M. Payne, of Hart county, to practice medicine. Lost. A bill to change Ihe line between Henry and Clayton counties. Laid npon the table for the present. A bill t.o amend the charter ol the town ol Hawkinsvillo. [There seemed to be the smell of negro in this bill, which caused some little skirmishing in the premises. We noticed it brought Rice, of Columbia, to his fect.J A motion to postpone the hill indefinitely was made, and pending the motion the House adjourned. BY Tl 5 LEG B API!. [Special Dispatch to the Constitutionalist. From .A-tianta. LESTER FIRMLY SEATED. BRYANTS NEWSPAPERS INDEFINITE LY POSTPONED. A MOVE AGAINST ARMED ORGANIZA TIONS. Atlanta, August 24. Ex-Gov. Brown says the seatiug of Lester was according to law. The Senate could not have acted differently. In the Senate, a motion to reconsider the seating cf Lester failed. Conley ruled it out of order. The bill to encourage loyal newspapers was indefinitely postponed. Mr. Baruum introduced the following reso lution : Wiikreas, There arc numerous organizations throughout the State, in open hostility to the peace and and good order ol the State, threat ening violence in many instances to the execu tion of the civil laws ; and Whereas, The leaders of said organizations claim'to have authority from his Excellency the Governor for such demonstrations; aud WnEKEAS, The civil government is uot suf ficiently organized to prevent such insurrec tionary demonstrations, Resolved , That his Excellency the Governor be requested to issue his proclamation to re quire a discontinuance of all such unlawful as semblages, and require the laithfut execution of the laws by all civil officers. After other bnsincss, the House passed the Savannah election bill. r Associated Press Dispatches. ashington. Washington, August 24. Rollins has nominated nineteen supervisors, three of whom only are acceptable to McCul loch. The nominees are said to be extreme Radicals. It is stated that McCulloch will tie the whole matter until atler the election, rather than allow the immense patronage which the law gives these supervisors to be used entirely in the Radical interest. Washington, August 24—Noon. A prize fight is to come off at Cove River, Virginia. Several vessels, crowded, left this morning to witness tbe figbt between Collycr and Edwards. , _ , . , The Treasury received yesterday five hundred thousand dollars in gold from Alaska, for cus toms. This is the first profit from the new Territory. Washington, August 24—P. M. It is stated that Attorney Geucral Evarts will advise adversiy to the Secretary of War s de cision that the eight hour law involves a cor responding reduction of wages. The Agricultural Department is fully installed in tho new building. This move gives tiie Patent, office much needed rooms. No progress to-day in tax supervisors. The Executive seems determined to havo offices equally divided between parties Unless this compromise is accepted by Rollins’ advisers, no supervisors will be commissioned until after tiie election. The law is generally regarded as unconstitutional, and tho commissioning of Rollins’ nominees is not mandatory upon the Secretary of the Treasury. Claims for captured and abandoned property must now come before Congress, the law giv ing the Court of Claims jurisdiction having ex- Pl Assistant Attorney General Dickey is in charge of all cases before the Court ol Claims on behalf of the Gcvernme'nt, the recent law having imposed that duty on* the Attorney General. Extensive frauds in negro bounties are posi tively re-asserted. Experts have lull details of fifty-three cases, wherein corruption is evident. Sherman has instructed Sheridan to drive the Indians beyond the Kansas line, killing them, if necessary. He deems further forbearance toward the Indians impossible. It is under stood that the President approves the rigid course proposed by Sherman. Welles has returned. The Herald’s White Sulphur Springs letter says: “ General Rosccraus has held his con ference with General Lee, Beauregard, A. H. Stepheus aud other Southern leaders, but the purport of the consultation is as yet uukuown. it is believed to have been satisfactory, and an address to the Southern people will probably be issued soon iu the name of the leading spirits of the Confederacy.” New York. New York, August 24. Irving’s brother Ebeuezer, is dead, aged 93. Professor George J. Adler, author of German scholastic works, is dead. Edward Jones, after a dispute with his wife, hung himself. Peter McAvoy beat Richard Burns to death during a political dispute. Two brokers failed to-day, from disastrous operations in Erie stock. South. Carolina. CHARLESTON, August 83. The first hale of new cotton was received here to-day. CHARLESTON, August 24. Hon. James" B. Campbell started for Wash ington to-day to present to the President an address lrotn the people ol Charleston, settlhg forth the dangerous condition of the city, ana the inability of the civil authorities to pre serve peace, if riots should arise, and announc ing the determination of the white people to be moderate and avoid, as for as possible, all col lisions, and asking the President to provide tor the protection of the city. Columbia, August 34. Republicans deny the recent telegraphic re port that the Legislature proposes to repudiate any class of bonds ot the State, or seize the assets of the State batik pledged to pay them. Only the profits of the bauk are pledged to pay bonds, and as the bank has no profits, the bonds are secure, with or without this law. The law, it possible, strengthens them. The explanation of the matter is that, the Legislature of 1865 ap propriated the assets of the bank to foreign bond holders depriving bill holders of the prior claim. The present bill reverses that action and protects bill holders as creditors of the State. The bill to pay members in State bills, at such rates as they may lie worth in greenbacks, passed the Senate, and was read once in tha House. There is a Republican caucus to-night to nominate Circuit Judges. (Georgia. Atlanta, August 34. The following resolution was offered in the House: Where as, Numerous organizations through out tho State arc in open hostility to the peace and good order of the State, threatening vio lence, in many instances, to the execution of the civil laws : and * Whereas, The leaders of said organizations claim authority from the Governor for such de monstrations ; and Whereas, The present civil government is not sufficiently organized to prevent insurrec tionary demonstrations, Resolved , That the Governor be requested to issue a proclamation requiring the discontinu ance of such unlawful assemblages, and requir ing the faithful execution of the laws by civil officers. The resolution in tho Senate to reconsider its action seating Lester. Democrat, in place of BrndUejt negro, was ruled out of tho Chalrjmtn, as Lester had already been sworn in. Ex Governor Brown approves the action of the Senate seating Lester. In the Grant and Colfax demonstration in this city 0,1 the 18th instaut. there were but 3 white meu in procession and not 300, as published by papers North of Washington. Illinois. Chicago, August 24. The bridge at Sterling, Illinois, on the Chi cago and Northwestern Railroad, is burned. "Foreign. [BY THE CABLE. I Liverpool, August 24. There has been very stormy weather around the coast, and many wrecks arc recorded. The ship Sara, from Liverpool for Quebec, was lost in the Mersey. The captain alone was saved. The Queen of Beauty, for California, put back dismasted. The Foreign Office has advices that the re ported attempt to assassinate Victoria originat ed from an insane Englishman approaching the Queen’s apartments in Switzerland. Dispatches from Calcutta report the eclipse satisfactory in the highest degree. The sky was cloudless and the phenomena plainly visi ble throughout India, except Bombay, where a drizzling rain prevailed. An AFFRAr.— It appears that some refracto ry white boys attempted, on Sunday afternoon, to take a badge from a negro man, who was passing along above the Augusta Factory.— Escaping, the negro was fired at and sfiot in the leg, but not seriously hurt. He gathered a crowd of his own color, and, for a time, af fairs looked quite serious. As the transaction happened outside the city limits, the police could not interfere., but used every endeavor to pacify the belligerents, who finally dispersed. After the disturbance had subsided a white mau abused the police, and was promptly ar rested. He was fined yesterday morning for vio lating the 18tli and 21st sections, which prohibit disorderly conduct and resistance to the city authorities. Tiie above version is as correct an account as wc could gather, it would he advisable for the parents of such boys as seem so fond of rowdyism on the Sabbath day to keep them under proper restraint, and learn a practical lesson from Solomon, who was a great stick ler for pickled rods. Killed.—Monday afternoon a number of negro boys were on the wharf below the bridge, picking tip waste corn, salt, <fec., when two ol them engaged in a quarrel, and belabored each other for some time. At last, one of them picked up a brick and let it fly at the head of the other, st riking him on the temple, crashing his skull, killing him instantly. Tbe name of the boy killed was Hsnry Lewis, aged 15 years. He was said to have been of bad character. The other is known as John Bowc. Coroner Rhodes held au inquest on the body of the deceased, and the jury found a verdict of manslaughter against John Bowe. A warrant lias been issued for his arrest. He is still at large. Information Wanted.— Any person who was in the Confederate army, who kuew one Philip M. l’latt, iormerly of Brooks conuty, Georgia, who enlisted at the beginning of tho war in a South Carolina regiment, lormed in Charleston, will confer a favor upon his mother (a very poor woman) by sending any informa tion they may have of him to Hon. P. M. Rus sell, Savannah. When last heard of he was at Orangeburg, South Carolina. Exchanges will do an act of qjiarity by copying this notice. RlC*.—Mr. T. L. Harrison, who plants near Savannah, sends us a splendid specimen of new rice. If this is an nverage specimen, the rice crop must be In superb order. . -i
