Georgia Historic Newspapers

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THE CONBTITjjTI OM LI ST.
JAMES GARDNER, JR.
TEEMS.
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and Utters of business.
[From the Washington Union , 18^/iinst.]
Tho Tactic* of tho Whig - *-
[continued.]
Extracts from the Signal s editorial.
•‘"We believe that it is in General Taylor’s
power, at this juncture of the national politics,
to take independent ohound, and become the
President of the People ! Our support of
him, or of any other man, shall never be
pledged in advance of a full knowledge of the
principles and views with which he would as
sume that responsible station ; but we may be
allowed, as an independent journalists, to in
dicate some of the signs of the times which
point to the result just mentioned.
“1. The presidential canvass of ISIS is in
utter confusion. Among the whig*, a Pitts
burg meeting nominates Judge McLean, who
is also understood to be a general favorite of
his party in the northwestern States ; the an
ti-war spirit of New England and the Western |
Reserve indicates its preference for Senator
Corwin; the southern and middle States
cherish a fancy for Scott, wh-ch only requires
a victory at Perote to manifest itself; while,
as an undercurrent,deeper and perhaps strong
er than all, is the chivali ic feeling in behalf of
Henry Clay, now intensified by the death of
his gallant son, and which may yet determine
the shape of the conflicting elements. The
democrats are in a condition equally chaotic.
In the west, General Cass has many and warm
friends; Mr. Calhoun, with his compact and
disciplined body-guard, stands ready to make
his presidential fortune, or mar that of other as
pirants in the democratic ranks ; Silas Wr ght,
if the New York reverse had not occurred,
would have been prominent in the field, and
is stiil the favorite of many ; while quietly at
Lindenwald sits the statesman ot the party,
who will probably never again join the po
litical melte, but might prove more availa
ble in a strict party trial than many whose
names are frequently heard in the present
connexion. In the general confusion, an ap
prehension prevails that the election will re
vert to the House of Representatives—a re
sult greatly to be deplored ; and hence the
popular impulse, which chooses to adjourn
the strifes of parties and the struggles of their
leaders, while the country takes breath under
the administration of an independent Presi
dent.
“2. A circumstance that may lead to the
election of General Taylor, by a sort of accla
mation, is the fact that the pride of the re
spective parties would thus be saved—neither
authorized to claim a triumph, and neither
suffering the ignominy ot defeat. A long in
timacy between Mr. Clay and General Taylor
reconciles the whig* to the political orthodoxy
of the latter, although Gen. Taylor is said not
to have voted for many years ; while Mr. Polk,
who is, and has been, as we are authoritative
ly informed, entirely free from any intention
or wish for a second term of service, may still
be gratified to yield his scat to the successful
general of the Mexican war—closely identified
as that war is with the success of his adminis
tration.
“3. The above considerations are subordi
nate, however, to the principles which are in
volved in every presidential canvass. The
Country has been divided for fifteen years upon
most exciting topics ; and if General Taylor,
immediately upon his inauguration as Presi
dent, was constrained to adopt either extreme,
the consequences might be fatal to the success
of his administration. It so happens, how
ever, that the results of Mexican hostilities
will remove many of those points of collision
—at least for a few years. A debt of one hun
dred millions induces the necessity of a tariff,
sufficiently advanced in its rates to satisfy
New England and Pennsylvania, and, at the
same time, will prevent any distribution of
proceeds of the public lands. We cannot sup
pose that the whigs will again urge a Bank of
the United States; and Congress will insist
upon a fair trial of the independent treasurv,
removing some of those impracticable restric
tions which have embarrassed the fiscal action
of the government, and are an annoyance to
individuals. So far, therefore, as the past con
tests of the respective parties are concerned,
an administration composed of the leading
minds of all parties, and supported by the
whole people, is not only practicable, but may
redound to the highest interests of the whole
country.
“Only on one condition, however. The Ex
ecutive must no longer insist upon legislative
influence. There are questions approaching
which the people must be allow ed to settle in
their own way, without tho interference of
executive patronage or prerogative. The old
political issues may be postponed under the
pressure of circumstances; and as for the
new —those coming events w'hich cast their
shadows before —let it be understood that the
only path of safety for those who may here
after till the presidential office is to rest in the
discharge of executive functions, and let the
legislative will of the people find utterance
and enactment. Tho American people are
about to assume the resposibility cf framing
the institutions of the Pacific States. We have
no fears for the issue, if the arena of the high
debate is the assemblies of the people and their
representative halls. The extension over the
continent beyond the Rio Grande of the ordi
nance of 1787 is an object too hLh and perm
anent to be baffled by presidential vetoes. All
that we ask of the incumbent of the highest
office under the constitution is to hold his hand,
to bow to the will of the people as promul
gated in legislative forms, and restrain the ex
ecutive action in its appropriate channels !
Give us an honest administration of the gov
ernment, and an end to all cabals of a cabinet
—all interference from the White Ho use —de-
signed to sway or thwart the action of the
American people. If such simplicity and in
tegrity should guide the administration of
General Taylor, the north and west would
yield to it a warm support and a hearty ap
proval.
“ 'V'c have sai<} all on this subject which the
present developements of public opinion re
quire. As other scenes unfold, we shall seek
to chronicle them with fair and independent
comment." Meanwhile, we bide the move
ment of the waters, hold’ng our columns and
our ballot to be disposed of according to our
v sense of duty, as emt rgeucics of this aud all
other questions arise."
-•«. This letter breaks the ice on the part of the
military chieftain. It has four things worthy
of remark: Ist. He has no objection to clutch
presidency, if the people will give it to
f him. 2d. He adroitly avoids all commitment f
of his own personal views, and, of course, of
of his political principles, until tho end of the
v>ar. And now, as the war is ended, shall
we not have a full revelation of them? Not
at all; because he has declared in his last let
ter —the Allison letter of 22d of April, 1848—
that he means to write no more. 3d. That
he will not on any account become the can
didate of any party, or yield himself to party
views: he must be the choice of the people,
alone. And 4th. He decidedly approves and
Bul scribes to the sentiments of the Signal edi
torial; among which is the declaration that
the President ought not, by the exercise of j
his constitutional veto, to prevent the exten
sion of the Wilmot Proviso to the new terri
tory which we have acquired, from the liio ‘
Grande to the Pacific. General Taylor has
not adhered to any of the pledgee in his letter,
except the last. He will not now come out with ;
: his political views, although the war is ended.
He has consented to bee ime a whig candid
i ate, and the nominee of a whig convention. —
It is the veto views alone to which he adheres,
i as appears from his last Allison letter; and
let it not be forgotten that this veto power—
this same “legislative influence" in the Exe
cutive—is a part, aud an important part, of our
constitution —necessary, indeed, to the sym
metry and perfection of that instrument as an
organization of the public authority into dif
ferent departments of government. It is the
I constitutional Huty of the President to veto a
i law which he deem a violation of the consti
tution, or which is in itself a fligrant incquali
: ty and injustice. The people are not yet pre
pared to surrender this feature which they
have incorporated into their government. —
Certainly its preservation is not less impor- !
taut note than in times past. We do not be ■
lieve that the people can, with safety, or that j
j they will, elevate to the presidency any man i
who is pledged or committed in any way, di- !
| rectly or indirectly, against the exercise, on a
fitting occasion, of this branch of their dele
gated authority. Yet Gen. Taylor would con
sent to abandon a large portion of his coi sti
tutional power in order to obtain the honors
j ol the presidential chair. He consents to sacri
j ficehis own power to that of Congress; to sink I
into a King Log, to register their edicts, and |
to expose tho whole south to the "Wilmot Pro- !
visos of the rabid abolitionists. Such is the
first tax which he pavs for the nomination,
and the first claim he puts in to the suffrages
of the South !
Eleven days after the date of the Signal
letter, the e t bryo candidate of the whig party
addresses the following letter to a citizen of
Lansinhurg, New York, as we find in the
Troy “Daily Post:”
“Headquarter- Army of Occupation.
“Camp near Monterey, May 29, 1847.
“Dear Sir: It is with much pleasure that
I acknowledge the receipt of your most inter- i
; estiug letter of the Ist instant, and to which I ;
desire to reply in terms more expressive of !
my thanks to you for you kind consideration |
for myself, and yet more so of my high appre- |
ciation of the upright and patriotic sentiments
which are the principal tenor of you letter;
but I am burdened with official duties, and at
this moment with many letters from distant
sources, which require attention, and will ne
cessarily oblige me to reply to you in a few
lines.
“The presidents! office presents no induce
ments to me to seek its honor or responsibili
ties; the tranquillity of private life, on the con
trary, is the great object of my aspiration on
the conclusion ot the war, but I am not insen
; sible to the persuasion that my services are due
I to the eounti y, as the country shall see fit to
command them. If still as a soldier, lam
satisfied; if in higher and more responsible
duties, I desire not to- oppose the manifest
wish of the people. But I will not be the can
didate of any party or clique; and should the na
tion at large seek to place me in the chair of the
chief magistracy, the goal of all parties and the
jiaiional good icottld be my great and absorbing
aim.
“Sentiments such as these have been the
burden of my replies to all who-have address
ed me on this subject, expressing the assu
rance that, by the spontaneous aud unanimous
voice of the people alone, and from no ageu- ;
cy of my own, can I be withdrawn from the ;
cherished hopes of private retirement and '
tranquillity when peace shall return.
“Please accept, with this my brief reply, the j
warm appreciation and high consideration of
“Yours, most sincerelv.
“Z. TAYLOR.
“Maj. Gen U. S. Army."
Here is the same chorus. He would not be
come “the candidate of any party or clique.” ( Sot
he!) “The nation at large must seek” his
“The good of all parties” and cliques
would be the “great and absorbing claim”
of his admistration. He become the whig
candidate —the nominee of a whig convention \
He refuse his support to any other man
whom they many nominate ! Not he! Such
are his fair disclaimers at first; but the ambi
tion of office—the honors of the presidency—
tempt him on. Even Caesar and Richard the
Third put aside the crown when it was first
offered to their grasp.
But the following letter caps the climax.
It should have sealed his political prospe ts
forever. In his “Signal” letter, he declares
his determination to withhold his “views” un
til the end of the war ; but by this memsra
ble document he declares that he is “not pre
pared” to answer questions. Instead of ex
pressing his views, it now appear* that he has
formed none. He says that nearly forty years
of his life was passed in the camp ; that he
has had no time to study politics; that he i
must take time to investigate these subjects; |
and he repeats that he is “no politician.”—
Well, what would be the inference of one who
looked only to his country ? Plainly this:
“lam no politician. lam not fit to adminis
ter this complicated government. The people
ought neither to confer, nor I accept, an office
for which I am utterly unqualified.” We
should like to know whether the General has
yet taken up his hornbook—who is his pre- i
ceptor—who is his political Plato —in what I
school he is studying—what are his class- i
books. These questions are all important to
the interests of a free people, if they consent
to place the reins of the steeds of the sun in
the hands of the modern Phaeton ;
“Camp nf.ar Monterey, Mexico, June 9.
“Dear Sir: Your letter of the 15th ult. from
Clinton, La., has just reached me, in which
you are pleased to say, ‘the signs of the times
in relation to the next presidency, and the i
prominent position of your name in connexion
with it, is sufficient excuse for this letter.’
That ‘it is a happy feature in our government
that official functionaries under it, from the I
lowest to the highest station, are not beyond
the reach and partial supervision of the hum
blest citizen, and that it is a right inherent in
every freeman to possess himself of the politi
cal principles and opinions of those into
whose hands the administration of the gov
ernment may be placed,’ &c.; to all of which
I fully coincide with you in opinion. Asking
my views on several subjects—‘First. As to
the justice and the necessity of this war with !
Mexico on our part. Second. As to the ne
cessity of a national bank, and the power of
Congress for creating such an institution.— j
Third. As to the effects of a high protective |
tariff’, and the right of Congress, under the
constitution, to create such a system of reve
nue.’
“As regards the first interrogatory—my du
ties and the position I occupy—l do not con
sider it would be proper in me to give any
opinion in regard to the same; a* a citizen,
and particularly a* a soldier, it is sufficient for
me to know that our country is at war with a 1
foreign nation, to do all in my power to bring
it to a speedy and honorable termination* by
the most rigorous and energetic operations,
without inquiring about its justice, or any
thing else connected with it; believing, as I
do, it is our wisest policy to be at peace with
all the world, as long as it can be done with
out endangering the honor and interests of the
country*
“As regards the second and third inquiries,
lam not prepared to answer them. I could
only do so after duly investigating these sub
jects, which I cannot now do ; my whole time
i being fully occupied in attending to my prop
er official duties, which must itot he neglect
ed under any circumstances; and I must say
: to you in substance what I have said to others
in regard to similar matters, that I am no pol
! itician. Near forty years of my life have been
| passed in the public service, in the army, most
: of which in the field, the camp, on our west
| cm frontier, or in the Indian country ; and for
nearly the two last, in this or Texas, during
which time I have not passed one night under
the roof of a house.
“As regards being a candidate for the presi
j dency at the coming election, I have no aspi
| rations in that way, and regret the subject has
been agitated at this early day, and that it had
not been deferred until the close of this war,
I or until the end of the next Congress, es
pecially if I am to be mixed up with it, as it is
possible it may lead to the injury of the pub
lic service in this quarter, by my operations
being embarrassed, as well as to produce much
excitement in the country, growing outol the
discussion of the merits, &c., of the different
aspirants for that high office, which might
| have been very much allayed, if not pievent
‘ ed, had the subject been deferred, as suggest
j ed; besides very many changes may take
j place between nowand 1848, so much so, as to
! make it desirable for the interests of the coun
try, that some other individual than myself,
better qualified for the situation, should be
I selected ; and could he be elected, I would
j not only acquiesce in such an arrangement,
1 hut rejoice that the republic bad one citizen,
| and no doubt there are thousands more de
! serving than I am, and better qualified to dis
i charge the duties of said office. If I have
i been named by others, and considered a can
didate for the presidency, it has been by no a
gency of mine in the mattcr;:and if the good
people think my services important in that
station, and elect me, I will feel bound to serve
them, and all the pledges and explanations I
can enter into and make, as regards this or that
policy, is, that I will do so honestly and faith
fully to the best of my abilities, strictly in
compliance with the constitution. Should I
ever occupy the White House, it must be by
thc spontaneous move of the people, and by
| no act of mine, so that I could go into the of
j nee untrammelled, and be the Chief Magis
| trate of the nation and not of a perty.
But should they (the people) change their
i views and opinions between this and the time
| of holding the election, and cast their votes
for the presidency for some one else, I will not
complain.
With considerations of respect, I remain
your obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR.
Mr. Edward Delon* t.
P. S. I write in great haste, and under con
stant interruption. Z. T.
We shall complete the letters of Gen. Tay
lor in our next*
[From the Xew Orleans Courier.]
Louisiana*
One would suppose that the whigs were
sick of their fond imagination of being able to
carry the State of Louisiana for Taylor and
Fillmore. At the last election for Members of
Congress, when Gen. Taylor’s popularity ap
peared to be much more secure and sound
than now, they had candidates in every dis
trict except the second, who professed to be
friends and partizans of Gen. Taylor, and so
licited the suffrages of the people on this
ground.- In the fourth district, (Morse's) the
Whig-Taylor candidate is a good speaker and
ready debater. lie canvassed live district
with great assiduity,- mounted the stump
whenever he could collect a dozen hearers,
I proclaimed every where that General Taylor
i was the only man in the world who was fit to
be President cf the United States, and that
they ought to elect him (the stump speaker)
to Congress because he was a friend of that
great man, and his opponent, Mr. Morse, was
in favor of somebody else.
The same course of proceeding took place
in the third district, (llannansou’s). The
Whig-Taylor candidate was Mr. L. Saunders,
adull and heavy speaker, but very popular
with the Whigs, lie told the people that the
whole world was going to vote for General
1 aylor; that he would surely be elected, and
he (Saunders) wanted to be a member of
Congress in order to prove to General Taylor
that he and his constituents were not behind
the age in their appreciation of the General’s
statesmanship and ability to discharge the
duties of civil office.
Neither in the one district nor the other,
were the people caught by so poor a humbug.
They demanded of the Whig-Taylor candi
dates to show what were the political princi
ples of Gen. Taylor; that he was a brave sol
dier they would not deny, and. as Americans,
were proud to acknowledge. But when they
were told the General was a candidate for the
office of President, they wanted to know what
his opinions were respecting the doctrines
professed by the two great parties—demo
crats and whigs. They had no doubt respcct
! ing his qualifications as a military man, but
I the question at present was his ability to dis
! charge the awful duties of chief magistrate of
j this great nation. In order to solve this
; question they desired to ascertain his-opinions
j on the principal measures recommended and
I opposed by either party. Ilis two friends re
| plied that they were for General Taylor, and
i did not know nor care what his political een
j timents were. The}* were for old Zack, any
how, and that was merit enough; the people
would not oppose old Zack and would not
oppose his friends and allies.
But the i eople required other merits than
indentification in the fortunes of Old Zack. —
The Democratic majorities in those disticts
over the Taylor humbugs were greater than
they had been in any previous year. They
would not vote for congressional candidates
who avowed no political principles, not will
they vote for any presidential candidate who
conics before them in the same predicament.
A similar attempt w as made to humbug the
people of the first district, with a similar re
sult. In the second district even the Whigs
refused to vote for the Taylor candidate, al
though a very able, eloquent, and patriotic
citizen.
bu much for Taylor in Louisiana ! !
Milliard Fillmore
As some of our readers, who may have hon
estly have desired to support Gen. Taylor as
an independent candidate, may wish (sines
his nomination by the whig party for the Pre
sidency,) to know something of the man with
•whom he is yoked in the Presidential race, we
copy from the Savannah Georgian the follow*- !
ing brief but expressive account of Millard
Fillmore, the wnig candidate for the Vice Pre- j
eidency.
“ Millard Fillmore, of New York-—a man
who has voted in Congress with the Slades, i
Giddingses, Gates, and that black-spotted
crew of hostile slabbers at our domestic quiet
—the man, who, in the summer of 1844, when
all true Southern men were arrayed in favor
of Polk and Texas, addressed a large mass
meeting of the Whigs of the Empire, State,
! (4000 of all sexes and ages being present,) r
from a booth, and almost immediately under a
banner of the “Decency Party,”dh which ban- '
ner were painted Gen. Jackson and James K.
1 oik, the latter mounted by a negro, who bore
a small banner, on which, was inscribed “Tex- |
j as.”
In his address, Mr. Fillmore exhibited the
strongest acrimonious hostility against the
■ South, and converted a great national ques
tion (the tariff) into a mere sectional one
denied that the Southern people could ever
become a manufacturing people, without peril
ing their power to retain their slaves.
Had this speech been listened to by Whigs
of Georgia, many Os them would have voted
for Polk and Dallas, instead of hugging de
feat to their bosoms in the persons of Clay and
! Frelinghuysen.
If they can hug Millard Fillmore to their
! bosoms after the exposure we intend to bestow*
• on him, they are not the men we take them
for.” Palmetto Banner.
[Rerort of the Baltinwre Sim.}
| THIRTIETH CONGRESS.-Ist Session.
Washington, June 19.
SENATE.
Mr. Webster rose and said it was known
that in the course of last year, a large conven
j tion was held at Chicago, to take into consid- 1
erution. among other things, the subject of
internal improvements. That convention
adopted certain resolutions, and appointed a
j committee to draft a memorial to Congress,
j That memorial he was now about to present.
It was a very respectable paper, very respect
ably signed, and like the memorial of the
Memphis convention, on a previous occasion,
j he moved that it be referred to a select com
-1 mittee of five, to be appointed by the chair,
and be piinted, which was ordered accord- i
I ingly. And he further gave notice that at a
future time he should move to print an extra
number.
Petitions and memorials were also present- |
ed by Messrs. Hale, Sturgeon, Cameron and
Lewis, and several unimportant reports were
made from Committees.
Mr. Atchison reported, with an amend
ment, the bill to regulate the intercourse
; among the Indian tribes in Texas.
Mr. Jefferson Davis from the m litary com
mittee, reported a joint resolution on the
I Choctaw Reserve.
Mr* Dickinson, pursuant to previous notice, |
called up his bill amendatory of the natural!- I
zation laws—providing that where persons ap- !
i plying for naturalization may leave the coun- {
j try before the expiration of the period of resi- |
I deuce required before receiving papers of natu- !
| ralization, but with the intention of returning,
j the time they* are so absent shall be deducted,
and shall not be deemed as heretofore, to so
operate as to compel them to commence anew
the period which they are so required to re
j side in the country. After some debate, the
bill was read the third time and passed,
Mr. Brcese reported a bill granting the
right of way, Sec., for a railroad from St. Lou
is to , on the Missouri river.
Mr. Johnson, of Md., submitted a icsolu
tion, which lies over, requesting the Secretary
of the Treasury to inform the Senate of the
whole number of officers now employed in
and about the Custom House at Baltimore,
with the compensation allowed to each, and
j that he also inform the Senate what was the
number of such officers at the same Custom
House on the 4:h of March, 184-5, and the
compensation allowed each.
Mr. Butler reported a bill from the judicia
ry committee, to regulate the trial of issues in
the District of Columbia.
On motion of Mr. Pearce, the Senate took
up the joint resolution [similar to that which
has been heretofore considered and rejected in
the House] directing the restoration of the
contract for carrying the great Southern Mail
between Washington and Richmond, to the •
Potomac, Fred rieksburg and Richmond Rail- 1
I road and Steamboat Companies. A debate en- !
sued, which occupied the remainder of the :
session, in which Messrs. Pearce, Bradbury,
\ ulee, Berrien, Allen, Cameron, Mason, Davis, |
ot Massachusetts, Hale and others participat- !
I ed. An amendment, offered by Mr. Bradbury, I
requiring the Railroad Company to j av dam
ages to the Bay Company, was negatived— IS
to 27. It was proposed further to amend bv
providing that the sum paid to the Railroad
and Steamboat Company should not exceed
the highest price paid on other rai.road and
steamboat lines in the country for similar ser
vices, but the amendment was not adopted.
Mr, Hale move'! to lay the resolution on the
j table, and asked the yeas and nays, which ’
j were ordered and resulted, yeas 20, nays 29.
Mr. Johnson, of Georgia, proposed to amend,
i by providing that the contract shall not be re
i newed until the Bay Line shall consent to re
| linquish their contract, but the amendment
• was also rejected, 19 to 27. The joint rcsolu
i tion was then read the third time and passed,
j by yeas and nays, 27 to 19.
The bill to promote the despatch of business
| in the Supreme Court of the United States,was
taken up, considered, and then passed over in
formally. Adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The Clerk called the House to order, and ;
| stated that in consequence of illness, and by !
advice of his physician, the Speaker would not j
; take the Chair to-day.
Mr. Ashman stated that it was probable the |
; illness of the Speaker would be but tempera- i
ry—that he might resume the chair to-raorrow i
—and lie would therefore offer a resolution !
that Mr. Burt, ofSbuthCarolina.be appointed i
Temporary Speaker. The resolution was unan
imously agreed to.
Mr. Houston, of Alabama, from the com
mittee on public lands, reported back with a- 1
mendments Senate bill to refund to the State
of Alabama certain monies advanced for the
United States during the year 1836-7, and al
lowing interest thereon. Referred to the cora
| mittee of the whole on the State of the Union. |
Mr. Wentworth presented a memorial from I
a Conventon at Chicago, on the sth of July
last, in favor of the River and Harbor im
provement, and debate ensued on a motion to j
print, which motion xvas finally decided in i
the affirmative —122 to 50.
Mr. Andrew Stewart moved a suspension of
the rules to enable him to introduce a reso
luti m of inquiry into the expediency of re- |
porting a bill to increase the revenue by in- ;
creasing the duties on foreign luxuries and !
i such foreign manufactures as are now coming
! into runinous competition with American la
| bor. Ayes 8-5, nays 82.
On motion, the daily hour of meeting was
; changed to 10 A. M.
The bill to regulate the exchange of certain
documents and other publications of Congress, i
was passed
A bill was reported and read twice, to re- i
peal the first section of the act concerning the
District of Columbia, approved 27th Februa
ry, 1801.
! The bill was passed, extending the time for
locating Virginia Military Land Warrants.
Also, the bill extending the time for satis- I
fying claims for Bounty Lands.
I Also, the bill to regulate postage on news
papers, and for other purposes. Adjourned.
The Witness who Demanded his Fees-
The weather is getting awfully warm and
i business excruciatingly dull in the Courts.—
Dame Justice, or rather Daddy Justices, nod
upon the judgment se..t, and seem more in
clined to enter into a siesta than a “ litigated
point” or “ vexed question.” The lawyers
canvass the merits of the various watering
places, and crack jokes upon each other, Law,
HaHsabaaaßMnaKaßßEKaKßMHeaamsßHHMi
f it is pretty generally understood, is a dry pro
ft s-ion, occasionally about as arid ns the de
sert of Sahara in the dog days. This accounts
for the notorious fact that when lawyers get
hold of a joke, they make the most of it.
A rather amusing scene occurred in one of
our District Courts the other day. The case
of H. vs. M. was duly called and proceeded to :
trial, all the attorneys being present. The first
| witness called by the plaintiff happened to be i
i a “cannie” wight from the “Land o’ Cakes.” j
Sawney sat bolt upright in the witness-chair, :
as solemn as the ghost in Hamlet, but with
j “speculations” peering from his eyes. “Be- j
fore I gie my testimony in this case.” observed i
he. “I wish to make a demond of the Court.”
“What may it her” blandly inquired the
plaintiff’s counsel. “I demond,” continued
the countryman of Bruce, “I demond that my
fees should he paid in advance before I gie
a particle of my evidence.” “Perhaps,” re
marked the Judge in his quiet way, looking;
i down upon his desk and executing sundry
| hieroglyphics on his note book with a stump !
of an old pen, “perhaps you had better give
you testimony first, and then we shall be bet
; ter prepared to estimate its value.” “Na, na,”
j ejaculated Sawney, “ye must first pay me my
fees and then ye’ll hear my evidence.” —
Things now looked alarming. The junior
i council lor the plaintiff took his senior by the
1 arm and whispered, “D—n it all, our client,
old H., is good for the fees.” Sawney looked i
as immovable as his native hills. “Well,” said
the senior, “how much are your fees r” “I
hae left me business on the Levee,” exclaim
thc pertinacious witness, “and hae been much
damage, and my fees are they mu-t be :
paid or de’il a bit of testimony do ye git line
me, unless the Judge compels me.” The
worthy Judge now thought matters had gone
lar enough, so he drawled out in his peculiar j
j emphatic way, at the same time glancing at ,
ti.e culprit through h ; s spectacles, “Well, I
then, I'll make ye!” The lawyers indulged in a
i suppressed guffaw, Sandy looked the picture
of discomfiture, and the case proceeded “ac
cording to law.”— Xjic Orleans Delia,
the Tonstit ut iona list!
Augusta, (Georgia.
FRIDAY MORNING JUNE 23, 1348
FOR PRESIDENT
LE WI S CAS S,
OF MICHIGAN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT
WM. O. BUTLER.
OF KENTUCKY.
f We received last evening by McKay &
Go’s. Northern Express, New York and Balti
more papers in advance of the Mail.
Tiler c Military Renown.
The time was once, when the opinions of
Henuy Clay were not devoid of potency. It
is true that he is now in “ the sere and yellow
leaf,” and although after being worn out in
the service of that great party which his indi
vidual exertions built up from the ruins of a
disastrous overthrow, and to which his great
talents, zeal and energy gave principles, or
ganization, respectability, and moral power,
he has been by it
{ ‘ Cast like a worthless weed away/’
Yet there are some who still have a lingering
regard for the opinions of one they have been
accustomed to boast of ae a great statesman
| and a profound political philosopher—a pure
1 patriot. They are willing to believe in the
; sagacity of his mind and the S madness of his
judgment, on questions involving the welfare
;of his country. To a few such, the following
■ language of the “ Sago of Ashland,” may not
I be wholly ivninTprcSsive. It is eloquently spo
| ken, full of earnestness and enthusiasm, evi
dently spoken as if the soul of the great orator
was in what he said, and not as if it were a
mere effort at clap-trap. It is language em
bodying sentiments perhaps not apt now
than during the candidacy of Gen. Jackson,
who had, to recommend him, something more
than “ MERE MILITAUY RENOWN.”
“ Regardless of all imputations, and proud
•>f the opportunity of free anti unrestrained
intercourse with all my fellow-citizens, if it
were physically possible. and compatible with
my official duties, I would visit every State,
go to every town and hamlet, ail dress every
man in the Union, and entreat them by their
love of country, by their love of liberty, for
the sake of themselves and their posterity—in
the name of their venerated ancestors—in the
name of the human family, deeply interested
in the fulfilment of the trust committed to
! their hands —by all the past glory we have
] won —by all that awaits us as a nation if we
! are true and faithful in gratitude to Him who
j has hitherto so signally blessed us to j anse —
I solemnly pause—and contemplate the preci
; pice which yawns before us. If, indeed, we
! have incurred the Divine displeasure; and if
it be necessary to chastise this people with a
j rod of vengeance, I would humbly prostrate
i myself before Him, and implore Him, in Ills
mercy, to visit our favored land with WAR,
with PESTILENCE, with FAMINE, with any
SCOURGE other than MILITARY RULE, or
a blind and heedless enthusiasm for mere MILI
TARY RENOWN ! ! ”
Had this impassioned language been used
but yesterday, and in reference to Gen. Tay
j lor, it would seem the natural outpouring of
; a patriotic spirit disgusted and alarmed at the
I extravagant attempt of a sot of desperate po
j litical leaders to debauch the popular mind
j with fantastic visions of military glory, and
'■ the eclat of having a military chieftain to rule
; over them.
The game of humbuggery is sought to be
; played very strongly on the American people.
| For what but “ mere military renown” have
the advocates of Gen. Taylor to offer to the
consideration of the people ? In what other
character, but as a military chieftain, the Com
mandcr-in-Chief of one Seminole Indian fight
and four Mexican battles, is he known to the
1 world ? Yet, on account of these events, and
i because he iscalled “ Old Rough and Ready,”
I and because he rode at Buena Vista a flea bit
ten grey horse, that he facetiously calls “ Old
Whitey,” and because he habitually wears an
old white hat, and a pair of stitch-down bro
j gans, and occasionally offers his guests a drink
of liquor in a tin cup, his claims are gravely
urged to the first and most responsible office
in the gift of the people, and the whole appa*
ratus of humbug and clap-trap, as in the days
of coou-skins, log cabins, pepper pods, and
hard cider, is to be brought into requisition to
stultify the popular mind, and secure his elec
tion.
We have no small confidence in the power
of ingenious humbug, and wou d say a word
to disparage its efficacy when it has a plausi-
I ble showing on which to proceed. But we
humbly think that the Whigs arc embarkin'*
I in the present canvass with too small a capital
entirely. Gen. Harrison was infinitely the
superior of Gen. Taylor in scholarship, in lit
: erary acquirement, in political-knowledge and
experience, in acquaintance with civil affairs,
| an( l in addition, was quite as pure and estima
j ble a man, possessing more winning traits of
1 character, and being quite as skilful, and we
have no doubt, a more scientific soldier.
These advantages were sufficient, with the
fortuitous circumstances combining to give
the Whigs a temporary strength, to elect Gen.
Harrison, a military chieftain. But the Whins
now go into this contest with none of these for
tuitous circumstances in their favor, while
they have to contend with many formidable
i embarrassments exi-ting in their own ranks.
We have furnished them with the views of
Mr. Clay on the very position they now occu
| py, presuming that some little value may be
i placed upon them by those who have been
went to think that naught but the essence of
political wisdom and patriotic forecaste evex
I flowed from hi? eloquent lip;?.
Fourth of July
i The Committee of the City Council, appoint
ed for that purpose, announce the following
Program.ui-;
of the ceremony of laying the corner stone of
the monument to the memory of Lyman Hall
i and George Walton, on the FOURTH OF
! JULY. ~
Col. Samuel C. Wilson is appointed Mar- *
shal of the Day, and will detail his own aids.
A procession will bo formed at the Masonic
j Hall, at 8 o’clock, A. M., in the following
| order :
Band of Music.
Independent Fire Company.
Augusta Fire Company.
Sons of Temperance.
Independent Order of Odd Fellow*.
Masonic Fraternity.
Chaplain and Orator.
Clergy.
Mayor, and Members of Council.
Citizens generally.
! The procession will move down Broad to
j Centre-street, down Centre to Green-street,
j and up the latter to the site of the monument.
! On arriving at the spot, the corner stonk
will be laid by the Masonic body, with appro
priate ceremonies. After Which, prayer will
be offered by the Rev, Mr. Brantley, and an
address will be delivered by William T. Gould,
Bsq.
t The moving of the procession will be an
nounced bv one gun.
• O
: A federal salute will be fired at sun rise, at
! noon, and at sunset.
Gen. Taylor a Tariff Man.—John Buch
lor, E-q., of Baton Rouge, the residence of
Gen. Taylor, recently wrote to a friend as fol
lows :
“I feel, of course, much interest in the ap
proaching Presidential election, for the suc
cess of a good Whig and Tariff man. My
choice of all men would be Mr, Clay, if thcro
: is anv probability of getting him. If not, I
j shall be very much pleased to have Gen. Tav
; lor. whom I know personally to be a good
1 j Whig and a Tariff Man, as I recently had thu
‘ i pleasure of hearing him express views ou this
; | subject. I think, besides, lie is the only Whig
that can get the vote of this State.”
West Point Academy.- Oh Thursday last
the visitors of this institution assembled, and
1 two addresses were made to the cadets, by the
i Hon. Ashbel Smith, of Texas, and Col. Duni
• phan, of Missouri, member? of the hoar I of
visitors, delivered on behalf of the board. Tho
i discipline, police, and general management of
the academy are said to be in the highest state
of perfection—the attainments of the proses
-1 sors and assistant professors of the academic
1 | board, in the various branches of science
j taught in this school, axe of the highest or-
I n
| der. The following arc the pupils of the grad
j n'ating class :
1 William P. Trowbridge, James C. Duane,
i Robert S'. Williamson, Walter H. Stevens,
| Andrew J. Donelson, James M. Haynes,
Joseph C. Clark, Jr., Rufus A. Hors, Na
; haniel Michler, Jr., John C. Tidball, William
j E. Jones, Elward B. Bryan, Benjamin D.
Forsythe, James Holmes, George 11. Paige,
i William G. Gill, John Buford, Jr., Trum'n
, 1 K. Walbridge, Richard I Dodge, Thos. F. M.
, McLean, Thomas S. Rhett, Robert M. Russell,
William A. Slaughter, Grier Tallmadge,
, Charles H. Ty’er, John C. Booth, Thomas K.
Jackson, A. Gailbreith Miller, Nathaniel 11.
' McLean, George? C. Barber, Ferdinard Paine,
i Charles H. Ogle, William N. R. Beall, Wil
- Ham T. Mechling, Charles W. Greene, Hugh
I B. Ewing, Geo. W. Howland, N. George
. Evans, Thomas D. Johns, Daniel Huston, Jr.,
James W. D’Lyon, George 11. Stcuut, Jr.
' True to their Instincts.—When General
. | Worth had performed some of the most dar -
ing feats and brilliant achievements any where
| to be f tund in the history of the world, the
whig press, ready to appropriate all the honor
and glory to themselves that this infamous,
unholy, unnecessary and unconstitutional war
■ might yield, claimed him to be a good whig.
They then awarded him merited praise, be
i c mse they thought they might hereafter need
his great name and fame to bolster up the rot
ten and sinking cau-e of vrhiggery. lie had
differed with the administration upon a point
, of military etiquette, or a question of prece
dence, and straightway they declared he is a
good enough whig, and one of the first mili
tary men of the age. Who docs not remem
ber that his successful assault upon Monterey,
at a comparatively trifling loss, filled the whole
country with his praise r At Vera Cruz, Cer
ro Gurdo. and the principle battles on tho
plains of Mexico, he was equally fortunate.
All men, of all parties, joined in awarding
■ him the meed of praise clue to distinguished'
and successful heroism. Not a breath of
slander is whispered against him until he
avows himself to be what he had ever been /
known to be, an unwavering democrat. No
sooner is this announcement made, than the
whole artillery of the federal presses is let
loose upon him, and no effort will be left un
j tried to blast his fame and blacken his charac
ter. Possessing a patriotism they dare not
imitate, and a world-wide fame, he need not
hope to be exempt from the cowardly assaults
i of political hypocrites and base calumniators.
—National Union.
It is said Gen. Herera has resigned the office
of President, but his resignation would not bo
accepted by the Mexican Congress. It was
thought, however, that he would persist, and
Pedraza, Elarriaga, D. Luis Cuevas, and oth
ers, were spoken ol as the candidates for Pro
j visional President. 11l health is the cause as
-1 signed for the resignation of Herera