About Tri-weekly Sumter Republican. (Americus, Ga.) 1865-1867 | View Entire Issue (March 9, 1867)
Tri-Weekly Hapublican, Americus, Georgia: 57 " w". HAN COC K i Editor and Proprietor. BATUBDAY, MAHCH 0, 1867, Beading Matter on every Page. PRESIDENT JOHNSON’S VETO MESSAGE OF TIIE ' Military GDVcrsnent CHI. March 2d ISG7. To the Hors; of Kstbessstativks ; I have examined tire bttl to provide f. )r the more efficient government of the Rebel States with cure and anxiety which its transccndant importance is calculated to awaken. 1 am unable to give it my as«i tit for reasons so grave that I hope a statement of them must nave some influence on the minds of the pa triotic and enlightened with whom the decU* »..»> *»»r<,-ot. i’fie Mil places all of the peo pie of the ten States therein named un der the absolute dominion of military lulers, and the preamble undertakes to give the* rea sous upon which it is justified. It declares that there exist# iu those States no legal Statu governin' nts and adequate protection to life and property, nnd ns nts the necessity of, enforcing peace and good order within their, limits. 1 1 is ti ue as a matter of fact, it is not denied that the States in question, have each if them an i.c ual government, with all the powers, c-xeotu ve, judicial ruid legislative, which properly belongs to a free State. They are ojganiz and like the other States of the Union, and like them they make, administer, and execute the laws which c mcern tireir do roestic affairs. An existing de facto govern ment, «xoici.»ing such functions as these is itself the law of Stales upon ail matters with, in its jurisdiction* To pronounce the t-u --premj i v-making pover o: an established Ftate iE gal, is to say that law itself is unlaw ful •* he provisions which these govern v. ; : have made for the pej.se r vat ion of ord r, the suppression of crime, and the re dress cf private injuries are in substance and principle the same as those which prevail in the Northern States and in other civilized countries. They certainly have not succeed el in preventing the commission of all crim-, nor has this been Accomplished anywhere in the world. There aa wdl as elsewheio, off coders sometimes escape tor want of vigoious prosecution, aid occasionally, perhaps, by the imfficiency of courts or prejudice of jurors. It is undoubtedly true that these evils have much increased and aggravated both in the North and South by tlie demorali zing ii flue!ices of civil wav, ami by the ran cm-ous passions which the contest has en gendered ; but that these people are main taining local governments {>v themselves, which habitually defeated the <l jet of all governments, and render (heir own lives and property insecure, is in itself improbable; and the &»gumeut of the bill to that effect is not supported by any -evidence which has come to my knowledge Ail the information 1 have on the subject convinces me that the :naß. of the people, and those who control their public acts, while tin y enbrtain diverse opinions on questions of federal policy, are Completely united in the iff at to recogniz* their society on the basis of peace, and ice-tore mutual p ogperity as rapidly and completely ns their circumstances will peimit. The bill how. v.*r, wouhi seem to show upon is f.ce that the establishment of peace and good *'rder is not its real object. The fifth section declares that all the preceding sections shall cease to operate iu any State where certain tvents have happened. These are : Ist. The selection iff delegates to a State Conven tion by elections, at which negroes shall be allowed to vote* 21. 1 lie fmmatiou of a 6tate constitution by the convention so cho sen. 3.1. The insertion into the (State constitution of a provision which will secure the right of voting at all elections to negroes and such white men as will not be disfranchised tor-rebellion or felonies. 4ih. The submission of the Constitution for ratifi cation to negroes and white men not only disfranchised and in actual ratificatn -u by the vote. sth The submission of the Slate Constitution to Congress for ex imination and actual approval of it by that body. Gth.— r J he adoption of a certain amend men t to the Federal Constitution by a vote of the Legis lature elected under the new Constitution 7th. The adoption of said amendment by a sufficient number of other States to nuke it a part of the Constitution of the United (States. All these conditions must be fulfilled before the people of these States can be relieved from bondage and military domain, but when they are fulfilled, then the pains and penal ties of the bill me to cease, no matter wheth. er there be peace and order or not, without reference to the security of life or property. The excuse given for the bill in the preamble, id admitted by the bill itself not to be real. Hie military rule which it establishes is plainly to be w ed not for any purpose of Older and for the preventation of ciime, but solely as a means of coercing the people into the adoption of measures to which it is known they are opposed and upon which they have an undeniable right to exercise their own judgment 1 submit to Congress whether this measure is not in its whole scope an object, without precedent and without aufhoiity ; in palpable coufl'cf with the plainest provisions of the Constitution, and utteily destructive to those great principles of liberty and humanity for which our ancestors on both sides of the Atlantic shed t-o much blood and expended ■9mush treasure. The ten Statgn named in the bii! are divided into five distric s For each district an officer of the army not below the rank of Brigad er General is to be ap pointed to rule over the people, and he is to be supported by sufficient military force to enable him to perform his duties. That au thority, as defined by the 2.1 section of the bill, is to protect all persons in their rights of j parson and property, to suppress disorder and violence, and to punish and cause to be pun ished all disturbers of the public peace or criminals. The power thus given to the commanding officer over all the people of each Mate is that of an absolute monarch ; his mere will is to take the place of all law ; the law of the Ftate is only a rule applicable to the sui j *cts placed under his control, and that is com* pU rly displaced by t ire clause, which dei c;ares all it u-. Terence of the State authority is to be n !i and void. He alone is permitted to determine what are the rights of person an l property. He only protect< them in such a way as his discretion may seem proper, and places at his free disposal all the lands and goods in his district. Ho may disturb them without let or hindrance to whom be pleases, being bound by no Ftate law; and there being no other law to regulae the subjects, lie may make a criminal code of his ow n, and he can make it as bloody as any recorded in history, or he can reserve the privilege of acting upon the impulse of his private pass ions in each case that aiises ; be is.bound by rules of evidence. There is indeed no provis ions by which he is authorized or required to take evidence at all. Anything is a crime which Lc chooses to call bo, and all persons are condemned whom he pronounces guilty. He 5s not hound to make any report or keep any record of his proceedings, lie may arrest his victim whenever he may find him with out warrant, accusation or proof of probable cause, if lie gives them a trial before he in fiicts the punishment. He gives of Irs grace and meicy, not because he is commanded so to do. To a casual reader of the bill it might seem that some kind of a trial was secured to poisons accused of crime, but such is not the case. The officer may allow the local civil tribunal to try offenders, but of course this does not require that he shall do so II any State or Federal court p*esumea to exer cise its legal jurisdiction by the trial of a mal efactor without his special permission he can brake it up and punish the judges and jurors: us being than clvt-s milefjutors He can save his friends from justice and dispoil his enemies contraty to justice- It is also pro vided that he shall have p >wer to o g niz military commissions or tribunals, lilt lhi> l« wer is not commanded to do it ; it is mere* iy permissive and to be used only where in his judgment, it may be necessary for the trial of offenders. Even if the sentence of a commission were male a prerequisite to the punishment of a party, it w< uld be scarcely the slightest responsibility upon the officer, who has authority to organize it as he pleases, to prescribe its mode of proceeding, appoint its members from i's own subordinates and revise all its decisions. Instead of mitigating the harshness of his single rule, such a tri bunal would be used much more probable to divide the responsibility of making it more muul or unju.it Bt-veral provisions, dictated by the humanity of Congress, have been in sorted in t lie bill appeal anti y to restrain the power of the commanding officer, but ii seems to me that they a:> i no avail f*r that pur pose, The fourth section provides, first, that trial shall not baunnecess: ri!y delayed, but, I think, I have ahown that the power is giv en to punish without trial, an lif : ; o, this pro vision is practically inoperative. C'liel or unusual punishments are not to beirffie'e i. but who is to decide what is erne! and anus ual? The words have .acquired a legal mean ing by long esn iu the courts. Can it be ex pected that military *ffic rs will understand it and follow •; rnffi in language so purely technical, ami not pertaining in the least de gree to their profusion. If not, then such officer wty define cruelty according w h-v own temper, and if not usual, lie will make it usual. Corporal punishment, the gag, and the ball and chain, and other insupport able fotms of torture invented for military punishment, will be within the range o! choice. Third, the sentence of a com:: ission is nut to be executed without approval by the commander, if it affects life or liberty, -nd a sentence of death must bo approved by the President. This applies to cases in which there has been a trial and sentence. I take it to be clear under the bill that the military* commander miv condemn to death without even the form of trial by a military commission so tlr.it the life of the condemned may depend on the will of two men instead of one. It is plain that the authority hero even to the military officer amounts to absolute de-pot ism. 13’t to make it still more uuindurable, the bill provides that it may be’dele.gattd to as manysubordinates ae he chooses to ap point, lor it declares ,he shall punish or cause to m* punched. Such a power has not been wedded by the monaich in England for more than five hundred years. In all that time no people who ep ke the English tongue have borne such rei vitude. It reduces the whole population of the ten States - all perrons of every color, sex and condition, and every stranger within their limits to the moat ab: ject and degrading slavery No master ever had a control so absolute over bis slaves as this bill gives to militaiy office: s oyer both white and colored person?. It may he ans? wered to this, officers of the army are too magnanimous, just and humane to oppress and trample upon a subjugated people. 1 do not doubt that army officers are well en titled to this c >ijli ience as any other ciass ( f men’ but the history of the world has been written in va ; n if it doos not teach us that unrestrained authority can never be safely trusted in human hands, It is almost sme to be more or less abused under and ciic itn. tan ces ; and it has a ways resulted in gross ty runny where rulers who are strangers to their rubj ets and come among them as the representatives of a distant power, and more especially when the power that sends them is unfriendly. G -vernmenfs closely rcserr.b'ing that here proposed to have been ful v tried in Hunga ry and Roland ; and the suffer-ng endured by those people roused the sympithies of the entire world It was tried in Ireland, and altl ough at first tempered by princip.es of English law, it gave birth to cruellies so at rocious that they were never recounted with* out just indignation. The Ft each Constitu* tion aimed its deputies wlln this power and sent them to the Southern Department of the Republic. The massac.es, murders, ar.d other atrocities which they have committed, show what the passions of the most ablest men iu the most civilized society will attempt to do, when, wholy unrestrained by law. The men of our race, in every age, have strug gled to tie up the hands of their govern ments and keep them within the law, he cause their own experience of all mankind taught that rulers could not be idied on to concede those rights which they weienot legally bound to respect. The head of a great empire has sometimes govern and with a mild and paternal sway; but kindness of an irresponsible power never yields what law does not extort. 13. tween such a master and people subjugated to bis domination there can be nothing but enmity. He punithes them if they resist his au'borty, and if they submit to it he hates them for their servility. I come now to a question, if possible still more important. Have we the power to es tablish and to carry into execution a measure like this? I answer certainly not, if we dei rive our authority fnm the Constitution; and if we are bound by the imitation which it impose-, this proposition is peifectly clear, that no branch iff the Federal Government executive, legislative or judicial? can have any just powers except those which it derives fiom and exercises unri a !lie organic law of the Union. Outside if;*- Constitution we have no legal authority more than private citizens, and within we have only so much as that instrument gives us. I his broad princL pie 1 imitsall our functions and applies to all subjects. It protects not only the citizens of the United States which are within the Union, but shields every human being who comes or is brought under our jurisdiction We have no right to do in one place, more than iu another, that which the Constitution says we shall not do at all." if, therefore, the Southern States were in truth out of the Union we could not treat their people aa the fundamental law foibids. Some people as sume that the success < f our arms in crushing the opposition which was made in some States to theexecuti nos Federal laws, re duced those States and all their peoj le, th innocent-as well the guilty, to the condition of vassalage, and gave us a power over them which the Constitution docs not bestow oi di fine, or limit. No fallacy can be more transparent than this. Our victories subject ed the insurgents to legal obedience, not the yoke of arbitrary despotism. When an abso lute sovereign re uces bio rebellious subjects he may deal with them according to his pleasure, because he had the power befoie, but when a limited monaich puts down a rebellion, he must govern according to law. If an insurrection should take place in one of our States against the authority of the State government and in the overthrow of those who planned it, would it take away the rights of all the people of the counties where it was engaged iu by a part of a ma jority of tho population ? Could they for such a reason be wholy outlawed and de prived of their representation in the legjsla turt? I have always contended that ther government of the Uni td States was sever., eign within its constitutional sphere, that it executed its laws like the States themselves, by employing coercive powers directly to individuals, and that it cvuld put down ini ziirrcctlon with the same effect as a State. One o:her opposite doctrine is the worst, heresy ot those who advocate secession, and cannot bo agreed without, admitting that heresy to be right. Insurrection, rebellion and domestic violence were anticipated when the government was formed, and the means of repelling nnd suppressing them were wise, ly provided for in the constitution, but it was not t’nought necessary that the State in which th y ni y arise should be expelled from the Union. Re ulions which were invariably suppressed occurred prior to ih*t out of which these questions grew ; but the States continued to exist and the Union remained unbroken. In Massachusetts, in Pennsylvania, in Rhode Island and in New York, at different periods of our history, violent and armed opposition to the United States was carried on, but tho relation of those States with the Federal Government were not supposed to be niter rupted or changed after t be rebellious pore tion of the population were defeated and put down. It is true tluri in these earlier cases there was n > formal expression of a deterrni nation to withdraw from the Union ; but it i§ also true that ir» the Southern States the ordinance of secession was treated by nil the friends of the Union as mere nullities and now acknowledged to be so by the States themselves. If we admit that they , had any force or validity, or that they did m fact take the States in which they were passed out of the Union, we sweep from under our feet all grounds upon which we? stand in justifying the use of Federal force to maintain tiie in tegrity of the Government. This is a bill passed in <4mo of peace. There is not in any one of the States brought under its oper* atioii either war or insurrection* The laws of the State and of the Federal Government are in undisturbed and harmonious operation. The courts State and Federal, are open and in full exercise of their proper authority over every State comprising the five military dis. triels. Life, liberty and property are secured by the State and Federal laws and the nations constitution is everywhere obeyed. What then, is the ground on which this bill prov coeds? The title of the bill announces ‘.'hat it is intended for the eflicient- government of th- se Slate-'. It is recited by way of preamble that no legal State Governments nor adequate protection ior life and property exists an those States, and tlsat peace and good order should thus be enforced. The first thing that arrests attention upon these recitals, which prepare the way for maitial law. is this, that the only foundation upon which martial law can exist under our form of gov ern merit, it is not stated so much as pretend* ed Actual war,foreign invasion, domestic in-urrecricn, none of these in s fleet a-rid none of these in fact exit, and is not recited that any sort of war or insurrection threat, ened. Let ns pause toe onsicter upon this ques'ion f <'on.-tituthmal law, aid the power of Con*, gressinth i recent decision of the Suprnv; Court of the Uni’ed States.in ex parte Milligan. I will first quote from a majority iff the court. •‘Martial law cmoot arise Loin threatened in vasion. The necessity must be actual and present, the invasion real ; such as to effectu ally close the courts and depose the civil au thorities.” We see that martial law c >m.e in only when actual war closes courts and depo ses civil Hivhority, hut this bill, in time of peace, makes martial law operate as though we were in ac*u and war, paid b come the cause, instead of the coma-quince of the abrogation of civil authority One more qualification It fi Hows, fiom what has been said on ibis - ul j ct. that there are occasions when martial law can he properly applied. If in foreign in vasion the civil courts are actually closed,and it is impo-sible to a '.minis ei justice according to law, then on the theatre < f militaiv opera, tions where war really prevails, there is a no ces. ity to furnish a substitute for the civil an* tho:itv thus overthiown, to preserve the safe ty < f the auriy and society, and as no power is left but the militia, it is alone to govern by martial rule until laws can have their free curse. I now quote from the ('pinion of the minority of the Court, delivered by Chief Justice Chase : “We by tic means assert that Cor gross can establish and apply the laws of war where no war has been declared or exi.-ts. ! Where peace ex : s*s the laws of peace must prevail." This is sufficiently explicit. Peace exists in all the territory to which this Idi applies. It as> its that after a certain time of peace, it sets aside the laws of substitutes the laws of war. The c menu i:-g with the m.j olty, <h Congress does not p > : s« >s that and, if p.>:-ibb‘, more emphatically, .Tuf-lica. with ivmxikald * clearness <1 -n-arion, sums the whole - The: nod"* (he Const kind* "f militaiy juii.-dietion (ucis -d in time «»! louden war, b »n: da: ies of the United Slate, or rebolliorwind civil v■ ar within the tie* (lifti icr oreilpi' and by rebels, tieat. lb; rents, and a tliinl;t«» be exeiei.-ed 19 -f inva-ioii or ir:.-u rivet ion, without of the United States, or during in the limits of Slates maintaining fieri.ui to ifie national (i -vei ii t - \ !"• <• 1 ygHI -1 -I in' » •!> 1 iw, -.\\M M ■■ es oi « t l:i J-A is : ■ o i j 11 tied - U.WiV U'-vei as la*' as may 1 -• ei m tin* di:• lent. on -1“' and law proper, and in call'd info\gi*.>s wfien the cannot be united, and in ing or excusing peril, by the times of insurrection or invasion, of civil or foreign war within the districts or localities where ordinary la»v is no longer adequately secure for public safety. It will be observed that, of the thiee kinds of military jutisdicUm which can be exeic.ried or created under our Constitution, there is but one that can prevail in time of peace, and that is the code of laws enacted by Congress for the government of the National forces. That b dy of military law has no application to the citiz n, nor even to the citizen soldier, enrolled iu the militia in lime of peac *. But this bill is not apart of that sort of military law. l'or that applies on ly to the soldier, and not the citizen ; while contra wise, the military law, provided by this bill, applies only to the citizen and not the soldier. I need not say to the Ilepre-* Kintatives of the American people, that their Constitution forbids exercise of judicial law in any way but one that is ordained by the established courts. It is equally well known that iu all criminal cases a trial by jury is made indispensable by the express words of that instrument. I will not enlarge on the inestimable value of the right thus secured to every freeman, or speak of the pub lie liberty in all parts of the country which must ensue from a denial of it anywhere or upon any pretence. Avery recentfdecision of the Sup* me Court has traced the "authority, vindicated the dignity and made known the value of this privilege so clearly that nothing more is needed to shew to what extent a vio lation may be excused in time of war or pub*. lie danger may admit of discussion. But we are providing now for a time of piofound peace, when there is not an armed soldier within our borders, except tboso who aie in the service of the Government. It is in such a condition that an act of Congress is propos ed which, if cam'- <1 out, would deny n trial by law ful courts and juries of nine millions of American people and to their posterity for an indefinite period If Seems to be scarcely pos sible 1 hut any one should seriously believe this consistent with a constitution which de dares in simple plain aril unambiguous lan guage that all persons shall have that light, and that no person shall ever in any case be deprived of it. The constitution also forbids the arrest of oitusens without judicial warrant, foundation or probable cau-e. This bill authorizes arrest without warrant at the pleasure of the milita ry. commander. Tin; constitution declares that no poison shall be held to answer for a ct pi hil or otherwise infairn.us crime, unless on presentment hy a grand jury. This bill holds any person not a soldier, answerable for all crimes and all charges, without and pre sentment. The constitution declares that no person shall he deprived of li e liberty or pioperty without due precesi of law This bill sets aride all process of law and makes the citizen answerable, in his person and prop* erty to the will of one man, ami his life to the will of two Finally, the constitution declares that the privileges of the writ of ha 1-eas corpus shall not le suspended un less when, in case of rebellion or invasion.the public safety m*y rtq',V*£ it; whereas, this bill declares mariial taw. which of itself sus pends this great writ. In time of peace, and authorizes i.he military to make the arrest, and gives the prisoner only one privilege, and that is a trial without unnecessary delay. He has i.o hope of release fiom custody, except the hope, such as it is, of release by acquittal before a mid tar y commission. The United States are bound to guarantee to eech State a repob'icm form of govern ment. (km it be p efended that his obligilion is rot palpably broken, if ue carry out a measure like this, which puts away every ves tige of republican governmental! ten States, and puts tlieg'ife, property, liberty anj^9| ..f all th" people iu each of them dominationo! a single person, authority? •• The Parliament of • t" if w t n.o 1 .. H. .. .' M Jr: jßfi '® * ; it ’*•*. a: and • '*,'77l l T'fPl fainder. It is, for person in 11 is' CMtnrry he const it utiu|^^B convict, and or j-unV fi.-d f<»r ai v ei in.f. o^^B ir-lali**!’ p:* rvedir g i.f any .“o:t. hi*:e is a • ill of imh r against of | • bl l'l Up*.!l : vague as t.> be .scarcely C:cdi’nle ;:u9 !>e t* ue uj-*:i no ci•difile e \ id- e - W of the : millions was heard in feuce. The repiesentations < f parties were excluded from all paißWparion in the trial. The conviction is to laßollowed l-y the m- st ignorninioujtfuirrishtneut ever in fiicted on large masseslt di fianchi ses them l-y f**»d do-J ad vs !t; <M j . * f _■ 7" ,7; 7: 'id ■••* • e m*t of voting, al e v:ot n. i id -a w 'i ly t . i:.-fi! in »!:< : r I; I’.ds, .* v. ■ 1 as tfi • \* !.:'<• to m e 5 \ way 1f I !.■( yd>r»t fa iu a . a id .i.-'*- is : r» a ; \. es can reliev. <1 which tins bill imposes cn pausing he?c to consider the ped cy of African izing the Soutl -in part of <«ur territory, 1 would simply say, and ask the attention of Congress to that manifest, well known and universally acknowledged bit of constitution al law which declares that the Federal gov- ernment has no juris liction,authority or pow or to regulate such subjects for any Sta*e ,* to force the right of euffraga out of the hards of the white people and into the bands of ne | groes is an arbitrary viol ili'-n of this piinci ' [ le. 'ibis bill imposes martial iu.v at once, : ar.d its operations will be !>. gun so soon as ifie ‘ General and his troops c*.iu be placed. 'I he | dread alternative between itsh.arfch rule, and | compliance with the terms of this measn e, is I not are the people affnded any time rat ions. Tlie bill sav to them, fi J ii:st. delib - i lafi*. ar.d n iv<: done all that rids ffinea-ure to do. ot her nii<! whi:h mat rial law. Auolla : aPfirow t: -• t'onsiitnti.iii will: rite will of 11.i- l'..n ti.o-.! Male- i J.'i: ! . and i> ii i< in Tins open and umettlcd, and o((‘U|y the attention of Coi.g-c.-s, nie-mtimo, tin* agitation which feffyails, will continue to disturb all p n* he people. The bill also denies the |l* VV °f the government of ten States which in the rebellion. The amend* the Federal Constitution abolishes within ihe juti-diction ot the practically excludes them fiom the Union. If this assumption of the bill be correct, their concurrence cannot be consider ed as having been legally given, and the im portant fact is made to appear that tho con- sent of three fourths of the States, the requi site nmnbe-, has not been constitutionally ob tained to the ratification of that amendment, thus leaving the question of slavery as il stood before the amendment was ( fficially de clared to have become a part of the Constitu lion ; that the measure proposed by this bill violates the Constitution in the particular mentioned, and in many ways which, to enu inerate,is too clear to admit of the least doubt. It only remains to consider whether the in junction or the instrument ought to be obe\ ed or not. I think they ought to be obeyed for reasons which I will proceed to give as briefly as possible. Iu the first place, it is the only system of fiee government which we can hope to have as a nation. When it ceases to be the rule of our conduct,we may perhaps take our choice between complete anarchy or a consolidated monarchy and a total dissolu tion of the Union ; but national liberty, reg ulated by law*, will have passed beyond our reach, it is the best form of government the world ever saw. No othei is or can be so well adapted to the genius, habits or wants of the American people, combining the strength ot the great empire with the unspeakable bless ings of local self-governments, having a cen tral power to detend the general interests and recognize the authority <f the Slates as the guardians of industrial rights. It is the sheet anchor af rur safety abroad and our peace at home, and was ordained Jo form a more perfect Union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, promote the general welfare, provide for the.common defence, and secure the bleseing6of jiherty to ourselves and our posterity. These great ends have been attained heretofore, aud will be again by a fnittrful obedience to it ; but they are certain tn lie icNt if we t:cat with disregard its sacred obligations. It. was to punish the gross crime of defying the Constitution, uitil vindicato its supreme authority, that wo rafieri on a bloody war of four year’s duration. Shall we now acknowl edge we sacrificed a million of lives and ex pended a billion of treasure to free a ti.insti tution which is not worthy of respect and preservation,? Those who advocated the, right of secession a ioged, iti their own justi fication, that we had no l-ogard for law, and that their lights of property and liberty would not be safe under the Constitution as administered by the United Stales, and we now verify the assertion ; we prove that they were in fact lighting for their liberty, and in stead of branding their leaders with the rlis honoring name of traitor again-t a righteous and legal Government, we elevate them in the history of self-sacrificing patriots, conse crate them to the admiration of Die world, and place tnem hy the side of Washington. Hampden and Sidney, No, let us leave Dicin to the infamy they deserve. Punish Diem ns iliey should be punished according to law, and take upon ourselves no share of Die odium which they should bear alone. It is a part of our history which can never be for gotten, Dint both houses of Congress in July, 1801, declared in form ofa solemn resolution that war was and should be carried on for no purpose of subjugation, but solely to enforce the constitiiiioii and laws, and that when this was yielded by the partiesju rebellion the contest should chase, with the constitutional l ights ol'iho States and individuals unimpair ed This resolution was adopted and sent forth to t ho world unanimously by the Sen ate, and with only two dissenting "voices in the II,At It was accepted by the friends of >he Die Soul It as well as the North, ex and >l"' in 1 - tin a to - / :. i /’ 1 ■ , Wssfe ■ i ~ . ’*•. :'■-M v •• • . . ' v■ ' ’ Mm - ■ - *,, • ‘ , v j r** - ' • » ~ _ __ 1 - Jr .... mS?, mfjf raiSss»BßM| § / . t ' f i 1 1 j : ' ' V I |, \ ./US / --.Tr2 ( > ' <7 it \ f ! • ... ®Ti.i.i:- 1] - are thus effectn-cly excited of ; loyalty to tho Government and the : Union. And is it far better the Work of res- | toration should be accomplished, by a simt le ! compliance with the plain requirements *of I the Constitution, than by a'rccourse to mens ures winch, in effect, destroy tho Males and I llireaten subversion of Die general Govern- nient? Ail that is necessary lo settle Ibis' simple, but important questic i. without- fur- j Dier agitalMii or de ay, is a willingness on the part of all to sustain the Constitution \ and carry its provisions into practical opera tion. If to-morrow either of Dio Houses of Con gress would declare that upon the presenta tion of their credentials, members coiisjUii. ti on ally , lector] and loyal to the General Gov. eminent vould be admit'ed to scats in Con . gross, while others would be excluded and their places remain vacant until Die election by Die people of loyal and quaillied persons', and if, at the same time, assurance were given Diat ibis policy would be continucdun. til all the States were represented, it would send a thrill of joy' throughout Die entire land, as indicating Die inauguration of a sys* tom which must- speedily bring ti'anquiiiiy to 'the public mind. White we "are legislating upon subjects which are of great importance to Die wliole people, and which must affect all parts of Die country, not only during Die life of the present generation, but for ages to come, we should remember that all men are enti led at. least to a hearing in councils which decide upon the destiny of themselves and children. At present ten States are de nied representation, and when Die 40th Con gress assembles on tlie4th day of Die present month, sixteen Slates will he without a voice in the House of liepresentatives This grave fact.with Die question before us,should induce us to pause in a course of legislation which, looking solely toilie attainment of political ends, tails to con -i ■.a he rigl’.ls it I ransgvessT es, the law wl, h is violates, or the institu tions it imperils. [Signed-j Avpbew Johnson. Washington, March 2, 1867. Selling a Wife at Auction in Main. —The Mucliias licpnbliean says a man by the name of Bryant, becoming dissatisfied with his wife, last week call ing upon an auctioneer, and tho wife and furniture in his house wore sold at public auction. The wife was sold for ten dol lars. Some time before next morning the husband and wife made up their trou bles, and Bryant refused to deliver the purchaser tho wife and furniture, T E L E GRA PHI C . TilO.U WAi'IfiNGTON. OUII MILITARY COMMANDERS. Washington, March B—The8 —The Repub lican caucus yesterday, was stormy. The extreme impeachers were defeat ed and the investigation will be re committed to'the Judicial Committee. A resolution to meet every three days until articles of impeachment are rea dy, was defeated. A resolution to adjourn on Monday to meet again the Bth of 'day, was adopted. The tone of the caucus indicates un doubtedly that an attempt will be made to impeach the President. It is authoritatively stated that Generals Sherman, Mend, Hancock, McDowell and Schofield, will com mand the Southern districts under the Sherman bill. The Secretary of the Treasury de cides that wool not bonded is not sub ject to the increased tariff. The Agricultural Department will deliver long staple Egyptian cotton peed to applicants from the G lili'States by mail. The headquarters ‘of the Georgia Bureau have been removed from Sa vannah to Macon. GONG JSw**-7* / 'ir-re'. 7.--The ch.-.il -7 < f - -■»-'!'! S-t- :n liVlati.-ns, . • M t - Mjl> M t r: . V’.-Mr. j 1 ajgjg (-11 *. ~M' ■' Jr B W.\ !■-. - ' 'tfiffMgCftgu'S :: tv) lmpeacnment Passed. A bill ceding Alexandria, Virginia, . to the District of Columbia, [lassed. GENERAL NEWS. GKKAT EXCITEMENT IN MEMPHIS — DEATH OF BISHOP SOULE. Memphis, March 7.—The New Me tropolitan Police bill, which has passed the second reading in the Legislature, creates intense excitement. The citizens prole.-1 boldly and the Avalanche defies Brownlow. Boston, March 7.—The Methodist Episcopal Church in Ternjle street lots been damaged by fire, fifteen thousand dollars. Chattanooga, March 7.— Four days of ram has fallen here. The county is flooded, biidgcs washed away, and com munication interrupted Norih and East. Bishop Soule, of Nashville, the oldest Methodist Bishop of the United States, is dead, aged 88 years. Hudson, N. Y., March 7. — Colum bia county has elected fourteen Republi can [and six democratic Supervisors.— The last Board stood ten to ten. TIIE VIRGINIA SENATE VO It A CONVEN TION. Richmond, March 7. —The Senate has passed a bill to call a State Conven tion on the second day of May, by a vote of 35 to -1. A man lately made application for in surance on a building situated in a village where there was no fire engine. lie was asked : “Wht arc the facilities in your village for extinguishing a fire? “Weil, it rains sometimes,’ ho rp’.ied with great simplicity. Marriage and Celibacy, And the happiness of true man hood. An Essay for Young Men on the Crime of Solitude, and the Physiological Errors, Abuses and Diseases which create iinpudirncns to Marriage, with sure means of Relief. Sent in sealed letter envelopes, free of charge. Addr» ss SKILLIN' HOUGHTON, Howard Assaciatiou, Philadelphia, Pa. jan 22 ts ' - - -ITnr [Mmlissmcnts. postponed Concert AT COLLEGE HALL, For the Benefit of (he Foor. THURSDAY EVENIMG, 14TH MARCH. milE Ladies of the Relief Society, of Amer« | icus. will give a Musical En'ertainmcnfc at tho College Hull, next Thursday Eveuiug, the 14th inst. The funds raised will be appropriated for the benefit of the poor of the city. Admittance, 50cts. Chi dren, 25cIs. March 9-lit. Is® smifTllfrrf IMl’O 11 'l' E 11 S AND WHOLESALE DEALERS IN fa sun i Jlomrstic Jlrn (Boabs, NO 155 MEETING SREET, Charleston, & C, Vr- IV)!. U. SMALL, (Late of the firm ufClnunlierlain, Miller &Cos.) is with us, an J will be pleased to see his friends, ir in- !J gm. STitiliSS, VAMESS & fa, I m portc r a and Wholesale Dcal ora in FOUifilGM AND DOMESTIC UIIY GOODS, AND faiun Article unit floiioff 130 Meeting Street, corner Hascl, Opposite Pavillion hotel, ' mar 9 lin -CIIARLSETON, S. C* fcV*. S WEBB, W [FOI’.MKUr.V WEBB i SAGE,] LMPOIiTEIt OF pi fuss in iMiifii, W No- 6 IIAYNE STREET, W Charleston, £>. C. Will supply Country Merchants with his lme’at as low rates as they can or rl'pu liere. liwr'Jlm A—Webster County. ■PrAVhereas, J. 11. Carter Adm’r on estate of rw. H. Prieo, decease<i, applies to me for let ters of Dismission from Administration oil said estate. These arc therefore to cite and admonish all and singular, tho kindred and creditors of k said decease*l, to lx? and appear at my oflieo time prescribed by law, ancl tilo " dm». In a;:y th<-y have,] otla rwise be grantfd in terms ol the law. P»nd.‘r my Imiiii iu olliee, at Preston, i Ml), 1v%7. 'hi. C. Ih MOOUK, Ordinary. | \V«-I ?V * oiaity, .! II <’•••!• I• !»• Ji ius to ino for T.olt**r* B's, IV PH A S nil: fct u 1 >uo.i »State of 0. S. K* Kth.idl ilx’i’ fore to < i'o nt <1 nilrioTiirih. nil nn*l-in* • it ill-l t t. <lil- Ift til Nil! I duCCUMMI. to I>o at my nil ice, id tho twne prc-cril»fd Hy law, tJ'Cir o! j' C!i>nn«. if any ' tlwy liavo. otlufrwbe <1 I)i lußstfjii will bo granted to the said m v 1 and, iu office, at Preston, thU Sth ; li, ibL-7. in. C. K. MOORE. Ordinary. —W«*bster County. Whereas, John S Ilavrcll applies to rue letters of Dismission from Administration of Mrs. I. I’. ll.irrell of said count v, are therefore to cite and admonish :*ml singular the kindred of said deceased, mF ) be and appear at my office within the Ftime preserilied by law, and tile their objee ] tions, [if any tlmy have] otherwise letters of Dismission will be granted to the said ap a])lieant. Given under my band, in office, at Preston, on the Bth of March, 18H7. niar b 1116 m C. R. MOORE, Ordinary. EORGlA—W<ibster Count y. ~X Two Months afterdate application will be made to the Ordinary of said county, at Hie first regular term, after the expiration of this notice for leave to sell the lands belonging to the estate of ii. W. Beasley, deceased, mar«) 2m J. M. TULLIB, Adm’r. BOOTS, SHOES 11 MIS, XlElvrO'V-A.IG f jpIJE undersigned would respectfully give J notice, to his friends, patrons and tho Hade generally, that lie lias lcmovcd his Stock of ROOTS, SHOES AND TRUNKS, to the spacious establishment No 141 Meeting Street, Opposite Hayno, CHARLESTON, S. C. And wiili increased facilities with the Man* ufactories and his spacious »sales Room, is prepared with a superior Stock to furnisli desirable goods for Hie Soul hern Market, consisting of the following kinds: Men’s, Roy’s, and Youth’s Boots, Brogans, Balmorals, Oxford Ties, and Congress, £ew ed and Pegged. Women, Misses’ and Child ren’ Pegged and Sewed Bools; Men’s and Ladies’ Trunks, Valises and Carpet Rags. Also, Packing Trunks of every size ami description. The continued patronage of his former friends and customers, is invited., and all! dealers in BOOTS, SHOES and TRUNKS,j are solicited to call and examine hi& Stock.l All orders will be promptly attended tofl EDWARD DALY, Agt* march 7 3m Charleston, SO KINSMAN’S CANDY MANUFACTORY, ALSO, IKPORTEH OF 270 KING STREET, CHARLESTON, S. C. EQV* Our CANDIES wc warrant perfectly pure and unadulterated, and Die coloring matter being purely vegetable, Dealers can recommend ilicm to be entirely free from any injurious substance, and tliey are adapted for Southern climates. Al-o, Importers of French Confec. tiouery, Marshmallow & Cream Chocolate Drops, Crystalized Fruits, Fancy Roxes. Tovs, Ac. ] mar 7 ts. W. KINSMAX-
