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About Daily constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1846-1851 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 20, 1848)
THE CONSTITUTIONALIST^ JAMES GARDNER. JR terms. Daily, per annum •••••• ••..*• £3 00 Tri-Weekly, per asmnu ...... ..............6 00 If paid in advance.... .......5 00 Weekly, per annum, if paid in advance.... 2 00 These terms are offered to new subscribers and all «ld subscribers who pay up all arrearages. In no case will the weekly paper be sent at £2 , unless the money accompanies the order. In no case will it be sent at £2,00 to an old sub scriber in arrears. (o*When the year paid for at $2,00 expires, the paper, if not discontinued, or paid for in advance, will be sent on the old terms, £2,50 if paid at the office within the year, or £3,00 if paid after the expiration of the year. mfPostagernustbe paid on all communications and letters of business. [From the Charleston Courier, 1 9th inst.] Important Intelligence from Several Quarters Believing, as we ever have, in the impor tance of the telegraph to the community, we have never before seen it more clearly exem plified than by the reception of the intelligence which we publish below, received yesterday from our vigilant correspondents, who are ever on the alert. From N. Orleans.—Early yesterday morn ing, w r e received a communication from our New Orleans correspondent, dated IGth inst., announcing later intelligence from Yucatan. The dates from Campcachy were to the loth inst. Numerous engagements had occurred be tween the whites and Indians in that country, in which the whites were victorious, and most of the towns the Indians had captured were recovered, and the Indians expelled. The Cotton market was dull, and few trans actions, without any change in price. Flour quiet, with but a trifling demand. The city continued healthy. From 'Washington.—At 12 o’clock, we re ceived the information from Washington that that Gen. Shields had declined the appoint ment of Governor of Oregon. From Baltimore. —At the same hour we learned from our Baltimore correspondent that Mr. Crittenden, the whig candidate for Go vernor of Kentucky, was elected by a majori ty of about eight thousand. From Indiana the returns show that the De mocratic candidates were successful. From Illinois we learn that Wentworth (Democrat) is elected to Congress by some three thousand majority. From New York.—Yesterday, Cotton was sold in considerable quantities at a decline o a fourth of a cent —holders firm at that rate. The mercantile men were waiting anxiously for the arrival of the Cambria, momentarily expected. From Albany.— Terrible and Destructive Confiagratic >■ —About 10 o’clock last night, we received a despatch announcing the occur rence of one of the most awful and destruc tive fires that has taken place in the United States for many years. On Wednesday last, a fire broke out, which destroyed Five Hundred houses. Several were involved in the general destruction, shewing that the conflagration must have taken place near the basin, the business part of the city. The loss sustained is estimated at Two Mil lions of Dollars, and the distress and misery that must result therefrom, can only be ap preciated by those who saw or experienced the effects of the awful conflagration in our cm correspondents for their vigilance ing us well advised of all important matters that arise. 1 heir talent in conveying informa tion—and concisely too—a matter of much moment to us, who have expended large sums for Telegraphic news—deserves praise." They have our thanks. lowa- A telegraphic bulletin from St. Louis to a member of the House of Representatives, an nounces that the Democrats have a majority of ten on joint ballot in the legislature, but the Whigs have a majority in the State Senate. Both Messrs. Thompson and Leffler, the Democratic candidates for Congress, are elect ed by the usual majorities. Illinois Election- Buffalo, Monday, Aug. 11. From Illinois we have intelligence that John Wentworth, the present member from Chica go District, is re-elected. In the Galena District, Col. Baker, Whig, is elected. The Sangamon or Springfield District, now represented by Abraham Lincoln, Whig, is still doubtful, but Logan, Whig, is reported to be elected. We have reports also that Marshall, Whig, is elected in the Third Congressional District, now represented by Orlando B. Franklin, De mocrat. Kentucky Election News received at Pittsburg state that the returns of 37 counties in Kentucky, compared with the last gubernatorial election, show a N\ big gain of 1,534 over Owsley’s majority in 1844. There are upwards of one hundred counties in the State. Owsley’s majority was 4,624. [ Telegraphed for the Baltimore Sun.] New York, Aug. 16, 6 r. m. The steamer America sailed to-day, at 2 r. M., with forty passengers, among whom is Bishop Hughes. She took out twenty thou sand dollars in specie. Stocks are about as yesterday. There is great anxiety among all our busi ness men to hear the next news from Ireland. It is said by those who pretend to have advices, that the insurrection has certainly broke out by this time. The Barnburners and the District or Co lumbia. — The resolutions which were adopted by the Buffalo Convention, of course, go the whole for “ free soil” wherever there is the slightest possibility of the federal government exercising a control over the matter. For ex ample, the following resolution, evidently in tended to apply to the District of Columbia, was carried by acclamation : Resolved, That it is the duty of the federal government to relieve itself from all responsi rv 1 « i ° r tllc Gx l st -ence or continuance of slave tiitionnTni tl tlae B°vernment possesses consti “ z h s^ P rs ate -“ n ,hat Thi-, is ■ 1 for lts existence, nor of Mr. Van "' ith “‘ e on the subject, though he might nou* T’* 6 privy to its character before its 6 bC T Cn 1836, ho contended that stitutioual power to prohibit slavery - but he admitted that considerations o/expedienev operated as strong as a constitutional restric tion to prohibit the exercise of any such pow er. In his inaugural address of March 4,1837 he reiterated these sentiments, and quoted his former declaration as follows : ‘T must go into the presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of | every attempt on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slaveholding States, and also j with a determination equally decided to resist the slightest interference with it in the States where it exists.” He then added: “It now only remains to add, that no bill conflicting with these viws can ever receive my constitutional sanction.” We give these statements merely as a re cord of facts, without knowing whether Mr. Van Buren would be prepared to carry out the letter and spirit of the Buffalo resolution or not. If he is, the only conclusion that can be I tome to is, he has changed his opinion—a thing j which he has, with every other man, a perfect right to do. Those circumstances of expe j dicncy which formerly governed him, he may I deem now no longer to exist. —Baltimore Sun, i 17 th. ■ i —| M „ - - - - - .11 ■: THE (•(INSTITUTIONALIST. Tlngusta, ©torgta. ! SUNDAY MORNING AUG 20, 1848 FOR PRESIDENT LEWIS CASS, OF MICHIGAN. FOR VICE PRESIDENT WM. O. BUTLER. OF KENTUCKY. ELECTORAL TICKET. W. T. COLQUITT, of Troup- M. H. MCALLISTER, Chatham. J. W. ANDERSON, Chatham. L. B. MERCER. Lee. ALLEN COCHRAN, Monroe. JOHN D. STELL, Fayette. LEWIS TUMLIN, Cass. ROBERT McMILLAN,fElbert : WILLIAM McKINLBY, Oglethorpe. JAS. GARDNER. JR., Richmond. ALTERNATES, t TIMOTHY FURLOW, Houston. W B WOFFORD, Habersham. E. R. BROWN, Sumter, * MARK WILCOX, Telfair. JESSE CARTER, Talbot. JOHN WRAY, Coweta. RA H- FOSTER, Forsyth. JAMES JACKSON, Walton. JUNIUS WINGFIELD, Putnam. 1 R. W. FLOURNOY, Washington. CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. 3 2d Dist.—M. J. WELLE ORN, Muscogee, 3d. “ —JOHN. J. CAREY, Upson. 4ta “ —H. A. HARALSON, Troup. - sth “ —TKOS. C. HACKETT, Floyd. r 6th “ —HOWELL COBB. Clarke. Bth “ —Col. A. J. LAWSON, Burke. BY TELEGRAPH. (Transmitted tor the Constitutionalist.) All 111 VA L OF T HE STEAMER CAMBRIA. ’ SEVEN DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE. REVOLUTION IN IRELAND. —/iREAT LOSS OF LIFE -3 1, . —-- MEAGHER AND O’BRIEN FLED. i . » FRANCE QUIET. COTTON IVs fl-nunr STEADY About half-past nine o’clock, last evening * we received a despatch from our Charlestoi ■ correspondent, announcing the arrival of thi } Steamer Cambria, at New York, from Liver pool, whence she sailed on the sth August. ; We regret to hear of the revolution in Ire land, and its result. From our despatch it appears to have broken out in Ballingay. The people attacked the constables, and then re treated to their houses, and commenced firing from the windows. After a desperate struggle, and various skirmishes, the insurgents were dispersed with great loss of life. In the various skirmishes the government was always victorious, and at the latest advices the outbreak was considered suppressed. Meagher and Smith O’Brien it is said, fled and hid themselves in the mountains. In France, all was quiet. The Emperor of Austria had abdicated. The Markets. In Liverpool, during the week ending the sth inst., the sales reached 32,000 bales, and the Cotton market was steady. Wheat had advanced 25., and Corn receded 20. Ilf' The Editor of the Constitutionalist is absent, and the gentleman in charge has as much as he can conveniently attend to. So the Editor of the Chronicle will excuse us if we will not cuter into a controversy with him. Should we do so, we should take off our gloves, which in this enlightened age would not be polite ; or perhaps, as we arejvery plain spoken, our language would not be very agreea ble. An old and useful adage is in our mind at this moment, and as we can gain nothing from the controversy with the Editor of the Chronicle, he must excuse us. (From the Hl 'ashington Union, 1 oth inst.) Adjournment of Congress—President’s last Message. Congress adjourned yesterday precisely at 12 o’clock, according to their joint order. The members have gone to their constituents to give an account of their stewardship. Wc wish the whigs a safe deliverance from the fearful responsibility which they have encoun tered. The session has been long and pro tracted, but not so long as the 2d session of the 27th Congress, which did not adjourn be fore the 31st of August. The work which has been executed is far from corresponding to the time consumed. The opposition have wasted a large portion of the session in collecting ma terials, and making capital for the ensuing presidential election. They have scattered speeches, and provoked replies from the re publican members. They attacked the war for weeks and months, instead of making vig orous efforts to terminate it. It was this very mischievous clamor on the part of the whigs,. and their want of energy jn raising the sup-. plies, which cheered the enemy, and delayed ' 1 the termination of hostilities. When peace ‘ finally came, the whigs turned their batteries against the origin and prosecution of the war ; , and then arose the question of the disposition ( of the territories we have acquired. Speech | after speech, and day after day, was exhausted upon the attempt to compromise the question. Much credit as we are willing to give Mr. Clayton, and some of his colleagues in this matter, yet we hold the whigs particularly re sponsible for the defeat of the compromise. I Four southern whig senators first broke the line of the South, instead of presenting all her force together. Then the eight southern whigs in the House defeated the first compromise, , and paralyzed the spirit of the northern dem- j ocrats in regard to the adjustment. Stephens, of Georgia, made the motion to lay the bill on the table, which the Senate had been for some | time discussing and preparing. He was fol lowed by seven other southern whigs in the attempt to smother the bill, and prevent it ! from assuming any other form of compromise, j The first failure shed its disastrous eclipse over the second compromise bill from the Sen ate. The southern whigs attempted to back- j water too late. They had killed the first bill, and encouraged the northern democrats to de -1 sort the second, until every attempt to com- j promise the question was unavailing. One bill only has passed in relation to west ern territory. It is the bill which went from the House for organizing a government for Oregon. It recognized the provision of the ordinance of 1787. The Senate made an at tempt to amend it, and settle the question upon the basis of the Missouri compromise, but the amendment was rejected by the House; and on Sunday morning, after a laborious ses sion through the previous night, the Senate receded from their amendment, and the bill was passed in the shape in which it had gone up from the House. The question was then anxiously made, which course would the President pursue r Would he veto the bill, or would he sign it r The answer was at hand. Yesterday morning, the bill was sent up to him, and he returned it to the House of Rep resentatives, about 11 o’clock, with his signa ture. But the President went further. He was not content to sign the bill; but he was determined to assign his reasons for the act, and at the same time to lay down the princi ples which should guide his course during the rest of his administration. He has met the I* duty as became him. There is no case in the whole course of his most memorable adminis -1 tration—full as it is of great trials, and illus trated by great triumphs of moral force and enlightened policy—which can compare with the present one in point of importance, both in its origin, in its character, and in its con sequences. There is no act of his administra tion which is superior to it in the wisdom with which he has selected his course, and in the firmness with which he has pursued it. Many of the citizens of the south wished him to veto the bill. Most of the northern citizens hoped that he would consent to extend the restriction of this bill to the whole extent of our newly acquired territories of California and New Mexico. TUo Umv-u is’ rec6mmended by the highest wisdom and the deepest regard to the best interests of our common country. He has signed this bill reluctantly, from a stern sense of duty towards Oregon, and from a respect to the principle of the Missouri Com promise ; but he has not stopped here. Know ing and feeling that this question of slavery is by far the most important which has engaged the attention of his countrymen—that it stands ahead of the rest in difficulty, in delicacy, and t in importance—that it is the only one which c can seriously distract the people and shake the Union itself, he has felt it to be his duty bold ly to take a new course, and to send in a mes y 3 sage along with the bill. In this masterly paper, ’ firm as it is conciliatory, and dictated by the e highest sense of public duty,he comes forward with all frankness to state that he must with t hold his constitutional sanction from every bill 3 in relation to New Mexico and Upper Califor nia which is not framed in the same spirit of compromise in which the constitution was founded, and which does not provide for the rights of every section of our common coun try. Had the present bill extended the Wil - mot Proviso to New Mexico and California, j he would clearly have vetoed the bill. We have no hesitation in expressing our firm be j lief that, in like manner, he will veto any bill • which indiscriminately extends the Wilmot Proviso to these new acquisitions. In fact, ’ such is the express meaning and intention of ’ the important message now before us. We lay a copy of this memorable message before our readers, and we earnestly recommend it to the ’ calmest and most careful consideration of our ! countrymen. Every man is concerned in it. ; Every man ought to read and weigh it; and 1 we hope every patriot will see in it the deci ded course of a wise statesman. The Presi- j dent tells the people frankly that thus far he j ’ was willing to go, and no further. Faction 1 ! and fanaticism must here be stayed. It is to j be hoped that Congress will reassemble in a j better spirit of conciliation and compromise, and with a firmer disposition to extend to all portions of our common country a liberal par ticipation in the benefits of our new acquisi tons. Certain it is, that the President of the United States will never sanction a different disposition of that territory. To the House of Representatives of the United States : When the President has given his official sanction to a bill which has passed Congress, j usage requires that he shall notify the House I in which it originated of that fact. The mode 1 1 of giving this notification has been by an oral 1 message delivered by his private secretary. < Having this day approved and signed an act 1 entitled “An act to establish the territorial ( government of Oregon,” I deem it proper, un- ' < der the existing circumstances, to commuui- 1 cate the fact in a more solemn form. j f The deeply interesting and protracted dis- t cussions which have taken place in both houses t of Congress, and the absorbing interest which e the subject has excited throughout the coun- t try, justify, in my judgment,°this departure a from the form of notice observed in other cases, d In this communication with a co-ordinate 11 branch of the government, made proper by the r considerations rel’eired to, I shall frankly, and without reserve, express the reasons which have constrained me not to withhold my sig nature from the bill to establish a government over Oregon, even though the two territories of New Mexico and California are to be left, for the present, without governments. None doubt that it is proper to establish a govern ment in Oregon. Indeed, it has been too long delayed. I have made repeated recommenda tions to Congress to this effect. The petitions of the people of thut distant region have been presented to the government, and ought not to be disregarded. To give to them a regularly organized government and the protection of our laws, which as citizens of the United States they claim, is a high duty on our part and one which we are bound to perform, unless there be controlling reasons to prevent it. In the progress of all governments, ques tions of such transcendent importance occa sionally arise, as to cast in the shade all those of a mere party character. But one such ques -1 tion can now be agitated in this country; and | this may endanger our glorious Union, the i source of our greatness, and all our political j blessings. This question is slavery. With | the slave-holding States this does not embrace j merely the rights of property, however, valu able ; but it ascends far higher, and involves the domestic peace and security of every tam i By* The fathers of the constitution —the wise I and patriotic men who laid the foundation of , our institutions —foreseeing the danger from | this quarter, acted in a spirit of compromise j and mutual concession on this dangerous and I delicate subject; and their wisdom ought to be the guide of their successors. "\V hilst they left to the States exclusively the question of domestic slavery within their respective limits, they provided that slaves who might escape i into other States, not recognising the institu i tion of slavery, shall “ be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.” Upon this foundation the matter rested un til the Missouri question arose. In December, 1819, application was made to Congress by the people of the Missouri ter ritory for admission into the Union as a State. The discussion upon the subject in Congress involved the question of slavery, and was pro secuted with such violence as to produce ex citements alarming to every patriot in the Union. But the good genius ot conciliation which presided aCthe birth of our institutions finally prevailed, and the Missouri compromise was adopted. The eighth section of the act o; Congress of the 6th of March, 1820, “to author ize the people of the Missouri lerritory t< form a constitution and State government, &c. provides; “That, in all that territory codec by France to the X-nited States, under tin name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty six decrees and thirty minutes north latitude ! not included within the limits of the Stab contemplated by this act, slavery and invol ! uutary servitude, otherwise than in the pun i ishment of crimes, whereof the parties shal , have been duly convicted, shall be, and is here by, forever prohibited: Provided nhcays, Iha any person escaping into the same, from whor labor or service is lawfully claimed in an State or Territory of the United States, sucl fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and con veyed to the person claiming his or her labc 1 or service aforesaid.” This compromise had the effect of calmin ■ | the troubled waves, and restoring peace, am v i good-will throughout the States of the Un ior The Missouri question had excited intens 2 agitation of the public mind, and threatenc ’ to divide the country into geographical parti( > alienating the feelings of attachment whic \ each portion of our Union should bear to ever other. The compromise allayed the cxcitt 1 j ment, tranquilized the popular mind, and res t j tored confidence and fraternal feeling, li | authors were hailed as public benefactors, j Ido not doubt that a similar adjustment of tli j same happy results. Ifth i legislation of Congress on the subject of tli 1 j other Territories shall not bo adopted in . spirit of conciliation and compromise, it is im i j possible that the country can be satisfied, c t | that the most disastrous consequences sha! i fail to ensue. When Texas was admitted into the Union - the same spirit of compromise which guides ; | our predecessors in the admission of Missouri [ a quarter of a century before, prevailed with ■ out any serious opposition. The “joint resolu tion for annexing Texas to the U. States,’ 1 . approved March the first, one thousand eigh hundred and forty-five, provides that “sucl , I States as may be formed out of that portion j of said territory lying south of thirty-six do ! gress thirty minutes north latitude, cominonl) known as the Missouri compromise line, shal: : bo admitted into the Union with or without I slavery, as the people of each State asking ad ! mission may desire. And in such State or 1 States as shall be formed out of said territory north ot the Missouri Compromise line, slavery j or involuntary servitude (except for crime! shall be prohibited.” j The territory of Oregon lies far north of thirty-six degress thirty minutes, the Mis souri and Texas compromise line. Its south ern boundary is the parallel of 42, leaving the intermediate distance to be three hundred and thirty geographical miles. And it is because the provisions of this bill are not inconsistent with the terms of the j Missouri compromise, it extended from the Rio Grande to the Pacific ocean, that I have not felt at liberty to withhold my sanction.— ! Had it embraced territories south of that com i promise, the question presented for my con sideration would have been of a far different character, and my action upon it must have corresponded with my convictions. Ought we now to disturb tire Missouri and Texas compromises ? Ought we at this late j Baj * iu attempting to annul what has been so i long established and acquiesced in, to excite sectional divisions and jealousies; to alienate the people of different portion of the Union from each other; and to endanger the exist enco of the Union itself ? From the adoption of the federal constitu ; tion, during a period of sixty years, our pro gi ess as a nation has been without example iin the annals of history. I uder the protec ; tion of a bountiful Providence, we have ad i aanced with giant strides in the career of wealth and prosperity. We have enjoyed the blessings o. freedom in a greater extent than any other people, ancient or modern, under a go\ eminent which has preserved order, and secured to every citizen life, liberty, and pro perty. W e have now become an example for imitation to the whole world. The friends of freedom in every clime point with admiration to our institutions. Shall we, then, at the moment when the people of Europe are devo ting all their energies in the attempt to assi- ; luilcitc their institutions ot our own, peril all ous blessings by despising the lessons of ex - ; perience, and refusing to tread in the foot steps which our lathers have trodden ? And for what cause would we endanger our glori our Union ? I lie Missouri compromise con- | tains a prohibition ot slavery throughout; all that vast region extending twelve and a half degrees along the Pacific, from the parallel of thirty-six degress thirty minutes to that of forty-nine degrees, and east from that ocean to and beyond the summit of the Rocky moun- i tains. Why, then, should our institutions be endangered because it is proposed to submit to the people of the remainder of our newly acquired territory lying, south of thirty-six degrees ot latitude, the question whether, in the language of the Texas compromise, they “ shall be admitted (as a State) into the Union f with or without tion to be pushed to sucu extieinities by ex cited partisans on the one side or the other, in regard to our newly acquired distant posses sions on the Pacific, as to endanger the union of thirty-glorious States which constitute our confederacy r I have an abiding confidence j that the sober reflection and sound patriotism , of the people of all the States will bring them ■ to the conclusion that the dictate of wisdom ; is to follow the example of those who have j gone before us, and settle this dangerous ques tion on the Missouri compomisc, or some other equitable compromise, which would respect the rights of all, and prove satisfactory to the i different portions of the Union. Holding as a sacred trust the Executive au thority for the whole Union, and bound to i guard the rights of all, I should be constrain ed, by a sense of duty, to withhold my official sanction from any measure which would con- I tiict with these important objects. I cannot more appropriately' this mes sage than by quoting from the Farewell Ad dress of the Father of his country. His warn- I ing voice can never he heard in vain by the American people. If the spirit of prophecy hud distinctly presented to his view, more than a half century ago, the present distracted con dition of his country, the language which he then employed, could not have been more ap propriate than it is to the present occasion. He declared : “The unity of government, which consti tutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the ed . I ifice of your real independence, the support i of your tranquillity at home,your peace abroad, ' | of your safety* of your prosperity, of that vc ij ry liberty which you so highly prize. But as , it is easy to foresee that from different causes, ; and from different quarters, much pains will • be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken ) in your minds the conviction of this truth r ; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and ex - tcrnal enemies will be most constantly and ac tively (though often covertly and insidiously) 3 directed —it is of infinite moment that you - should properly estimate the immense value . of your national union to your collective and s individual happiness; that you should cher ish a cordial,Jhabitual, and immoveable attach - '■ ment to it, accustoming yourselves to think e and to speak of it as a palladium of your po ll litical safety and prosperity ; watching for its s preservation with jealous anxiety ; discounte e nancing whatever may suggest even a suspi >f cion that it can in any event be abandoned; - and indignantly frowning upon the first dawn -0 ing of every attempt to alienate any portion ” j of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble d the sacred ties which now link together the c 1 various parts. y “ For this you have every inducement ol 3, sympathy and interest. Citizens by bwth oi ;e choice of a common country, that country 1- a right to concentrate your affections. Th< i- name of American, which belongs to you ii II your national capacity, must always exalt tin c- , just pride of patriotism more than any appel at latiou derived from local discriminations.- m With slight shades of difference, you have th . y same religion, manners, habits, and politica h principles. You have in a common caus i- fought and triumphed together. The inde or peudenceand liberty you possess arethewor of joint councils and joint efforts, of convmo ig dangers, sufferings, and success.” d “ With such powerful and obvious motivi n. to union, affecting all parts of our countr se while experience shall have demonstrated ii ed impracticability, there will always be reaso es to distrust the patriotism of those who, in an ch quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands, ry “ In contemplating the causes which ma e- disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of ser s- : ous concern, that any ground should ha\ ts | been furnished for characterizing parties b geographical discriminations —Northern an he j fd'excite a "beliefiL io there is a real difference of local interests an ic views. One ot the expedients of party to ac a quire influence within particular districts, i i- to misrepresent the opinions and aims of othe or districts. \ou cannot shield yourselves to dl much against the jealousies and heartburning which spring from these misrepresentations i, ; - hey tend to alien to each other those wh ;d ought to bo bound together by fraternal affec i « I ton.” JAMES K. FOLK. J- >' ashington, August 14, ISIS. , t Cincinnati:, Ohio, Aug. 12, 1848. To the Editor of the Constitutionalist: ii I am here in “the Queen City of the West,' ■- as the inhabitants modestly term it, and agi > ant-like city it is. There are many features about this city that have the appearance oi . i New York—Chatham-street, with its Israel r ites, vending clothing, jewelry, watches, pis y tols, buttons, spool-cotton, thread, loeofoee ' matches, needles, Sec., Sec,, may be found here jin miniature. The Bowery, with its b’hoys, f who cry out to each other, “hallo, mutton - head’." the signs, the windows of the stores, - ; the fruit stands, the hogs in the streets, and the j bustling of the people, all remind me of New York. The population of Cincinnatti cannot be less ; than 100,000, and I think from one-fourth to ; one-third must be Dutch. The enterprise of - the people is truly astonishing. Hills in the ■ rear of the city are razed to a level without ’ regard to expense. A hundred Germans are ; n °w at work cutting down a hill, to obtain rock, and the hill is twice as high as Shultz’s ; in Hamburg, and teams are hauling away rock, 1 slate and sand, to grade and turnpike or ma cadamize the new streets —rock houses are 1 built and being built. I cannot describe the enterprise, the industry, the perseverance, I notice all around me I am only sorry that I have not noticed the same spirit in Augusta being in every way a superior location, and capable of far greater improvements, with as good a back country to sustain it as Cincin natti. And yet, look at it now. Instead of ! being a great Southern inland city, it is but a little village, torn and dismantled of its great ness by local cliques of up-town and down town-wrangles about politics, and improvi dent speculations. There is not a paved city, j town or villa S e in Georgia. Nature has made it the greatest State in the Union, and yet its greatness is comparatively undeveloped. It is industry and enterprise which are building up the W est. I was laughed at when I told a steamboat captain that the Savannah river was navigable only during certain seasons and sta ges of water, and, in fifteen minutes after, all hands were in the Cumberland river pushing the boat over a sand bar, and that boat, load ed, drew but twelve inches of water. I think it must be a rare occurrence when the channel of the Savannah river does not furnish over twelve inches of water. So exceedingly light | is the draft of some of the little boats out I West, that it has become almost a bye-word, “ that she can run if the channel is only damp.” The Germans who have settled here, hav brought with them T the industry, and enter prise, and frugality, which they acquired in their own country. The women and girls work as devotedly and laboriously as the men. --On yesterday evening I noticed some German females who were going t( he city with loads of wood upon their bac. > and heads, that i seemed as much as the little carts haul around Augusta. Nay, more, they ascended a'hill with their loads, and apparently with ease. 1 need not assure you that I was equally aston ished at their strength and endurance. While in Huntsville, Ala., I noticed that the streets were macadamized, the buildings all neat, and the town exhibited marks of pros- I perity and enterprize, nay, even to aristocracy, ! such as I never witnessed in Georgia. And when I write about Georgia, let me be under stood—l have travelled through eighty-eight out of its ninety-three counties. The same labor which is annually employed, and fruitlessly expended, in Augusta, in work ! ing upon, if applied to macadamizing its streets, would have permanently and positively im proved it. I know of no city which has advanced in prosperity with bad roads. Even the plan re commended about fourteen or fifteen years ago, by Mr. Joseph Eve, Sen., of forming a proper admixture of clay and sand, for your streets, would have been infinitely superior to 1 the wretched condition they present at this ; time. Your drays dragging along 12 or 1000 , ; pounds as maximum loads, is ridiculous, while L upon good roads or streets double the weight 1 could be carried along with much greater ease. . j In writing upon this subject, do not imagine - that I expect any change in Augusta—she will • carry the rock to balance the corn upon the ) horse for a century to come. * [ Your manufacturing advantages at this time, \ are far greater than at Cincinnati, and should - be fostered and encouraged in every way by * the people of your city. You should accus tom yourselves to think only of Augusta —to s use and wear the articles and fabrics manu . I factured there —and to induce your country - friends and customers to buy and use them. ’ No matter what may be the nature of the cn tl terprise upon your canal, patronize and do e your utmost for it. It is in this way other c ; cities and sections have flourished and ad j. 1 vunccd to glorious renown and prosperity. ir Wear boots and shoes of Georgia leather and is manufacture; clothing of all kinds *, harness e i and saddles. I have in my mind, at this mo- ment, a house in Columbia, S. C., which, iu [. i the manufacture of saddles and harness, has - nearly run every imported article of the kind 1C j from that town. The same quality oi boots and shoes can be manufactured in Augusta as 50 e . cheap as at Lynn, Mass., and all kind of cloth rk ing as in the north and east. Give employ m ment to all your idle population, and induce e3 I the industrious and enterprising of other sec .v tions to settle among you. Embody and cen ts i centrate public opinion upon this point—send 3n up-town and down-town cliques and poli cy j tics adrift, and the dawn of prosperity will av burst upon your city ; it will quicken the ri- walk and brighten the countenances of your ve people. Foremost in all the good works may j y be found the ladies. Let them co-opcrate— i- i uit » set tiio example. If they out WILL ir, at they have the pow ;to make Augusta a great ul city ; their influence and example can make is IG * r own sex emu.ous of co-operating with, gr them, and infuse an Augusta and Georgia )0 spirit into their husbands, sons and brothers, js They know that they u make any thing fashionable, and can th . concieve of any 3 . thing more deservingly r luonable than the prosperity and glory of th ir city and State; ! They have the power to make, in twenty-five ’ years, the lower part of Augusta extend to the Sand Bar Ferry, and your high and healthy ~ Sand llills be the upper portion, while the commons would be thickly studed with build s * n ° s stores and dwellings, and an enter l)risino population ot a hundred thousand in _ : babit your city. And all this can be effected ;by an unity of feeling; by consuming articles 0 I manufactured in Augusta or Georgia, What e j can >’ ou want that you have not in Georgia? , t | Iron » wheat » barley, oats, corn, wool, marble, ! bacon, and other valuable and useful articles, , | from the mountains; cotton, from the mid ’ | lands; and sugar, turpentine, &c., &c., from ! the lower counties. Vj T V i have not time or space to enlarge upon j thls matter there is the road to prosperity. 1 nis principle, this utopian or ultra notion of 1 building up Augusta, may be ridiculed, but its possibility cannot be doubted by any in ' | teUigent observer or traveller. It is the basis, t I generally, of individual wealth, and would it 2 I not answer for the collective prosperity of a 1 Clt y ; A GEORGIAN. Florida. Ihe bavauuah Georgian savs.* ’ “We hear glad tidings from our youn« sister • State. ' “We are assured by more than one gentle man who has had recent opportunities of r j i ud gmg, that Ex-Governor Duval’s election to j by the people is as certain as they go j *be polls that Cass and Butler will car ( ! *be Sttfte in November, and that many | Whigs in Florida, who wish to vote for Taylor, „ j declare that they will not cast their votes for | Fillmore.” ‘ Wc ask proof of Gen. Cass’Fixedness.” Ala. Jour. Wait until the 4 th of March next, and there I will be no mistake about the * fixedness ’ of Gen. Cass. He will be settled in the White House, to a dead certainty, for four years from that time. Tho President’s Protest. The Charleston Mercury of the 19th inst. says “We publish the President’s Message on returning with his signature to the House of Representatives, the bill for the establish ment of a lerritorial Government in Oregon. It is, ivc believe, the second message of the sort since the orgin of the Government— -1 resident lyler having set the only precedent for this approval of a bill with a protestando. Under the circumstances, it was scarcely to be expected that the President should refuse his signature to the bill; and certainly, after the stormy discussions, threatening still worse storms for the future, that maiked its progress, he could not very well pass by the occasion to •
