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About Daily constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1846-1851 | View Entire Issue (June 23, 1848)
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[From the Washington Union , 18^/iinst.] Tho Tactic* of tho Whig - *- [continued.] Extracts from the Signal s editorial. •‘"We believe that it is in General Taylor’s power, at this juncture of the national politics, to take independent ohound, and become the President of the People ! Our support of him, or of any other man, shall never be pledged in advance of a full knowledge of the principles and views with which he would as sume that responsible station ; but we may be allowed, as an independent journalists, to in dicate some of the signs of the times which point to the result just mentioned. “1. The presidential canvass of ISIS is in utter confusion. Among the whig*, a Pitts burg meeting nominates Judge McLean, who is also understood to be a general favorite of his party in the northwestern States ; the an ti-war spirit of New England and the Western | Reserve indicates its preference for Senator Corwin; the southern and middle States cherish a fancy for Scott, wh-ch only requires a victory at Perote to manifest itself; while, as an undercurrent,deeper and perhaps strong er than all, is the chivali ic feeling in behalf of Henry Clay, now intensified by the death of his gallant son, and which may yet determine the shape of the conflicting elements. The democrats are in a condition equally chaotic. In the west, General Cass has many and warm friends; Mr. Calhoun, with his compact and disciplined body-guard, stands ready to make his presidential fortune, or mar that of other as pirants in the democratic ranks ; Silas Wr ght, if the New York reverse had not occurred, would have been prominent in the field, and is stiil the favorite of many ; while quietly at Lindenwald sits the statesman ot the party, who will probably never again join the po litical melte, but might prove more availa ble in a strict party trial than many whose names are frequently heard in the present connexion. In the general confusion, an ap prehension prevails that the election will re vert to the House of Representatives—a re sult greatly to be deplored ; and hence the popular impulse, which chooses to adjourn the strifes of parties and the struggles of their leaders, while the country takes breath under the administration of an independent Presi dent. “2. A circumstance that may lead to the election of General Taylor, by a sort of accla mation, is the fact that the pride of the re spective parties would thus be saved—neither authorized to claim a triumph, and neither suffering the ignominy ot defeat. A long in timacy between Mr. Clay and General Taylor reconciles the whig* to the political orthodoxy of the latter, although Gen. Taylor is said not to have voted for many years ; while Mr. Polk, who is, and has been, as we are authoritative ly informed, entirely free from any intention or wish for a second term of service, may still be gratified to yield his scat to the successful general of the Mexican war—closely identified as that war is with the success of his adminis tration. “3. The above considerations are subordi nate, however, to the principles which are in volved in every presidential canvass. The Country has been divided for fifteen years upon most exciting topics ; and if General Taylor, immediately upon his inauguration as Presi dent, was constrained to adopt either extreme, the consequences might be fatal to the success of his administration. It so happens, how ever, that the results of Mexican hostilities will remove many of those points of collision —at least for a few years. A debt of one hun dred millions induces the necessity of a tariff, sufficiently advanced in its rates to satisfy New England and Pennsylvania, and, at the same time, will prevent any distribution of proceeds of the public lands. We cannot sup pose that the whigs will again urge a Bank of the United States; and Congress will insist upon a fair trial of the independent treasurv, removing some of those impracticable restric tions which have embarrassed the fiscal action of the government, and are an annoyance to individuals. So far, therefore, as the past con tests of the respective parties are concerned, an administration composed of the leading minds of all parties, and supported by the whole people, is not only practicable, but may redound to the highest interests of the whole country. “Only on one condition, however. The Ex ecutive must no longer insist upon legislative influence. There are questions approaching which the people must be allow ed to settle in their own way, without tho interference of executive patronage or prerogative. The old political issues may be postponed under the pressure of circumstances; and as for the new —those coming events w'hich cast their shadows before —let it be understood that the only path of safety for those who may here after till the presidential office is to rest in the discharge of executive functions, and let the legislative will of the people find utterance and enactment. Tho American people are about to assume the resposibility cf framing the institutions of the Pacific States. We have no fears for the issue, if the arena of the high debate is the assemblies of the people and their representative halls. The extension over the continent beyond the Rio Grande of the ordi nance of 1787 is an object too hLh and perm anent to be baffled by presidential vetoes. All that we ask of the incumbent of the highest office under the constitution is to hold his hand, to bow to the will of the people as promul gated in legislative forms, and restrain the ex ecutive action in its appropriate channels ! Give us an honest administration of the gov ernment, and an end to all cabals of a cabinet —all interference from the White Ho use —de- signed to sway or thwart the action of the American people. If such simplicity and in tegrity should guide the administration of General Taylor, the north and west would yield to it a warm support and a hearty ap proval. “ 'V'c have sai<} all on this subject which the present developements of public opinion re quire. As other scenes unfold, we shall seek to chronicle them with fair and independent comment." Meanwhile, we bide the move ment of the waters, hold’ng our columns and our ballot to be disposed of according to our v sense of duty, as emt rgeucics of this aud all other questions arise." -•«. This letter breaks the ice on the part of the military chieftain. It has four things worthy of remark: Ist. He has no objection to clutch presidency, if the people will give it to f him. 2d. He adroitly avoids all commitment f of his own personal views, and, of course, of of his political principles, until tho end of the v>ar. And now, as the war is ended, shall we not have a full revelation of them? Not at all; because he has declared in his last let ter —the Allison letter of 22d of April, 1848— that he means to write no more. 3d. That he will not on any account become the can didate of any party, or yield himself to party views: he must be the choice of the people, alone. And 4th. He decidedly approves and Bul scribes to the sentiments of the Signal edi torial; among which is the declaration that the President ought not, by the exercise of j his constitutional veto, to prevent the exten sion of the Wilmot Proviso to the new terri tory which we have acquired, from the liio ‘ Grande to the Pacific. General Taylor has not adhered to any of the pledgee in his letter, except the last. He will not now come out with ; : his political views, although the war is ended. He has consented to bee ime a whig candid i ate, and the nominee of a whig convention. — It is the veto views alone to which he adheres, i as appears from his last Allison letter; and let it not be forgotten that this veto power— this same “legislative influence" in the Exe cutive—is a part, aud an important part, of our constitution —necessary, indeed, to the sym metry and perfection of that instrument as an organization of the public authority into dif ferent departments of government. It is the I constitutional Huty of the President to veto a i law which he deem a violation of the consti tution, or which is in itself a fligrant incquali : ty and injustice. The people are not yet pre pared to surrender this feature which they have incorporated into their government. — Certainly its preservation is not less impor- ! taut note than in times past. We do not be ■ lieve that the people can, with safety, or that j j they will, elevate to the presidency any man i who is pledged or committed in any way, di- ! | rectly or indirectly, against the exercise, on a fitting occasion, of this branch of their dele gated authority. Yet Gen. Taylor would con sent to abandon a large portion of his coi sti tutional power in order to obtain the honors j ol the presidential chair. He consents to sacri j ficehis own power to that of Congress; to sink I into a King Log, to register their edicts, and | to expose tho whole south to the "Wilmot Pro- ! visos of the rabid abolitionists. Such is the first tax which he pavs for the nomination, and the first claim he puts in to the suffrages of the South ! Eleven days after the date of the Signal letter, the e t bryo candidate of the whig party addresses the following letter to a citizen of Lansinhurg, New York, as we find in the Troy “Daily Post:” “Headquarter- Army of Occupation. “Camp near Monterey, May 29, 1847. “Dear Sir: It is with much pleasure that I acknowledge the receipt of your most inter- i ; estiug letter of the Ist instant, and to which I ; desire to reply in terms more expressive of ! my thanks to you for you kind consideration | for myself, and yet more so of my high appre- | ciation of the upright and patriotic sentiments which are the principal tenor of you letter; but I am burdened with official duties, and at this moment with many letters from distant sources, which require attention, and will ne cessarily oblige me to reply to you in a few lines. “The presidents! office presents no induce ments to me to seek its honor or responsibili ties; the tranquillity of private life, on the con trary, is the great object of my aspiration on the conclusion ot the war, but I am not insen ; sible to the persuasion that my services are due I to the eounti y, as the country shall see fit to command them. If still as a soldier, lam satisfied; if in higher and more responsible duties, I desire not to- oppose the manifest wish of the people. But I will not be the can didate of any party or clique; and should the na tion at large seek to place me in the chair of the chief magistracy, the goal of all parties and the jiaiional good icottld be my great and absorbing aim. “Sentiments such as these have been the burden of my replies to all who-have address ed me on this subject, expressing the assu rance that, by the spontaneous aud unanimous voice of the people alone, and from no ageu- ; cy of my own, can I be withdrawn from the ; cherished hopes of private retirement and ' tranquillity when peace shall return. “Please accept, with this my brief reply, the j warm appreciation and high consideration of “Yours, most sincerelv. “Z. TAYLOR. “Maj. Gen U. S. Army." Here is the same chorus. He would not be come “the candidate of any party or clique.” ( Sot he!) “The nation at large must seek” his “The good of all parties” and cliques would be the “great and absorbing claim” of his admistration. He become the whig candidate —the nominee of a whig convention \ He refuse his support to any other man whom they many nominate ! Not he! Such are his fair disclaimers at first; but the ambi tion of office—the honors of the presidency— tempt him on. Even Caesar and Richard the Third put aside the crown when it was first offered to their grasp. But the following letter caps the climax. It should have sealed his political prospe ts forever. In his “Signal” letter, he declares his determination to withhold his “views” un til the end of the war ; but by this memsra ble document he declares that he is “not pre pared” to answer questions. Instead of ex pressing his views, it now appear* that he has formed none. He says that nearly forty years of his life was passed in the camp ; that he has had no time to study politics; that he i must take time to investigate these subjects; | and he repeats that he is “no politician.”— Well, what would be the inference of one who looked only to his country ? Plainly this: “lam no politician. lam not fit to adminis ter this complicated government. The people ought neither to confer, nor I accept, an office for which I am utterly unqualified.” We should like to know whether the General has yet taken up his hornbook—who is his pre- i ceptor—who is his political Plato —in what I school he is studying—what are his class- i books. These questions are all important to the interests of a free people, if they consent to place the reins of the steeds of the sun in the hands of the modern Phaeton ; “Camp nf.ar Monterey, Mexico, June 9. “Dear Sir: Your letter of the 15th ult. from Clinton, La., has just reached me, in which you are pleased to say, ‘the signs of the times in relation to the next presidency, and the i prominent position of your name in connexion with it, is sufficient excuse for this letter.’ That ‘it is a happy feature in our government that official functionaries under it, from the I lowest to the highest station, are not beyond the reach and partial supervision of the hum blest citizen, and that it is a right inherent in every freeman to possess himself of the politi cal principles and opinions of those into whose hands the administration of the gov ernment may be placed,’ &c.; to all of which I fully coincide with you in opinion. Asking my views on several subjects—‘First. As to the justice and the necessity of this war with ! Mexico on our part. Second. As to the ne cessity of a national bank, and the power of Congress for creating such an institution.— j Third. As to the effects of a high protective | tariff’, and the right of Congress, under the constitution, to create such a system of reve nue.’ “As regards the first interrogatory—my du ties and the position I occupy—l do not con sider it would be proper in me to give any opinion in regard to the same; a* a citizen, and particularly a* a soldier, it is sufficient for me to know that our country is at war with a 1 foreign nation, to do all in my power to bring it to a speedy and honorable termination* by the most rigorous and energetic operations, without inquiring about its justice, or any thing else connected with it; believing, as I do, it is our wisest policy to be at peace with all the world, as long as it can be done with out endangering the honor and interests of the country* “As regards the second and third inquiries, lam not prepared to answer them. I could only do so after duly investigating these sub jects, which I cannot now do ; my whole time i being fully occupied in attending to my prop er official duties, which must itot he neglect ed under any circumstances; and I must say : to you in substance what I have said to others in regard to similar matters, that I am no pol ! itician. Near forty years of my life have been | passed in the public service, in the army, most : of which in the field, the camp, on our west | cm frontier, or in the Indian country ; and for nearly the two last, in this or Texas, during which time I have not passed one night under the roof of a house. “As regards being a candidate for the presi j dency at the coming election, I have no aspi | rations in that way, and regret the subject has been agitated at this early day, and that it had not been deferred until the close of this war, I or until the end of the next Congress, es pecially if I am to be mixed up with it, as it is possible it may lead to the injury of the pub lic service in this quarter, by my operations being embarrassed, as well as to produce much excitement in the country, growing outol the discussion of the merits, &c., of the different aspirants for that high office, which might | have been very much allayed, if not pievent ‘ ed, had the subject been deferred, as suggest j ed; besides very many changes may take j place between nowand 1848, so much so, as to ! make it desirable for the interests of the coun try, that some other individual than myself, better qualified for the situation, should be I selected ; and could he be elected, I would j not only acquiesce in such an arrangement, 1 hut rejoice that the republic bad one citizen, | and no doubt there are thousands more de ! serving than I am, and better qualified to dis i charge the duties of said office. If I have i been named by others, and considered a can didate for the presidency, it has been by no a gency of mine in the mattcr;:and if the good people think my services important in that station, and elect me, I will feel bound to serve them, and all the pledges and explanations I can enter into and make, as regards this or that policy, is, that I will do so honestly and faith fully to the best of my abilities, strictly in compliance with the constitution. Should I ever occupy the White House, it must be by thc spontaneous move of the people, and by | no act of mine, so that I could go into the of j nee untrammelled, and be the Chief Magis | trate of the nation and not of a perty. But should they (the people) change their i views and opinions between this and the time | of holding the election, and cast their votes for the presidency for some one else, I will not complain. With considerations of respect, I remain your obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR. Mr. Edward Delon* t. P. S. I write in great haste, and under con stant interruption. Z. T. We shall complete the letters of Gen. Tay lor in our next* [From the Xew Orleans Courier.] Louisiana* One would suppose that the whigs were sick of their fond imagination of being able to carry the State of Louisiana for Taylor and Fillmore. At the last election for Members of Congress, when Gen. Taylor’s popularity ap peared to be much more secure and sound than now, they had candidates in every dis trict except the second, who professed to be friends and partizans of Gen. Taylor, and so licited the suffrages of the people on this ground.- In the fourth district, (Morse's) the Whig-Taylor candidate is a good speaker and ready debater. lie canvassed live district with great assiduity,- mounted the stump whenever he could collect a dozen hearers, I proclaimed every where that General Taylor i was the only man in the world who was fit to be President cf the United States, and that they ought to elect him (the stump speaker) to Congress because he was a friend of that great man, and his opponent, Mr. Morse, was in favor of somebody else. The same course of proceeding took place in the third district, (llannansou’s). The Whig-Taylor candidate was Mr. L. Saunders, adull and heavy speaker, but very popular with the Whigs, lie told the people that the whole world was going to vote for General 1 aylor; that he would surely be elected, and he (Saunders) wanted to be a member of Congress in order to prove to General Taylor that he and his constituents were not behind the age in their appreciation of the General’s statesmanship and ability to discharge the duties of civil office. Neither in the one district nor the other, were the people caught by so poor a humbug. They demanded of the Whig-Taylor candi dates to show what were the political princi ples of Gen. Taylor; that he was a brave sol dier they would not deny, and. as Americans, were proud to acknowledge. But when they were told the General was a candidate for the office of President, they wanted to know what his opinions were respecting the doctrines professed by the two great parties—demo crats and whigs. They had no doubt respcct ! ing his qualifications as a military man, but I the question at present was his ability to dis ! charge the awful duties of chief magistrate of j this great nation. In order to solve this ; question they desired to ascertain his-opinions j on the principal measures recommended and I opposed by either party. Ilis two friends re | plied that they were for General Taylor, and i did not know nor care what his political een j timents were. The}* were for old Zack, any how, and that was merit enough; the people would not oppose old Zack and would not oppose his friends and allies. But the i eople required other merits than indentification in the fortunes of Old Zack. — The Democratic majorities in those disticts over the Taylor humbugs were greater than they had been in any previous year. They would not vote for congressional candidates who avowed no political principles, not will they vote for any presidential candidate who conics before them in the same predicament. A similar attempt w as made to humbug the people of the first district, with a similar re sult. In the second district even the Whigs refused to vote for the Taylor candidate, al though a very able, eloquent, and patriotic citizen. bu much for Taylor in Louisiana ! ! Milliard Fillmore As some of our readers, who may have hon estly have desired to support Gen. Taylor as an independent candidate, may wish (sines his nomination by the whig party for the Pre sidency,) to know something of the man with •whom he is yoked in the Presidential race, we copy from the Savannah Georgian the follow*- ! ing brief but expressive account of Millard Fillmore, the wnig candidate for the Vice Pre- j eidency. “ Millard Fillmore, of New York-—a man who has voted in Congress with the Slades, i Giddingses, Gates, and that black-spotted crew of hostile slabbers at our domestic quiet —the man, who, in the summer of 1844, when all true Southern men were arrayed in favor of Polk and Texas, addressed a large mass meeting of the Whigs of the Empire, State, ! (4000 of all sexes and ages being present,) r from a booth, and almost immediately under a banner of the “Decency Party,”dh which ban- ' ner were painted Gen. Jackson and James K. 1 oik, the latter mounted by a negro, who bore a small banner, on which, was inscribed “Tex- | j as.” In his address, Mr. Fillmore exhibited the strongest acrimonious hostility against the ■ South, and converted a great national ques tion (the tariff) into a mere sectional one denied that the Southern people could ever become a manufacturing people, without peril ing their power to retain their slaves. Had this speech been listened to by Whigs of Georgia, many Os them would have voted for Polk and Dallas, instead of hugging de feat to their bosoms in the persons of Clay and ! Frelinghuysen. If they can hug Millard Fillmore to their ! bosoms after the exposure we intend to bestow* • on him, they are not the men we take them for.” Palmetto Banner. [Rerort of the Baltinwre Sim.} | THIRTIETH CONGRESS.-Ist Session. Washington, June 19. SENATE. Mr. Webster rose and said it was known that in the course of last year, a large conven j tion was held at Chicago, to take into consid- 1 erution. among other things, the subject of internal improvements. That convention adopted certain resolutions, and appointed a j committee to draft a memorial to Congress, j That memorial he was now about to present. It was a very respectable paper, very respect ably signed, and like the memorial of the Memphis convention, on a previous occasion, j he moved that it be referred to a select com -1 mittee of five, to be appointed by the chair, and be piinted, which was ordered accord- i I ingly. And he further gave notice that at a future time he should move to print an extra number. Petitions and memorials were also present- | ed by Messrs. Hale, Sturgeon, Cameron and Lewis, and several unimportant reports were made from Committees. Mr. Atchison reported, with an amend ment, the bill to regulate the intercourse ; among the Indian tribes in Texas. Mr. Jefferson Davis from the m litary com mittee, reported a joint resolution on the I Choctaw Reserve. Mr* Dickinson, pursuant to previous notice, | called up his bill amendatory of the natural!- I zation laws—providing that where persons ap- ! i plying for naturalization may leave the coun- { j try before the expiration of the period of resi- | I deuce required before receiving papers of natu- ! | ralization, but with the intention of returning, j the time they* are so absent shall be deducted, and shall not be deemed as heretofore, to so operate as to compel them to commence anew the period which they are so required to re j side in the country. After some debate, the bill was read the third time and passed, Mr. Brcese reported a bill granting the right of way, Sec., for a railroad from St. Lou is to , on the Missouri river. Mr. Johnson, of Md., submitted a icsolu tion, which lies over, requesting the Secretary of the Treasury to inform the Senate of the whole number of officers now employed in and about the Custom House at Baltimore, with the compensation allowed to each, and j that he also inform the Senate what was the number of such officers at the same Custom House on the 4:h of March, 184-5, and the compensation allowed each. Mr. Butler reported a bill from the judicia ry committee, to regulate the trial of issues in the District of Columbia. On motion of Mr. Pearce, the Senate took up the joint resolution [similar to that which has been heretofore considered and rejected in the House] directing the restoration of the contract for carrying the great Southern Mail between Washington and Richmond, to the • Potomac, Fred rieksburg and Richmond Rail- 1 I road and Steamboat Companies. A debate en- ! sued, which occupied the remainder of the : session, in which Messrs. Pearce, Bradbury, \ ulee, Berrien, Allen, Cameron, Mason, Davis, | ot Massachusetts, Hale and others participat- ! I ed. An amendment, offered by Mr. Bradbury, I requiring the Railroad Company to j av dam ages to the Bay Company, was negatived— IS to 27. It was proposed further to amend bv providing that the sum paid to the Railroad and Steamboat Company should not exceed the highest price paid on other rai.road and steamboat lines in the country for similar ser vices, but the amendment was not adopted. Mr, Hale move'! to lay the resolution on the j table, and asked the yeas and nays, which ’ j were ordered and resulted, yeas 20, nays 29. Mr. Johnson, of Georgia, proposed to amend, i by providing that the contract shall not be re i newed until the Bay Line shall consent to re | linquish their contract, but the amendment • was also rejected, 19 to 27. The joint rcsolu i tion was then read the third time and passed, j by yeas and nays, 27 to 19. The bill to promote the despatch of business | in the Supreme Court of the United States,was taken up, considered, and then passed over in formally. Adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The Clerk called the House to order, and ; | stated that in consequence of illness, and by ! advice of his physician, the Speaker would not j ; take the Chair to-day. Mr. Ashman stated that it was probable the | ; illness of the Speaker would be but tempera- i ry—that he might resume the chair to-raorrow i —and lie would therefore offer a resolution ! that Mr. Burt, ofSbuthCarolina.be appointed i Temporary Speaker. The resolution was unan imously agreed to. Mr. Houston, of Alabama, from the com mittee on public lands, reported back with a- 1 mendments Senate bill to refund to the State of Alabama certain monies advanced for the United States during the year 1836-7, and al lowing interest thereon. Referred to the cora | mittee of the whole on the State of the Union. | Mr. Wentworth presented a memorial from I a Conventon at Chicago, on the sth of July last, in favor of the River and Harbor im provement, and debate ensued on a motion to j print, which motion xvas finally decided in i the affirmative —122 to 50. Mr. Andrew Stewart moved a suspension of the rules to enable him to introduce a reso luti m of inquiry into the expediency of re- | porting a bill to increase the revenue by in- ; creasing the duties on foreign luxuries and ! i such foreign manufactures as are now coming ! into runinous competition with American la | bor. Ayes 8-5, nays 82. On motion, the daily hour of meeting was ; changed to 10 A. M. The bill to regulate the exchange of certain documents and other publications of Congress, i was passed A bill was reported and read twice, to re- i peal the first section of the act concerning the District of Columbia, approved 27th Februa ry, 1801. ! The bill was passed, extending the time for locating Virginia Military Land Warrants. Also, the bill extending the time for satis- I fying claims for Bounty Lands. I Also, the bill to regulate postage on news papers, and for other purposes. Adjourned. The Witness who Demanded his Fees- The weather is getting awfully warm and i business excruciatingly dull in the Courts.— Dame Justice, or rather Daddy Justices, nod upon the judgment se..t, and seem more in clined to enter into a siesta than a “ litigated point” or “ vexed question.” The lawyers canvass the merits of the various watering places, and crack jokes upon each other, Law, HaHsabaaaßMnaKaßßEKaKßMHeaamsßHHMi f it is pretty generally understood, is a dry pro ft s-ion, occasionally about as arid ns the de sert of Sahara in the dog days. This accounts for the notorious fact that when lawyers get hold of a joke, they make the most of it. A rather amusing scene occurred in one of our District Courts the other day. The case of H. vs. M. was duly called and proceeded to : trial, all the attorneys being present. The first | witness called by the plaintiff happened to be i i a “cannie” wight from the “Land o’ Cakes.” j Sawney sat bolt upright in the witness-chair, : as solemn as the ghost in Hamlet, but with j “speculations” peering from his eyes. “Be- j fore I gie my testimony in this case.” observed i he. “I wish to make a demond of the Court.” “What may it her” blandly inquired the plaintiff’s counsel. “I demond,” continued the countryman of Bruce, “I demond that my fees should he paid in advance before I gie a particle of my evidence.” “Perhaps,” re marked the Judge in his quiet way, looking; i down upon his desk and executing sundry | hieroglyphics on his note book with a stump ! of an old pen, “perhaps you had better give you testimony first, and then we shall be bet ; ter prepared to estimate its value.” “Na, na,” j ejaculated Sawney, “ye must first pay me my fees and then ye’ll hear my evidence.” — Things now looked alarming. The junior i council lor the plaintiff took his senior by the 1 arm and whispered, “D—n it all, our client, old H., is good for the fees.” Sawney looked i as immovable as his native hills. “Well,” said the senior, “how much are your fees r” “I hae left me business on the Levee,” exclaim thc pertinacious witness, “and hae been much damage, and my fees are they mu-t be : paid or de’il a bit of testimony do ye git line me, unless the Judge compels me.” The worthy Judge now thought matters had gone lar enough, so he drawled out in his peculiar j j emphatic way, at the same time glancing at , ti.e culprit through h ; s spectacles, “Well, I then, I'll make ye!” The lawyers indulged in a i suppressed guffaw, Sandy looked the picture of discomfiture, and the case proceeded “ac cording to law.”— Xjic Orleans Delia, the Tonstit ut iona list! Augusta, (Georgia. FRIDAY MORNING JUNE 23, 1348 FOR PRESIDENT LE WI S CAS S, OF MICHIGAN. FOR VICE PRESIDENT WM. O. BUTLER. OF KENTUCKY. f We received last evening by McKay & Go’s. Northern Express, New York and Balti more papers in advance of the Mail. Tiler c Military Renown. The time was once, when the opinions of Henuy Clay were not devoid of potency. It is true that he is now in “ the sere and yellow leaf,” and although after being worn out in the service of that great party which his indi vidual exertions built up from the ruins of a disastrous overthrow, and to which his great talents, zeal and energy gave principles, or ganization, respectability, and moral power, he has been by it { ‘ Cast like a worthless weed away/’ Yet there are some who still have a lingering regard for the opinions of one they have been accustomed to boast of ae a great statesman | and a profound political philosopher—a pure 1 patriot. They are willing to believe in the ; sagacity of his mind and the S madness of his judgment, on questions involving the welfare ;of his country. To a few such, the following ■ language of the “ Sago of Ashland,” may not I be wholly ivninTprcSsive. It is eloquently spo | ken, full of earnestness and enthusiasm, evi dently spoken as if the soul of the great orator was in what he said, and not as if it were a mere effort at clap-trap. It is language em bodying sentiments perhaps not apt now than during the candidacy of Gen. Jackson, who had, to recommend him, something more than “ MERE MILITAUY RENOWN.” “ Regardless of all imputations, and proud •>f the opportunity of free anti unrestrained intercourse with all my fellow-citizens, if it were physically possible. and compatible with my official duties, I would visit every State, go to every town and hamlet, ail dress every man in the Union, and entreat them by their love of country, by their love of liberty, for the sake of themselves and their posterity—in the name of their venerated ancestors—in the name of the human family, deeply interested in the fulfilment of the trust committed to ! their hands —by all the past glory we have ] won —by all that awaits us as a nation if we ! are true and faithful in gratitude to Him who j has hitherto so signally blessed us to j anse — I solemnly pause—and contemplate the preci ; pice which yawns before us. If, indeed, we ! have incurred the Divine displeasure; and if it be necessary to chastise this people with a j rod of vengeance, I would humbly prostrate i myself before Him, and implore Him, in Ills mercy, to visit our favored land with WAR, with PESTILENCE, with FAMINE, with any SCOURGE other than MILITARY RULE, or a blind and heedless enthusiasm for mere MILI TARY RENOWN ! ! ” Had this impassioned language been used but yesterday, and in reference to Gen. Tay j lor, it would seem the natural outpouring of ; a patriotic spirit disgusted and alarmed at the I extravagant attempt of a sot of desperate po j litical leaders to debauch the popular mind j with fantastic visions of military glory, and '■ the eclat of having a military chieftain to rule ; over them. The game of humbuggery is sought to be ; played very strongly on the American people. | For what but “ mere military renown” have the advocates of Gen. Taylor to offer to the consideration of the people ? In what other character, but as a military chieftain, the Com mandcr-in-Chief of one Seminole Indian fight and four Mexican battles, is he known to the 1 world ? Yet, on account of these events, and i because he iscalled “ Old Rough and Ready,” I and because he rode at Buena Vista a flea bit ten grey horse, that he facetiously calls “ Old Whitey,” and because he habitually wears an old white hat, and a pair of stitch-down bro j gans, and occasionally offers his guests a drink of liquor in a tin cup, his claims are gravely urged to the first and most responsible office in the gift of the people, and the whole appa* ratus of humbug and clap-trap, as in the days of coou-skins, log cabins, pepper pods, and hard cider, is to be brought into requisition to stultify the popular mind, and secure his elec tion. We have no small confidence in the power of ingenious humbug, and wou d say a word to disparage its efficacy when it has a plausi- I ble showing on which to proceed. But we humbly think that the Whigs arc embarkin'* I in the present canvass with too small a capital entirely. Gen. Harrison was infinitely the superior of Gen. Taylor in scholarship, in lit : erary acquirement, in political-knowledge and experience, in acquaintance with civil affairs, | an( l in addition, was quite as pure and estima j ble a man, possessing more winning traits of 1 character, and being quite as skilful, and we have no doubt, a more scientific soldier. These advantages were sufficient, with the fortuitous circumstances combining to give the Whigs a temporary strength, to elect Gen. Harrison, a military chieftain. But the Whins now go into this contest with none of these for tuitous circumstances in their favor, while they have to contend with many formidable i embarrassments exi-ting in their own ranks. We have furnished them with the views of Mr. Clay on the very position they now occu | py, presuming that some little value may be i placed upon them by those who have been went to think that naught but the essence of political wisdom and patriotic forecaste evex I flowed from hi? eloquent lip;?. Fourth of July i The Committee of the City Council, appoint ed for that purpose, announce the following Program.ui-; of the ceremony of laying the corner stone of the monument to the memory of Lyman Hall i and George Walton, on the FOURTH OF ! JULY. ~ Col. Samuel C. Wilson is appointed Mar- * shal of the Day, and will detail his own aids. A procession will bo formed at the Masonic j Hall, at 8 o’clock, A. M., in the following | order : Band of Music. Independent Fire Company. Augusta Fire Company. Sons of Temperance. Independent Order of Odd Fellow*. Masonic Fraternity. Chaplain and Orator. Clergy. Mayor, and Members of Council. Citizens generally. ! The procession will move down Broad to j Centre-street, down Centre to Green-street, j and up the latter to the site of the monument. ! On arriving at the spot, the corner stonk will be laid by the Masonic body, with appro priate ceremonies. After Which, prayer will be offered by the Rev, Mr. Brantley, and an address will be delivered by William T. Gould, Bsq. t The moving of the procession will be an nounced bv one gun. • O : A federal salute will be fired at sun rise, at ! noon, and at sunset. Gen. Taylor a Tariff Man.—John Buch lor, E-q., of Baton Rouge, the residence of Gen. Taylor, recently wrote to a friend as fol lows : “I feel, of course, much interest in the ap proaching Presidential election, for the suc cess of a good Whig and Tariff man. My choice of all men would be Mr, Clay, if thcro : is anv probability of getting him. If not, I j shall be very much pleased to have Gen. Tav ; lor. whom I know personally to be a good 1 j Whig and a Tariff Man, as I recently had thu ‘ i pleasure of hearing him express views ou this ; | subject. I think, besides, lie is the only Whig that can get the vote of this State.” West Point Academy.- Oh Thursday last the visitors of this institution assembled, and 1 two addresses were made to the cadets, by the i Hon. Ashbel Smith, of Texas, and Col. Duni • phan, of Missouri, member? of the hoar I of visitors, delivered on behalf of the board. Tho i discipline, police, and general management of the academy are said to be in the highest state of perfection—the attainments of the proses -1 sors and assistant professors of the academic 1 | board, in the various branches of science j taught in this school, axe of the highest or- I n | der. The following arc the pupils of the grad j n'ating class : 1 William P. Trowbridge, James C. Duane, i Robert S'. Williamson, Walter H. Stevens, | Andrew J. Donelson, James M. Haynes, Joseph C. Clark, Jr., Rufus A. Hors, Na ; haniel Michler, Jr., John C. Tidball, William j E. Jones, Elward B. Bryan, Benjamin D. Forsythe, James Holmes, George 11. Paige, i William G. Gill, John Buford, Jr., Trum'n , 1 K. Walbridge, Richard I Dodge, Thos. F. M. , McLean, Thomas S. Rhett, Robert M. Russell, William A. Slaughter, Grier Tallmadge, , Charles H. Ty’er, John C. Booth, Thomas K. Jackson, A. Gailbreith Miller, Nathaniel 11. ' McLean, George? C. Barber, Ferdinard Paine, i Charles H. Ogle, William N. R. Beall, Wil - Ham T. Mechling, Charles W. Greene, Hugh I B. Ewing, Geo. W. Howland, N. George . Evans, Thomas D. Johns, Daniel Huston, Jr., James W. D’Lyon, George 11. Stcuut, Jr. ' True to their Instincts.—When General . | Worth had performed some of the most dar - ing feats and brilliant achievements any where | to be f tund in the history of the world, the whig press, ready to appropriate all the honor and glory to themselves that this infamous, unholy, unnecessary and unconstitutional war ■ might yield, claimed him to be a good whig. They then awarded him merited praise, be i c mse they thought they might hereafter need his great name and fame to bolster up the rot ten and sinking cau-e of vrhiggery. lie had differed with the administration upon a point , of military etiquette, or a question of prece dence, and straightway they declared he is a good enough whig, and one of the first mili tary men of the age. Who docs not remem ber that his successful assault upon Monterey, at a comparatively trifling loss, filled the whole country with his praise r At Vera Cruz, Cer ro Gurdo. and the principle battles on tho plains of Mexico, he was equally fortunate. All men, of all parties, joined in awarding ■ him the meed of praise clue to distinguished' and successful heroism. Not a breath of slander is whispered against him until he avows himself to be what he had ever been / known to be, an unwavering democrat. No sooner is this announcement made, than the whole artillery of the federal presses is let loose upon him, and no effort will be left un j tried to blast his fame and blacken his charac ter. Possessing a patriotism they dare not imitate, and a world-wide fame, he need not hope to be exempt from the cowardly assaults i of political hypocrites and base calumniators. —National Union. It is said Gen. Herera has resigned the office of President, but his resignation would not bo accepted by the Mexican Congress. It was thought, however, that he would persist, and Pedraza, Elarriaga, D. Luis Cuevas, and oth ers, were spoken ol as the candidates for Pro j visional President. 11l health is the cause as -1 signed for the resignation of Herera
