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About Daily constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1846-1851 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 18, 1848)
THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. Augusta, (Georgia. FRIDAY MORNING AUG 18, 1848 FOR PRESIDENT LEWIS CASS, OF MICHIGAN. FOR VICE PRESIDENT WM. O. BUTLER. OF KENTUCKY. ELECTORAL TICKET. W. T. COLQUITT, of Troup. M. H. McALLISTER, Chatham. J. W. ANDERSON, Chatham. L. B. MERCER. Lee. ALLEN COCHRAN, Monroe. JOHN D. STBLL, Fayette. LEWIS TUMLIN, Cass. ROBERT McMILLAN,|Elbert. WILLIAM McXINLEY, Oglethorpe. JAS. GARDNER. JR., Richmond. ALTERNATES. TIMOTHY FURLOW, Houston. W B WOFFORD, Habersham. E. R. BROWN, Sumter, MARK WILCOX, Telfair. JESSE CARTER, Talbot. JOHN WRAY, Coweta. IRA R. FOSTER, Forsyth. JAMES JACKSON, Walton. JUNIUS WINGFIELD, Putnam. . R. W. FLOURNOY. Washington. CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. 2d Dist.—M. J. WELLBORN, Muscogee. 3d. “ —JOHN. J. CAREY, Upson. 4th “ —H. A. HARALSON Troup. sth “ —THOS. C. HACKETT, Floyd. 6th “ —HOWEI r j COBB. Clarke. Bth “ —Col. A. J LAWSON, Burke. Senator Foot’s Delineation of Millard Fillmore Any Southern man who will read Mr. Foote’s remarks in to-day’s paper, and not : shrink with loathing from tho political em brace of Millard Fillmore, but will still desire to see him occupying the Vice Presidential j chair, feels but little horror and detestation of | Abolitionism, and of the schemes of the Wil- ; mot Provlsoists. The nomination of Giddings or of Slade would probably not produce a very disastrous shock upon their nerves. When in addition, the votes of Fillmore on the Atherton resolutions, and upon the ■ resolutions of censure of the said Joshua R. i Giddings are bom in mind, and we find South ern men still supporting him, what may we j not next expect ? If Fillmore can be elected now to the Vice Presidency, by the aid of Southern votes, why may not Giddings be the i next Vice President after him ? Such an | event in 1852 would not be more astound ing than it is in 1848 to see Fillmore taken to the hearts of Southern whigs. Alexander Hamilton Stephens- The Chronicle of yesterday contains Alexan der Hamilton Stephens’ speech, in vindication of his course on the Compromise Bill. He is highly lauded by the Chronicle. This was to be expected—“ birds of a feather flock to gether.’’ The course Alexander Hamilton Stephens has marked out for himself, in oppo sition to his Whig and Democratic colleagues, in both branches of Congress, gives great satis- i faction to the Free Soil party of the north, j and so has the course pursued by the Chronicle is Sentinel in regard to the institutions of the South, and her rights under the Constitution. It is our private opinion, publicly expressed, that the Chronicle, since it has been under the controll of its present editor, has done more to prejudice the just claims of the South, than all the Abolition prints, north of Mason & J Dixon’s line could do in a century. Were it ; published in New York, its influence would be as harmless as Garrison’s paper or any other , abolition print. But published as it is in our midst, tho doctrines put forth by it are j quoted by the enemies of the South, to sus- I tain their arguments —and they now claim that even the people of the South are coming round to their views. We arc not alone in our opin ion. So reckless has this print become of pub lic opinion, that even its best friends, have been compelled to give it a public castigation, i for the anti-Southern principles advocated j by it. In noticing Mr. Stephens’ course, we are sorry we have been compelled to notice its endorser. But our position is such that we cannot notice one and remain silent as regards the other. Our pulse has often been made to quicken, reading the editorials of the Chroni cle & Sentinel of late; but we remained com paratively silent, thinking that the good sense and feelings hf its own partisans would put an end to such effusions from a Southern press. We have been disappointed; but the castiga tion administered to it by the patriotic Whig Southern editor of the Republic, we hope has had some effect. But to Mr. Stephens’ speech. It is too lengthy for our columns, and we can fill them with much better n tier. Suffice it to say, he recapitulates his } isition as follows, “that no man may mistake or misunderstand them : The Ist is, that by the bill the whole sub ject of slavery in California and New Mexico, without any legislation ou the part of Con gress or the*territorial governments, one way or the other, is referred to the Judiciary to determine whether it can leg.' Ily exist there or not. 2d. That the constitution of the United States fully recognises and amply protects the institution of slavery were it exists by the laws of the State or place, but it does not establish it any where, where by the laws of the place it is prohibited. 3d. That California and New’ Mexico being territories acquired by conquest, all the laws which w'ere in force there at the time of the conquest not inconsistent with the constitution of the United States, or the stipulations of the treaty of peace, or which were purely of a political character, are according to w'ellsettled principles, and the adjudications of our own courts, still in force. 4th. That as slavery did not existed at the time of the conquest, but had been prohibited by express law, the Supreme Court of the U. States, to whom the matter w ? as to be referred in the last resort, could not be expected, from the principles of numerous decisions already made, to decide otherwise than that slavery cannot be protected there, until the existing | law abolishing it be altered by competent au thority. -sth, and lastly. That these positions being incontrovertible, the bill offered, as it w’as, as a compromise and a final settlement of the ques tion, amounted to nothing but a total aban donment and surrender of the rights of ex- ■ tending the institution of the South to those territories. Above we have the reasons why this minia- I turc edition of a w'ould-be John Randolph, in calf binding, moved to lay the Compromise Bill j on the table of the House,thus defeating the in- ! tentions and labors of the wisest and greatest ! statesmen of our land —men who were active ly engaged in public life before Alexander Hamilton Stephens drew' his first breath, and from their ability, have since been continued by the people. Clayton, Calhoun, Berrien, and Mangum, of the Senate, the whole Georgia delegation of the House, Whigs and Democrats, are all a set of ninnies, and favor a measure diametrically opposed to the interests of the South, and the wiseacre, Alexander Hamilton Stephens, a youth of yesterday, and whose personal ap pearance is all that he is indebted to for his political notoriety, is the man, who, with one word, and without any explanation, demolish es, at one fell swoop, the fabric raised after much labor by the wisdom of the nation, and had the assistance in so doing of every North ern Whig, Abolitionist and Free Soil man. If the Compromise is what Alexander Hamilton Stephens would have the people of Georgia believe it is, why is it that all his colleagues, and every Southern Democrat and Whig— (save seven of the latter, with Mr. Stephens) —are found voting in its favor , and every I Northern Whig, Abolitionists and all, voting | against it. When Alexander Hamilton Ste ! phens can explain this vote, he may, perhaps, | satisfy his constituents that he was right , and all liis Southern colleagues, who voted against his motion, were wrong. But we will put a single question to Alex ander Hamilton Stephens, which we would ask our readers to ponder over, and him to J answer. The whole of his opposition to the Compromise is based on the idea, that because I the laws of Mexico prohibit slavery, therefore | the decision of the Supreme Court of the Uni ! ted States would be against the South, were the question brought before it. Now the laws of Mexico recognize as the only religion, that of the Roman Catholic. Suppose some of the Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist, ; or other denomination of Christians should i go to California and New Mexico and exhort j the people to forsake their former creed and ; take to theirs, or execute a marriage contract. Could the people of these territories exclude them, because the laws of Mexico recognized only the Catholic religion ? The Constitution of the United States guarantees to every citi zen the free exercise of his religion. It also guarantees to the South protection of her insti tutions. If Mexican laws are superior to the Constitution of the United States, on Ameri can territory, in the one, it must be superior in the other. Will Alexander Hamilton Stephens, or any of his allies, advance the doctrine, that all re ligions but the Catholic could be excluded from these territories until the Congress of the United States pass laws repealing that portion of the Mexican statutes? Is there an Ameri can who would ask Congress to abolish this Mexican law to enable him to go to these ter ritories and exercise the religion of his fore fathers, when it was one of the dearest gifts bequeathed to him, and guarantied by the most sacred instrument we have to bind us together? Talk of laws of the vanquished being superior to the constitution of the con queror—why the thing is preposterous. You might as well say of two men fighting, that he who says enough ! has the right to dictate terms to him who made him say so. We grant there may be some Mexican mu nicipal laws which will and ought to remain in force in these territories until others are formed for its government, —but no laws re pugnant to the constitution of the United States, or institutions guarantied by it. No \ State in the Union has this power, and we arc 1 mistaken if our people are ■willing to give those whom they conquer or purchase, more ; power than they can exercise themselves. But we will close this article by calling the attention of our readers, and of Alexander ; Hamilton Stephens, to the following commu i nication taken from the MiUedgeville Recorder of Tuesday last. [From the Milledgeville Recorder. J Stephens and the Compromise Bill. Messrs Editors:— l regret to learn that the “Compromise Bill,” as it is designated, was rejected by the House of Representatives, upon the motion of Mr. Stephens, after having pass ed the Senate of the United States with the sanction and support of such Southern cham pions as John C. Calhoun and Berrien. A course so extraordinary, demands the attention and investigation of the people. What! shall a lone Representative treat with contemptuous disrespect a bill involving the deepest interests of the country—a bi 1 ! which the eager and excited hopes of the patriotic of all parties and sections of the Union had followed from the Senate chamber to the House of Representa tives? And is it sufficient in defence of Mr. | Stephens, that the bill didn’t suit hind Grant in all charity, for the argument, that the bill was exceptionable, and that the honorable gentleman saw objections to it which had es caped the sagacity and ability of Messrs. Cal houn, Berrien , and other distinguished Senators of the South; was it not due to the anxious con dition of the public mind, that he should point them out? Was it not due to himself individu ally and representatively, that he should have promptly tendered his amendment for the per iection of its objectionable features? It is need less to tell us of the protracted length of the session. Here was a measure which claimed the patriots attention. The House of Representa tives, emulating the noble example of the Sen ate, should have acted and given quiet and peace to an excited public. In its adjustment, the country would have been freed from the suspicions of the question being left over for unworthy purposes. The seventy-three Northern Whigs with whom Mr. Stephens acted and voted,°<dve to their constituents in defence of themselves, “ that the bill yielded everything to the South ! ” Mr. Stephens’ defence is—“ that it yields every thing to the North!!'* In the language of Senator Clayton, “ The cry of the North had been, that the North had lost all by the bill, and a similar cry had been raised at the South, that the South had lost all. If both the North and fae South had lost all, who had got it ? If this be true, it must be the most extraordina ry bill that was ever framed.” The denun ciation of the bill by Mr. Stephens and his Northern allies, without pointing out the faults of the bill, will not be received. Where John C. Calhoun, Berrien, Mangurn, and a host of other acknowledged champions upon Southern rights, dare to stand, the “ modestv : of doubt,” at least, might have supported Mr. I Stephens in his tread. So much for the pro fessions of demagogues and the honesty of ex j elusive patriots ' A WHIG. The Veto Power> No 2. The position of the Whig party on this sub : ject is undefined. Whether, as a party, they would prefer Gen. Taylor’s simple non-user, or Mr. Clay’s open and honest attack, we are not prepared to say. During the present cam paign, however, they of course occupy the position of the candidate whose views they have sanctioned by his nomination. They take their candidate cum onere — Gen. Taylor, with his opinions. He has lightened the load already, farther than consistency would justi fy, and we suppose that both the party and the candidate are now fixed upon that compro mise ground which they intend to occupy. Although we heartily disapprove of both at tacks upon the Veto power, we will, with a brief remark, dismiss one of them, as not at present practically before the country. Mr. Clay’s proposed alteration of the Constitution required only a majority of the members of each House of Congress to overrule the Pre sident’s negative. This would be a virtual abolition of the power, as experience has pro ven that the law would almost invariably be re-passed. But although we do not approve of the object it had in view, we believe Mr. Clay’s mode of effecting it to have been cor rect. Gen. Taylor’s opinions on the same subject arc not only exceedingly objectionable in themselves, but equally so in the mode in which he proposes to carry them out. That is, at best, an indirect and temporizing policy j by which a single President pledges himself I to yield a constitutional right, without any corresponding alteration in the Constitution. With nothing in its language to warrant the assumption, he considers the legitimate exer cise of the Veto power to be confined to cases ; of “clear violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration bv Congress.” “ Questions of domestic policy,” by one sweeping clause, he excludes from the sphere of Executive influence. If the Consti tution needs amendment on these points, * there is a constitutional method appointed for the purpose, and it would be an unprecedent ed exercise of Presidential prerogative to change it in any other. Let the Whigs be ware of this palpable inconsistency; General Taylor is not privileged to usurp a right in or der to check an alleged usurpation in others. “ I pou the subject of the tariff, the curren cy, &c., the will of the people, as expressed through their Representatives in Congress, ought to bo respected and carried out by the Executive.” The framers of the Constitution thought not so when they endowed him with a negative upon “ every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate.” “ The will of the people, as express ed through their Representatives in Congress,” t has an exceedingly plausible sound, but these wise men were not seduced by its fascinations. Aware that this expression of the will of the people was not invariably correct, they intro duced other tests, allowing at least the oppor tunity of reconsideration. “ The personal opinions of the individual who may happen to occupy the Executive Chair,” says Gen. Taylor, “ ought not to con trol the action of Congress upon questions of domestic policy.” This is a mode of reason ing, unfair and unworthy an aspirant for the Presidency. Individuals do not “ happen’ to occupy the Executive Chair. They are elect ed to fill it by the nation at large, with a full knowledge of their “ personal opinions,” ex cept in those cases in which they are blind enough to elect those who refuse to make them known. Their own folly may fill both the Executive Chair and the halls of legislation with individuals whose political principles are unknown. But if they are true to themselves, j there is no danger in either case, and, if false, ; the danger in the two cases is equal. We proceed now to show’ that this power does not rest for its support solely upon the authority of great and venerated names. In referring to facts, according to the pro mise made in our last article, we wish it to be distinctly understood, that we are not making an appeal from the verdict of reason. On the contrary, reason and authority are already in our favour, and experience is only introduced to furnish a triumphant vindication of their con clusions. What, then, has been the practical operation of the Veto power ? Have precedent affixed those limitations to its exercise, which Gen. Taylor considers es sential, but for which, we look in vain to the Constitution ? Or, are these limitations whol ly uncalled for and gratuitous, demanded nei ther by the Constitution, by precedents, nor by the necessities of the case ? A candid review of the history of the Veto pow’er can only lead to the latter conclusion. Ist. It has been exercised by Presidents Washington, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Ty ler and Polk. 2dly. Their action has not been confined to cases of “ clear violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress.” 3dly. Every veto (we believe there is no ex ception) has been upon a bill deciding a “ ques tion of domestic policy.” 4thly. “Upon the subject of the tariff,” there have been two vetoes —upon “ the cur rency,” four—upon “ the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes and harbors,” some half dozen. And Sthly. Tice veto of the President has hitherto, is every instance, been borne out by *he next ensuing vote of the people.. Gen. Washington exercised the veto power in each of his terms of office. He was almost unanimously re-elected to the second term, and would, with almost equal unanimity, have been re-elected to the third. Mr. Madison was re-elected to a second term, and was suq ■ ceeded by Mr. Monroe, his own favorite, and of like principles with himself. Mr. Monroe’s administration was ratified bv the people in the popular vote for President, although Mr, Adams was elected by the House of Repre sentatives. Gen. Jackson’s vetoes were numerous and important, yet he filled two terms of office, j and Mr. Yan Buren, his successor, was elect ed to carry out the same principles. Mr. Ty ler’s vetoes upon the Bank and Tariff were ! amply sustained by the election of Mr. Polk. The result of the next election we will not an ticipate. Suffice it to say, that there has never yet occurred an exercise of the veto power which has not been sanctioned by the I people at the ensuing Presidential election. V hat a commentary does this furnish upon the wisdom and forecast of our fathers, in i ; framing and guarding this most important Ex- j ecutive function ! Os the vetoes thus ratified by the voice of the people, there are instances, it will be re- | collected, in opposition to every criterion which Gen. Taylor has, without authority, es j tablished as the test of legitimate right. As ! none of the vetoes of the later Presidents have any weight with him, we will simply re mark that they’ have occasionally been decid ed upon grounds other than those which he acknowledges legitimate. Their having met with the sanction of the people, will probably make atonement to the Presidents for the im plied censure of a man whose opinions are the results ot forty years in-experience. Let us see, however, whether he is sustain ed in his positions by those whom he claims as his peculiar models —the “ earlier Presi dents.” We will premise that a single veto in con travention of one of his tests, is as effectual a denial of its correctness, as a score or a hun dred could be. General Washington was the only one of the three first Presidents who furnishes us * with examples. In both of his vetoes, the law was upon a “ question of domestic poli cy,” and therefore the veto in direct viola tion of General Taylor’s principle. In one of them, his veto was based upon the inexpediency : of the action of Congress upon a subject un questionably within its constitutional control, subject, of course, to Executive disapproval. Here again is one of Gen. Taylor s tests repu diated by the model of his own choice, but not of his own following, i The former action of the different branches of government, and the acquiescence of the : people, tend—in the opinion of Gen. Taylor— 1 to settle questions of constitutional power. Whether we concede this position, or not, it is at least evident that precedents can give Congress no higher jurisdiction than docs a clear original grant of power by the constitu tion. And yet in a case, under a grant of the latter character, was Washington’s second ve to message interposed. In the bill for the re duction of the military establishment, the con stitutional right of Congress to act in the ! premises was clear, and the expediency was the question on which the President differed from Congress, and based his veto. Wtf.it, at length, is the position of General Taylor and the Whig party on this subject? They do not even pretend that the constitu tion sustains them. The power it confers, is general—that which they confer, limited and circumscribed. The precedents furnished by later Presidents have no authority with them, and if they had, would not sustain them.— Those furnished by the “ earlier Presidents,” are against them. On what ground do they rest, when both principle and precedent op pose them ? W e see none, save disappointment and vex ation at failing to carry out their measures un der Tyler. And it is a singular fact, that the very exercise of the veto power, which origi nated the opposition, furnishes one of the i most pertinent proofs of its utility. If the Whig party, when in a majority, had succeed ed in passing the charter of a United States Bank, with a duration of twenty years, we should now be under the domination, in mat : ters of currency, of an institution which the | people eschewed in the election of Mr. Polk, I and which its former advocates acknowedge j I to be an “ obsolete idea.” Thus does the ve- , to power operate in preventing a temporary, factitious congressional majority, from fasten ing permanent institutions upon the country. If the decided, deliberate opinion of the peo ple, had been in favor of a bank, it would have found expression in the election of Henry Clay to the Presidency in 1814. What wrong did Tyler do the country by his veto? Ho merely gave it time for reflection, by which its ' determination was changed before it was too late —as it must have been, had the charter received his sanction. Yet this was the origin of the anti-veto cru sade ! General Taylor’s opinions have not even the merit of consistency. Is there not as great an encroachment upon the Judiciary depart ment, in deciding upon the constitutionality of laws, as upon the legislature, in deciding upon their expediency ? Instances of incon sistency on his part have, however, ceased to be worthy of noting. Let the reflecting portion of the Whig par ty turn their attention to the precise point of their objections to the present powers of the Executive. Let them discriminate accurately and closely, and if they find aught of excess, aim at the offensive branch of power, instead of blindly cutting off an unotfening member, with the vague hope of thereby reducing the power of the President within due limits. If they will but consider the nature and his tory of this power, the length of time during which it has been in existence, and the rarity of its exercise, will be loth to waste their efforts upon it. If they be indeed republi cans, and will consider farther, how invariably this power has given effect to the mature will of the people, (whether coinciding with their party creed, or not,) they will sustain it as a wise provision of our government, and for the future alter their warfare into an endeavor to convert the popular mind to their own mode 1 of thinking. M. Washington, August 4th, 1848. In the Iwt sentence of the former article on on this subject, the word hasten occurs by mis take for listen. Congress Both branches of Congress adjourned on the 14th inst. The Oregon Bill with the W il mot Proviso, has passed the Senate with the assistance of Thos. H. Benton, Samuel Hous ton, and Mr. Spruance, of Delaware. In the House, nothing of any importance was done, further than signing and receiving bills from the Senate. The Oregon Bill.—The Baltimore Sun of the loth inst. says :—This important bill, fur nishing a territorial government for Oregon, i yesterday received the signature of the Presi dent, and the nomination of Gen. Shields as Governor of the Territory, was immediately sent to the Senate and confirmed by that j body. Special Notices. NOTICE. (Ur” THE Stockholders of the Whnrf Company of Augusta are requested to call on B. F. CHEW. President, on and after Monday next, with their certificates, and receive a final dividend on their stock. C. B. MARTIN, Sec’y. Aug, 15 8 H7WII. M. WILLI AMS, M. D„ has re j turned to Augusta, and most respectfully tenders his services to the citizens in the various branches of Medicine. He may be found at all times, when not professionally engaged, either at J. W. Hough ton’s or D. Hodges. all-ts DAGUERREOTYPE MINIATURES. The Subscriber having taken the Rooms former ly occupied by Mr. Johnson, over Clark, Racket! tfc Co s Jewelry Store, is prepared to execute LIKENESSES, confident of giving satisfaction to ! all who may favor him with a call. Citizens of Augusta audits vicinity aie invited to call. Ap 18 F. R. TORBET. JOHN DENNIS, M, D., BOTANIC PHYSICIAN, RESPECTFULLY tenders his professional services to the citizens of Augusta, and its vicinity. Office at the Eagle & Phcenix Hotel. June 21 3m I ■ mgmg pipping intelligence. AKTIVALS FROM CHARLESTON. Schr. Merchant, Tessier, Kingston, Jam. MEMORANDA. On Tuesday, 15th inst., Pilot Boat No. 1 spoke near Cape Remain, brig Larch, from New York, bound to Savannah. The brig Paul T. Jones, Taylor, for Charleston, with despatch, was up at Philadelphia llih inst. The schr. Heroine, Ensor, for Charleston, sailed ] from Richmond 14th inst. CHARLES TON, August 17—Arr. bark Aca dia, Mill Stone Point, (Conn.); brig Vandalia, Phil hrook, from Camden, (Me,); schrs. Erbana, Small. Boston; Isabella. Gage, Mafanzas. lii the Offing, bri?s George, Walker, New York; j Clarendon, Clapp, Providence. At Quarantine, a French ship, from the West Indies. Cld. brig Arabian, Walker, Baltimore; schr. Richmond, Seavy, Portsmouth. A GENTLEMAN from V ermont writes as | follows. Cambridge, Vt., June 18,181 b. Mr Seth W. Fowle—Dear Sir. For several years past, my usual good health has been occasionally interrupted by spells of cough, produced b} colds; a year ago last winter I was brought to the verge ' of the grave by a very severe cough, accompanied with pains in both sides, between the shoulders. &.C., which, with long continued night sweats, and other alarming symptoms, reduced me so low that my friends despaired of my recovery. 1 consulted physicians, and tried the various remedies of the clay, but none of them cured me. At last I procured Or. Wistar s Balsan of Wild Cherry, and it saved my life; 1 have not enjoyed better health for many years; therefore I can recommended others who need it, to try it. SAMUEL BENTSEY. None genuine, unless signed I. Butts on the wrapper. For sale in Augusta, wholesale- and retail, bv HAVILAND, RISLEY & CO., WM. HAINES, and also by THOS. BARRETT &. CO., and Deal ars in Medicines generally in Augusta. August 18 | —c OIL AND VINEGAR. | CASKS Refined WHALE OIL. 1U 30 “ Y\ bite Wine VINEGAR, in good order —just received and for sale low by Aug. 17 4 W. E. JACKSON & CO. FLOUR AND CORN. A SMALL LOT of superior Country Flour. I XV. from new wheat. 400 bushels prime Corn. For sale by Aug. 16 3 GIBBS & McCORD. DISSOLUTION, i rpHE COPARTNERSHIP heretofore ev I istiug under the firm of LALLERSTEDT 1 JACKSON, is this day dissolved by mutual con sent. All persons indebted to the firm arc request ed to make immediate payment to E. 1). LAL LERSTEDT, who is authorised to use the name of the firm in the settlement of its business. L. I>. LALLERSTEDT. July 1, 1048. 11. B. JACKSON. rplIE UNDERSIGNED having purchased I Mr. H. B. JACKSON’S interest in the above establishment, will continue the business on his own account at the old stand, corner ol the Globe Hotel, where he will continue to keep a choice i stock of St aple and Fancy Dry Goods. Thankful to friends and customers for the very liberal pa tronage extended to the firm, he respectfully so licits a continuance of their favors. July 1, 1848. L. D. LALLERSTEDT. HAVING sold my entire interest in the firm of LALLERSTEDT & JACKSON to Mr. L. D. Lallcrstedt, I cheerfully recommend him to the confidence and patronage of my friends and the public. H. B. JACKSON. Aug. 12 dtw cl DR. M AGNIN’S LUCIN A CORD IAL. IS a sovereign remedy for Incipient Consump lion, Indigestion, Nervousness, Impotency Flour Albus. Loss of Muscular Energy, Physical Lassitude, Female Weakness, Debility, &c., &c. Price, $8 per Bottle, i For sale by all the principal Druggists in Charleston, and HAVILAND, RISLEY A: < 0., THOMAS BARRETT & CO., and WILLIAM K KITCHEN,Augusta, Ga. teb. 11 GUNS AND PISTOLS. jk CHOICE lot of Double Barrel Shot GUNS, J\_ London made, together with a supply of Flasks. Shot Pouches, Game Bags. Patent Wad ding, Ely's patent Cartridges, and Gunning Appa ratus in general, just received and will be sold low. Also, Allen andThurbur's Revolving PISTOLS; six barrels, Self-Cocking Pocket Pistols, English Belt Pistols, Walker’s Percussion Caps. CLARK. RACKETT & CO. Oct. 6 ts $lO REWARD. |3OCKET BOOK LOST.—A small Pocket JL Book containing between 60 and 70 Dollars, with papers of no value to any but the owner, but sufficient to show to whom it belongs. The above reward will be given to the tinder by leaving it at the office of the Constitutionalist. Aug. 6 ts I —— LANDRBTH’S FRESH TURNIP SEED, CROP 1848 A SUPPLY of warranted fresh White, Flat Dutch, Rutabaga and Norfolk Turnip Seed, direct from Landreth’s Nursery. Also, long Blood Beet seed. Just received and for sale by i June 9 WM, HAINES, “PRIZE OFFICE. GREENE AND PULASKI MONUMENT L O TTEP.IE S! J. \V. MAURY CO.. SUCCESSORS TO J. G. Gregory & Co. Managers. Sales close at 3 o’clock Saturday. Extra Class 73—By Leesburg 43, Aug. 19 1843. A new and Splendid Scheme. #(>0,000 DOLLARS. $29,7-8! 218 of $800! Being the lowest 3 Num ber prizes.—All 2 Number prizes S3O. —Tickets only $10 —Halves $5 —Quarters $2,50. Sales close at 3 o'clock Thursday. Extra Class 79, by Leesburg 41, Aug, 22.1848—■ Favorite Scheme. —14 drawn ballots from 78. 22.000 DOLLARS. $12,003! $8,000! $1,000! $2,500! 2 of $1,312' 10 SI,OOO! —Tickets $5 —Halves $2,50 —Quarters $«,.25. Sales close at 3 o'clock Thursday. Extra Classßo—By S.C. Class 33, August 24,1818. Splendid Scheme.—l 2 drawn Ballots from 66. 18.000 DOLLARS. $5,000; $2,500; $1,250; $1,134; 10 of $5OO. Tickets $5 —Halves $2,50 —Quarters $1.25. JOHN A. MILLEN, Agent, Opposite the Masonic Hall. rrT Orders from the country promptly attended to. Aug. 18 HOWARD HOTEL, risaaD »*xc|D JlgiS-B NEW-YORK, Comer of Broadway and Maiden Lane, rjpllE SUBSCRIBERS, deeply apprecia ting the very liberal patronage bestow jd on them since purchasing from the Messrs. Howard, at a high cost, their interest in the above well known Hotel, most respectfully ask from tbeir friends and customers a continuance ol their kind remem brance when visiting New York. The HOWARD HOTEL is capable of comfort ably accommodating upward of 300 persons, and is an establishment of the first class, both with re gard to its business and its ample means of insuring the approbation of its customers. The central sit uation of the house also, most decidedly one of the very best in New Y ork, from its being close to the Public Offices and places of business, thus render ing a long and irksome walk to and from your Ho tel unnecessary, whilst all the advantages of a resi dence on the best part of Broadway are enjoyed, is in itself a matter of the greatest convenience; ad ded to which in all the materials for true comfort in its general arrangements and management, and in whatever can he done by the most minute atten tion to make it truly desirable as a residence and home’ for its inmates during their sojourn in New York, the proprietors most emphatically assure the public that this Hotel shall yield to none whatever. THOMAS CO. July 1 stu!2 TO RENT, FROM THE IST OF OCTOBER NEXT. AA Three BRICK STORES and CELLARS, ilii‘!iß next below the Eagle A Phcenix Hotel, and a neat TWO STORY DWELLING HOUSE, on the corner of the Lane, leading to the City flail, on Ellis street. Apply to JOS. BIGNON. Aug. 10 18— TO RENT, MA DWELLING on Telfair street,former ly occupied by S. Hardiman, near the Cath olic Church. For terms apply to Aug. 6 —ts S. HARPLMAN. TO RENT. / A From the Ist of October next, a fine Brick liiioi DWELING. on the corner of Broad and Jackson-sts., with every convenience for a private Family. Apply to D. MIXER. Aug. 5 —l2 United States Hotel. TO RENT. Ms* THE STORE OCCUPIED BY A. 11110 HATCH, one door above I*. McGRAN’S * ja " Grocery Store. ALSO, A small DWELLING on Washington, between Green and Telfair Streets. ALSO. A double TENEMEN I 1 HOUSE* on Campbell Street, in rear of J.A S. BONES A CO’S., Hard ware Store. For terms apply to jyl6 HENRY MOORE, Exe r. TO RENT. MFrom the Ist of October next, the com fortable Brick DWELLING, on the north .side of Ellis street, between Mclntosh and \\ as hi n "ton streets. Apply to July 15 F. A. BRAHE. FOR SALE. M V commodious DWELLING on the Sand Hills,with out-honses complete Terms made easy. Apply at this office. April 11 ts $23 REWARD. RAN AWAY from the plantation of P. J. Lucius, in Greene Co., near Buck urW Creek P. 0., a negro boy, bright mulatto, L.i. named PETER.freckled face, and bushy head, about 24 years old, stout built, weighing about 180 pounds, has a few small scars about his eyes. He is supposed to be making his way to South Carolina. 1 will give $25 to any person who will secure and confine him in any jail so as can get him. P. J. LUCIUS. July 12 Tuscaloosa, Alabama. FOR SAIB. « A FIRST KATE Saddle and Har- T uess NAG, four years old, warranted sound, and perfectly gentle; will be sold low if early application is made at this office. July 1— AUGUSTA, OCTOBER 6, 1847. We have now in store the greajej U-7 Apart of our Fall supply of GOODS Wj A com prising WATCHES, JEWEL RY, Silver and Plated Wares, Military and Fancy Goods, Housekeeping Articles, Ac. Ac. to which wc invite attention, believing it to be as good a Stock as was ever in the place. And we ask all who think they can buy anything in the line at lower prices, in this place or Charleston, to test the truth of that supposition. CLARK. RACKETT A CO, Oct. tl WATCHES, JEWELRY, &c. a The Subscriber respectfully in- firms his friends and the public gen-JcuTjW erally, that he has returned frnniß&tOaa New York with a large and handsome assortment of GOLD AND SILVER WATCHES. FINE JEWELRY. SILVER AND PLATED WARE, line Ornamental and Common BRASS CLOCKS, MUSIC BOXES, and a variety of FANCY GOODS. X. B. —CLOCKS and WATCHES repaired with care. F. A. BRAHE, First door below Washington Hall. Oat. 14 ly PERIFOCAL SPECTACLES. To all who experience inconve nience in the use of the common kind of Glasses, and especially in night reading , these Spectacles will be found a most valuable substitute; in no case, except where the optic nerve has been pronounced diseased,have they failed, when pro perlv fitted, to give satisfaction. No better proof of their superior merit can he given to each individual who may need Glasses than the satisfaction he will experience in the use of them. These Glasses can be obtained in this place only of CLARK, RACKETT A CO.. Agents lor the Manufacturers, Who have now on hand a good supply m gold and silver frames. Perifocal Glasses fitted to any frame, for any vision. Spectacles in gold, silver and steel, for sale very low, by CLARK.RACKETT. A CO. Dealers in Watches, Jewelry, Silver Ware, Ac. Oct. 6 ts ICED SODA WATER AND CARBO NATED MEAD. A PLENTIFUL supply of these cool and pleasant drinks kept always on hand aCthg well known stand of " 'L HAINES. June 27
