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About Daily constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1846-1851 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 8, 1848)
I'HE CONSTITUTIONALISM JAMES GARDNER, JR' TERMS. , S 3 00 I 'any. per annum Tri-Weekly, per annum..*•* ********* if paid in advance.. ..•••>•••••••••• ••••••••* Weekly, per annum, if paid in advance w I’hcsc terms are offered to new subscribers and all eld subscribers who pay up all arrearages. In no case will the weekly paper be sent at $2, unless the money accompanies the order . hi no case will it be sent at £2,00 to an old sub scriber in arrears. o*When the year paid for at $2,00 expires, the paper, if not discontinued, or paid for in advance, will be sent on the old terms, $2,50 if paid at the office within the year, or $3,00 if paid after the expiration of the year. fl JT Postage must be paid on all communications and letters of business. [FOU THE CONSTITUTIONALIST."] The Mountain Rally. i he steam cars, o’er their iron way, On smoking axles roll ; I hat thousands may attain this day, The consecrated goal. To fliug upon the mountain, boys, Our banner to the breeze. And shout en masse, for Lewis Cass, And the freedom of the seas. In youth, a soldier brave and true, He met his country’s foes ; Where thickest flew the death-shots through, His battle cry arose ; For sailors’ rights, we flung, my boys— Our banner to the breeze 3 And nobiy stood in fields of blood. For the freedom of the seas. in manhood’s sturdy prime, he rose In Georgia's hallowed cause, VV'hen basely chose our federal foes, To nullify her laws : He flung, and from the fornm, boys— His voice upon the breeze, As when in might it ruled the fight, For the freedom of the seas. Advanced in years, he stood before The tyrants of the sea. And proudly swore, the ship that bore His country’s flag, was free : He flung, and in their faces, boys— Her banner to the breeze ; Prepared to sweep the stormy deep, hoi the freedom of the seas, .Shall Democrats refuse to poll • Their votes for one so true ? No! heart and soul—for Cass—the whole— And all for Butler too. Then fling upon the mountain, hoys— Our banner to the breeze, And shout en masse, for Lewis Cass, And the freedom of the seas. Jlurrah! Hurrah! for Cass, And the freedom of the seas. Ftone Mountain, August \Gth, 1848. [From the New Orleans Della.] The Rose. The beams of morning kissed the Rose And smiled upon her dewy dreams. And balmy breezes fanned her check. As soft as I. eve’s low whisper seems 3 The Rose half oped her dreaming eyes, And woke as N ight far westward flew, And smiled when Morning kissed her cheek, Amid her sunbright tears of dew. A rude breath from its fragile stem Did pluck this brightly blooming flower ; It briefly trembled on the earth — Alas it withered ere an hour! Alas ! ’to thus with woman’s love— A flower of far more lovely form, That lives and blooms when softly wooed. But dies amid Misfortune s storm. Claude. One and Indivisible. The Home Journal translates from a French paper the following incident (said to be true) of the late revolution in Paris. We confess that our own taste, like the lovers,’ is for the “ one and indivisible.” In one of those paradises of love, silk, gild ing and tapestry, which with so much genius are created by architects, upholsterers and writers of romances—at that hour of tender melancholy when the veiled lamp throws only silver rays over curtains and costly exotics two lovers commenced, for one time more, the saying over, amid sighs and murmurs, their adorable nothings at all. “It is true, then.”s aid Juliet, passing her lingers, blue veins and all, through the blond curls of the young man, “ it is indeed true that nothing on earth could make you cease to love me ? ” “ Oh—thrice oh, no!” cried the youth with trembling voice, “ not even despair, not even madness, crime.” “ But—but—” hesitatingly inquired the charming one, “ if I were to subject your love now to a terrible proof?” “ Speak ! speak !” he said, “ try mo by what ever it be—l will undergo it without blench ing or hesitation.” “ Well, then,” she resumed—“ for it is anguish to have a secret from the half of one’s soul —I have long ached to avow it to you,and I will do it now' —for now I know' that you love me.” (Here the task of the narrator became diffi cult.) As the confiding accents died upon her lips —her lips of roses—Juliet opened wider that blushing vestibule to an inner gate of pearls —and thence, with "profaning thumb and pro faning Unger, drew forth, (how name it with- 1 out rebellion in the ink ?) a false tooth ! < And instantly, a Hush of timidity and shame deepened to, purple the Vermillion of her < cheeks. . Homeo’s expressive countenance under- t » u a s ight decrease of happiness, but, gath- t saicP «Oh 1 together " ith - slight effort, he ( 11 h m l * n S el beloved ! were you in- 1 deed capable of believing that w i additionl would cease L loie vou?’ 8 “ And is it so: And now I J *. ten you all ? Oh, noble as beautßul I loved me for mj-selt!’ J ' And with the same hand, blanched and de- ] licale, and with the grace of a fairy dipping a ; cup full from a drop of dew, Juliet took out from her drooping lashes an —artificial eyes ! The ardent lover fell, into a profound re verie, and for some seconds sat in an uneasy silence. He then rose and took his hat.— “ Oh, Heaven what Avould you do ?” exclaim ed Juliet w ith a convulsive sob. Romeo stepped forward and kissed—ginger ly—her snow white hand. “ I bid you adieu,” he said. “ You see lam a true democrat,and it is necessary for me that women should be like the Republic—one and indivisible.’ 4 Looking at a very tine picture, an Irish man said, to express his admiration of it : “That’s an uncomparable, an inimitable pic ture 3 it is absolutely more like than the origi nal.” Why is the present state of society like part ners at w hist, and in the nine-holes ? Because, in the game of life honors count nothing, and a man can only succeed by tricks, i ( Telegraphed for the Charleston Courier.) LATER FROM EUROPE. ARRIVAL OF THE WASH INGTON. FIRST DESPATCH. 1 Yesterday afternoon, our Baltimore corres -1 pondent informed us of the arrival of the steam ship Washington, at New York. She brings intelligence that affairs in Paris -look rather gloomy, and apprehensions arc en tertained that another insurrection is in con templation. The Government, however, ap pearjto be aware of the movements of the dis affected, and will, doubtless, instantly cheeck any demonstration that may be made. In England there had been no change, eith er in political or commercial affairs. It Avas believed in London that the Italian war Avould be terminated through the inter vention of a joint mediation of the French and English Governments. The Sardinian Minister had protested against the armistice of forty-five days Avhich had been entered into between the Austrians and 1 Piedmontese. The Washington brings but little later in telligence—having sailed on the 21st ult., so that she could furnish nothing of importance in reference to the markets. She probably reached New York yesterday morning. SECOND DESPATCH, At 8 P. M,, last ev'ening, we recei\'ed a se cond despatch, giving us the following addi tional intelligence. In London, Consols Avere quoted at 86 for money—B6J for account. In Ireland everything Avas quiet, and no symptoms of any further outbreak. Martin, the publisher of the Irish Felon, had been tried and conA'icted. He AA’as sen tenced to transportation for ten years. Ten others implicated in the recent disturb ances, Avere also sentenced to transportation. [Correspondence of the Charleston Mercury.] Neav \ork, Sept. 6, o p. m. There is no change to notice in the prices of Cotton. Sales, 1000 bales, at former quota tions. Rice, small sales, but prices steady. Transactions amount to 100 tierces. Flour, Genessee, $6 12£ per bbl. Corn, prime white, 70 cts. per bushel; prime >’clloav, 72 cts. The Barnburners have nominated Chancel lor Wahvorth as their candidate for Governor, and Charles O’Connor, Esq., of this city, for Lieutenant Governor. Another Fire,—The ucaa' and commodi ous Livery Stables of Messrs. Hatcher & Pitts, " Avere destroyed by fire on the night before last, together with tAventy-one valuable horses. It has been but a little over tAvo months since a similar calamity befel our gentlemanly and enterprising felloAv-toAvnsmen, and this is the third time their stables have been burnt on the same spot. That the hand of the incen diary is in this nefarious business there uoav remains no kind of doubt. But Avho it is, or Avhat motive prompts the perpetrator, of such deeds is beyond thepoAverof conjecture. This loss superadded to others of a similar charac ter, bears on the worthy proprietors, and has called forth the sympathies of the Avhole com munity. By the activity of the Fire Companies the flamcsVere prevented from spreading, except to the kitchen and meat-house in the immediate vicinity, Avhich Avere also consumed, The large building on the corner, known as .Shy lock Bank, and the Episcopal Church Avere frequently on fire. Our office, Avhich has now' tAvice been in the midst of the flames, came out unsinged by the conflagration. To the tAvo Fire Companies, and to "the citizens and strangers that aided in arresting the flames, the thanks of the surrounding property-hold ers are justly due. The engines and the cis terns are of more real value than all the in surance offices in the Union. —Columbus En quirer, sth inst. [From Neal's Gazette.] The Middle Passage- The investigations of the Slave Trade commit tee in England are bringing to light some star tling cleA’clopments. Not only has the fact that the blockade system increases the horrors of the Middle Passage been satisfactorily establish ed but it has even been proved that the number of slaves carried to Brazil exceeds annually Avhat it did before any forcible attempts were made to stop the traffic. It Avas given in evidence before the commit tee that there Avere 60,000 slaves carried from Africa to Brazil in 1847. According to the estimates of those familiar avith the trade, it Avas calculated that, to bring 60,000 slaves to Brail, 100,000 must have been taken from the coast of Africa. What must be the horrors of the Middle Passage, Avhen such is its mortality! According to the testimony of a Mr. Jose Cliff, formerly a slavetrader himself, the negroes arc stowed closely in layers, lying on shelves as it were, frequently only sixteen or eighteen inches deep. In consequence the unfortunate beings at first suffer from bruises, but uftcr- Avards become so emaciated and light that the bruises are trifling. The stench arising from the densely crowded hold is so overpowering that it is with difficulty any of the crew can be induced to enter it in order to distribute food to the slaves. An African in health, and under a tropical sun, it is said, will drink a gallon of Avatcr daily, yet the allowance on board these ships is often not more than a tea-cup full. We now see Why it is that forty p«r cent of the negroes perish in the Middle Passage. Before the armed blockade was established, the slave-traders employed generally large and convenient ships; but since that period they haA’e used sharp, Baltimore built craft,in Avhich, as avc have seen, the Africans are almost sti fled. On one occasion lately, a A'esscl of but seA'en tons crossed the Atlantic, with thirty nine slaA'es on board. As one cargo out of four brought to port will cover the loss of the rest, it is the policy of the trader to employ four small A’essels, instead of one commodious ship; and of course he Avill crowd as many captiA'es as possible into each of the small craft. In addition to this, as the danger of detection on the outAvard bound voyage is increased by any unusual number of Avater casks on board, the supply of this necessary element is so small : that frequently there is but a tea-cup full daily, as avc haA'c said, to each man, and this | when, the thermometer stands at 120 in the ' hold. It is, therefore, a question much discussed j in England, Avhether the blockade system does j more harm or good. Xaval officers who haA r e served on the African coast, almost unanimous ly pronounce against it. Both Mr. Clarkson am Sir F. Buxton saw its inefficiency before it went into operation. British* - ma y il^ er ff° m the tone of the leading Mockadc system will not I Ke l )l U P much longer. • C u HiosITTes.—The fVa 1 gister gives an account n e .. ° , - a v Be- j the “curiosity” line: something now ” in i “The celebrated ‘Uunkel Family ’ of iwt mgham, we understand, ,v.u 9ta V in f with the intention S' visiting different portions of the United States This family, consisting of two brothers and two sisters, will be found to be objects of no or dinary curiosity, being, in all probability, the largest family of human beings eA'er exhibited in this or any other country. Their united weight is 1,400 lbs! One of the young ladies is so fleshy os to be unable to walk, and when moving of her otvn accord goes upon her hands and knees.—They are of the ordinary height, and ther mother is an unusually small woman; the father, however, is an ordinary sized man.” j —~r - —..-3 Crliiciusta, Georgia. FRIDAY MOHNING SEPT 8. 1848 FOR PRESIDENT . LEWIS CASS, 1 OF MICHIGAN. * 5 FOR VICE PRESIDENT WM. O. BUTLER. OF KENTUCKY. ELECTORAL TICKET. W. T. COLQUITT, of Troup. M. H. Chatham. 1 J. W. ANDERSON, Chatham, j L. B. MERCER. Lee. ALLEN COCHRAN, Monroe, t JOHN D. STELL, Fayette. I LEWIS TUMLIN, Cass. 1 ROBERT McMILLAN,|EIbert. WILLIAM McKINLEY, Oglethorpe, j JAS. GARDNER. JR. t Richmond. ALTERNATES. TIMOTHY PURLOW, Houston. W B WOFFORD, Habersham. E. R. BROWN, Sumter, MARK WILCOX, Telfair. JESSE CARTER, Talbot. DENNIS F. HAMMOND of Heard, r RA R. FOSTER, Forsyth. JAMES JACKSON. Walton. ) JUNIUS WINGFIELD. Putnam. R. "W. FLOURNOY, "Washington. ! CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. 2d Dist. —M. J. WELLBORN, Muscogee. 3d. “ —JOHN. J. CAREY, Upson. 4th “ —H. A. HARALSON, Troup. sth “ —THOS. C. HACKSTT, Floyd. 6th “ —HOWELL COBB. Clarke. f Bth “ —A. J. LAWSON, Burke. The Mountain Rally. • We invite the attention of our Democratic 1 readers to the spirit; stirring lines with the ’ above caption, with which our columns are graced. ’ Address to the Voters of the Bth Con gressional District* We have just received this able address from the hands of the Committee of the Dem ocratic Congressional Convention of this Dis trict. We will soon lay it before our readers. It was three weeks on its way from this city to Jacksonborough, Geo., being sent from one member of the Committee to another. When the package reached its destination it was open. There has been foul play somewhere. Millard Fillmore Readers, peruse the following. Docs it not present Millard Fillmore, in the chair of the presiding officer of the Senate, as dangerous to that institution, handed down to you by your fathers r If Mr. Fillmore succeeds, (mark a sentinel on the watch tower,) that he will throw the weight of his intlucnce against you. {From the N. O. Courier, Oth all .) A newspaper called the Watertown Journal contains an article that comes up to the point on this subject. Watertown is in the State of New York, and if we are not mistaken, in the district formerly represented in Congress by Millard Fib more; consequently, it is good authority for the political views and princi ples of that gentleman. It would be worse than folly for any journal published in the South hereafter to sustain the pretensions of Fillmore to the suffrages of our Southern fel low-citizens, or to say that his opinions on the subject of Southern institutions are sound. We invite our readers of all parties to pe ruse with attention the following passage, which we copy from the Watertown Journal of July 12. Just read it, and then bear wit ness to the poetical assertion that Fillmore’s opinions are sound : The Vice Presidency. —The Senate is equally divided between the representatives of free and slave States. Upon the question of free territory, if all the Senators vote in ac cordance with the supposed views of their lo calities, there will be a tie vote in the Senate. If the Locofoco candidate succeeds, he, as chairman of that body will decide the ques tion against freedom ; if Mr. Fillmore succeeds, he will throw the effectual weight of his name and influence in favor of freedom. At this juncture the importance of the Vice Presidency is equal to, or greater than float of the Presidency itself. Let the people reflect upon the fact, that if Taylor and Fillmore should be defeat ed, Cass and Butler must succeed. Cass vs. Taylor. The Washington correspondent of the Bal timore Sun, writing under date of 4th inst., says—“ The following bets were made this morning, at one of our large hotels: SIOO that Gen. Taylor will not get 6 States ; SIOO on 8 States; SIOO on 10 States; SIOO on 12 States; SIOO on 14 States; and SSOO that he will not be elected at all. Another bet, of SI,OOO, that Gen. Taylor will not elected, was declined.” Getting Awfully Alarmed Gen Leslie Coombs of Kentucky addressed a Whig meeting at Baffalo N. Y. a few days ago, and made the following declarations. In 1844, at this time of the year, Mr. Clay was elected President of the United States by over a hundred thousand majority. In November , we found that James K. Polk had the most votes. “I have traveled through ten States of the Union, and if the Whig party do not arouse them selves, Lewis Cass will be the next President A Washington correspondent of the New York Evening Post has the following in a let ter, dated August 31st: “ Mr. Benton remains here, I understand that he has declined the challenge of Mr. But ler, of South Carolina, in a letter of eight pages of foolscap. It this rumor be correct, the letter will probably be soon given to the public. But one would hardly suppose that Mr. Benton need have taken so many pages for a forcible statement of his reasons for net lighting a duel. It would have been suffi cient to have said : “ Sir, there is no occasion for lighting, and I shan’t light.” The Elections. —Horace Greely, after sum ming up the August elections, says : We submit that the Taylorization of the Whig party has not, so far, paid expenses.— Os the future, we are not inclined to prophe cy. “ Sufficienfunto the day.” Oh ! Poor Taylorism. Croisin Texas, ihe Houston Advocate ° llth ult ; says News from the country epresent the crops as being remarkable fine. M ore xt not for the extreme low price of cot 5Sd fa hT ric f. rc ; and potato crops are abundant, 'persona de- will find this u moh.bl. n. "m The Price of grain nlll Ltl. ™* V® “T" tha " at an r period since the i settlement of the country,” * [for the constitutionalist.] NO. 2. ; To the Hon. John McLean, Ass. Jus. of the Supreme Court, U. States : Sir :—You further say, that “ a colored man | therefore, taken by his master into a free terri j tory, can no more be held a slave, than he can |be held in a free State. The law which cre j ates the right of the master, and the obliga ( I tion of the slave is wanting, and without it no | slavery can exist.” It might be sufficient answer to this to say, \ that it is a conclusion derived from the first term of your proposition, which was, that the law of slavery “ has no extra-territorial ope ration.” This being shown to be erroneous, that which is derived from it must be so. But you couple this declaration with the further remark, that “ England has no law prohibiting slavery, and yet Somerset, a slave, was declar ed to be free by the Court of King’s Bench, when he put his foot upon the soil of England. And on the same principle if a slave, with the consent of his master, go to a free State, he is made free, not because slavery is prohibited in such State, but because there is no law which sanctions it;” and it may be proper therefore, to give further consideration to this position. Before proceeding with the argument, how ever, I desire to correct an error in your state ment. It is not very material to my argu ment, but as it is a misstatement in point of fact and of law, you who are so arrogant in your opinions, deserve to have the blunder ex posed. I have always understood, that it was the boast of the English Courts, that “ slavery is . contrary to the common law,” that it is “ in consistent with the genius of the English Constitution,” [a part of which is said to be the common law,] and this has been declared 3 even by the few modern Judges who have ta -3 ken one ground which you occupy, viz : that 3 the slave is made free who goes to England, “ because there is no law there to sanction slavery.” They have all in the same judge ments declared that slavery was contrary to 3 the common law. Will your Honor indulge me while I refer • to a few of these decisions ? At one time sir, as you well know, a diversity of opinion prevailed on this subject in Eng ; land. It had been held that trover would lie i for a slave on the ground that he was a hca i then. In other decisions it was held that tro ver would not lie in such case. Lord Talbot and Sir Philip Torke, [after wards Lord Hardwickc,] both decided in their „ time, that a slave coming from the West In dies, with or without his master, to Great Bri tain or Ireland, did not become free—that his master’s right of property in him was not changed thereby, and that his master might | legally compel him to return. —Lofft. 19. The rule seems however, to have settled down upon the basis, on which Lord Holt placed it in the case of Smith and Gould, 12 Lord Ray, R. 1274, as follows : “ By the com mon law, no man can have property in ano ther.” So Mr. Justice Blackstone tells us, “the law 3 of England will not endure slavery.” “ Slavery is inconsistent with the genius of , the Constitution of Great Britain.” —2 B. & C. 448. “ Slavery is not tolerated by the common law, and according to that law, a slave be comes free as soon as he lands on English ground.”—4 liar. & McH. 304. “ From the law as it was settled in Somer set’s case, it would seem to result that a fo reigner who brings his slave into a country where slavery is not permitted, cannot hold him, and it would seem to result, that upon this subject at least, the inhabitant of another State or country can claim no other or greater privi leges than the inhabitants of that State or country into which he removes.”—l2 Conn. R. 53. Here then are many Judges and many Courts coinciding in saying, that slavery is in consistent with, or contrary to, or not tolera ted by, or not permitted by [all of which terms have the same signification to the understand ingof a lawyer] the common law, or the Con stitution of England. The last Court to which I have referred, saying, that this was the very principle which -was settled in the case of Somerset. Still would you have it believed, that England has no law prohibiting slavery, and yet Somerset was declared to be free. It is thus evident that you are wrong. You have been enticed into this position, I have little doubt, by the opinions of some of the Judges in the case of Forbes vs. Cochrane and Cockburn.—2 Barn. & Cres. 448. This was a case in which the swollen pride of John Bull was touched in its most sensi tive place. He has always been notoriously thin-skinned upon the subject of h : s maratime pride and naval glory. And here was a case in which a brace of proud and haughty admi rals, lately in command of a British fleet in the war against the Yankees, (who had been enga ged in the gallant and heroic act of enticing away the negroes of the unprotected Georgia planters, on the south-eastern coast of that | State, and collecting them on board the Brit- | ish fleet,) were charged ulth dereliction of duty. They were now charged with hav- : ing overshot the mark, in offering freedom to | be enjoyed in a British colony, to all the dark \ skinned gentry who might come on board ; for certain slaves belonging to a British subject, i then planting on the St. Johns in East Flo- j rida, had taken the gentlemen at their word, j and sought the protection of the fleet. The j admirals could not in the face of the world ' give the lie to the high sounding phrases I of the proclamation wb’ch they had issued, j and so they were compelled to hold on to j these refugees from the English master; and i now, forsooth, their nautical Excellencies, whose honor was identified with the glory of the English nation, were charged by this wicked slaveholder “ with having enticed these slaves ” f -om his plantation ; aye ! and “ with having harbored, detained and kept them,” to boot. This was too much ! The Honor of John Bull took fire. Ilis Judges could not sup press their indignation (though unlike your Honor, they did manage to enneeal indigna tion, until a case was made for their judgment) f and as one of their Lordships said, such were “ the feelings which arc naturally excited by a discussion of slavery" (in such an outrageous demand of justice against two British admirals , i he should have added) that it was lelt neces sary for one of the judges who presided in i the case, absolutely to apologize for the state ■ of his mind, and the “ warmth” of his expres • | si on. > j lam justified in this reflection, because there | are other cases on record in the English Re i I ports, where these same judges consider the t question of slavery, and even the odious slave J 1 trade, and in none of them do their reverend ' i wigs, “ each separate hair on end,” bristle with ’ j this holy horror, this fiery indignation. j We may be prepared therefore to expect ’ I from judges in such a state of mind, opinions > extravagant in character. We may be pre pared to expect, that the opinions of “the great ’ Chancellor,” and Mr. Justice Blackstonc ’ should “ pale their ineffectual fires” in the ; light which beamed from the “ warmth ” of ’ Messrs. Justices Holyrood fund Best. Ido not 1 include Mr. Justice Bailey, for he forbore to 1 decide these points, and put his modest and ' sensible judgment upon other grounds. Though Coke, and Holt, and Blackstone, (even their senior, Mr. Justice Bailey in this case had pronounced it “ a nice point of law’ upon which legal men will entertain a differ ence of opinion, whether a man who is a slave 1 in a country where slavery is tolerated, con tinues a slave when ho goes out of the limits of that State”—and will my reader remark 3 here, that what Mr. Justice Bailey considers ’ “a nice point of law,” Judge McLean insult ingly tells us is “ too plain for argument!")— I had been content to rest their judgments upon ' the ground that a slave was free in England because slavery was contrary to the common law ; yet this would not satisfy “ the feelings II which were naturally excited” in the breasts ’ of Messrs. Justices Holyrood and Best, in this 1 case against the persecuted Admirals ; and so they proceeded to overwhelm the arguments of 3 i plaintiff’s counsel by laying down doctrines which corresponded with their “ warmth.” — r | Mr. Justice Holyrood declaring, that “the i slave ceases to be a slave in England, only be- I cause there is no law, which sanctions his de tention in slavery.” And Mr. Justice Best saying that “ if it can be shown, that slavery is against the law of nature, and the law of God” (how he flounders, sir, in the deep wa ter of uncertain and indefinite terms!) “it cannot be recognized in our Courts.” r And these dicta were pleasant to your Hon or's ears, just met your views when yovf were i desiring to strike the chords of sympathy to ; which vibrated the hearts of your friends, the Tucks, the Giddings, the Barnburners, et id | omne genus. They were pleasant, for they j seemed authority, sufficient to put an extin guisher upon the slaveholder’s argument, that he was not prevented from carrying his slaves into New Mexico, by laws there existing at i the time of cession, as all such laws were con trary to his constitutional rights, and therefore repealed. Before leaving this decision allow me to add, that one of these same judges who is so hard upon slavery, and seems to think it contrary j to the law of nature and of God, is compelled | to confess that “it is the crime of the nation” j (England), and acknowledges, that they “ had | participated too largely in the iniquitous traf j sic” (of the slave trade) “to be justified in | throwing the first stone but hopes that the | fact of their having bought up at a great price I the rights of other countries to carry it on, j “ might prove a sin offering for their trans ( gressions.” And so it may. That “ offering ” may pos sibly atone even for the guilt of having en- | tailed “ Uvs crime ” [if crime it be] upon so | many nr'Dions of their kindred in this happy j country, and brought to the doors of their homes the unwise and inhuman assaults of bigoted fanatics, and the indiscreet prejudices of ermined judges; but it can never atone for that deep sin of Pharasaical hypocricy, which marks so many of the judges and peo ple of England, who, while they profess to be sensible, that this crime is “ the crime of their nation,” that it is their act and deed—yet lift up their eyes to heaven, and “ thank God that they are not as other men,” and especially the inhuman, unnatural monsters of Yankees, [whose slaves to ill produce cotton and sugar,] that though this is the crime of their nation, yet it is a glorious reflection, that “ the laws of England abhor slavery,” that “it is con trary to the gen'us of her constitution,” [while so long as it was profitable, it just suit ed the genius of her people] that “ the law of : England is founded on the law of nature, and the revealed law of God,” and that in the I countries which are colonized by the subjects I of Great Britain, “ the inhabitants would be i protected and governed by the laws of this country,” [as Mr. Justice Hoi y rood says in the case I have been considering] and yet know perfectly well, that this “ crime of the j nation ” was made the law of just such colo ; nists, who were “ protected and governed by the law's” which W’ere derived from thatcoun : try, whose law’s W’ere founded upon the law |of nature, and the revealed law’ of God. It lis this cant, th : s bastard offspring of that I hypocritical dissimulation which made “ the 1 good Queen Bess ” express her hope to S'” | John Hawkins, that “the negroes went vol j untarily foom Africa to submit to domestic slavery,” while she Was granting patents to en courage the slave trade ; for which that “offer ing” can never atone. It is this foul stain, ( which not all the waters over which she, i “ whose home is on the mountain wave,” rides ; as mistress, can ever cleanse from her national | character ! It is this “ damned spot,” which i will not “ out! ” I return to your Honor. You have been cn i couraged, sir, I think, by the opinions of the Judges to w’hich I have referred in the above case to put the law’ of England on this sub ject upon the wrong basis. It is true, that these dicta are repeated in the case of Commonwealth vs. Aves. 18 Pick. 193, to which I have before referred, but the Judge there gives as his authority this cese of Forbes and Cochrane. JEFFERSON. Fhe New York Volunteers for r.\>s.— i Somo of the whig papers having reported that . | ” the brave New York volunteers were all for ! Taylor,” one of them gives the following state | meat of their political sentiments to the Penn | sylvania : Officers. Privates. Cass. Taylor. Cass. Taylor. Companv A 2 2 37 13 “ B 3 -1 46 4 “ C 2 2 38 11 “ I) 13 41 9 “ E 2 2 3o 15 “ F 2 2 40 lo G 1 3 38 11 *< H 1 2 33 13 “I 4 0 49 I » K 4 0 48 2 22 18 405 89 18 89 4 maj 316 maj. Gen’l Cass Strong in t Wisconsin.-—The Legislature of Wisconsin, noW in session at 1 Madison, is composed of 85 members, of whom i 62 are Democrats, 22 Whigs. Upon a trial of strength on the Presidency, recently made, they stood as follows : For Gen. Cass, 64 Gen. Taylor, 20 Martin Van Buren, 1 This shows that Gen. Cass has more than the party strength in the Legisluture, and is a fair indication of the sentiments of the w ho! ■ State. The Barnburner faction effect to claim this State, notwithstanding the strong evi dence to the contrary. An empty boast. “The Rescue or the South.” —The Pitts burg Gazette of the 14th contains an extract of a letter from Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to l Win. 11. Johnston, of that City. The “Old Salt Boiler,” as he is familiarly called, declares in favor of Gen. Taylor, and, among other 1 ' reasons, assigns the following; “Cass or Taylor will be our President. Cass is in favor of the exercise of the veto pow er; , Gen. Taylor is opposed to it. If we have a : protective tariff and improvements of rivers I and harbors, we must have them by a vote of 5 the two Houses of Congress. Taylor will not use Executive influence against cither of those : measures; Cass will. Taylor will not veto either !of them; Cass will veto both. We gain every j thing by electing Gen. Taylor that we could : gain with the most thorough friend of those J measures; w e lose all, if Cass is elected. The J same is the case as it respects free and since icr ; ritory .” Prospects of Whiggery.—The New York Courier & Enquirer, one of the most influen tial Whig papers in the United States, says ; “We believe that,»n the existing state of the pub lic mind —without efforts on the part of the Whigs not yet put forth, Lewis Cass is almost certain to be elected President in November next. — We arc compelled* to this belief, most reluc tantly, by what we see and known of the state of public feel and the lack of proper effort.— Doubt it, deny it, wish it otherwise as we may, the Whig party, especially in the North, is apa thetic, indifferent, inactive —compared with what it should be, and with what it must be, if it expects to win the victory.” The W higs have harped a good deal upon the fact of Gen. Cass having received ten ra ! tions per day while acting as commissioner to negotiate treaties with the Northwestern In dian tribes. Cass has been terribly abused fur receiving these extra rations. To show that if Cass is objectionable on this score, Taylor is more so, the Cincinnati Inquirer says : “Gen. Taylor,it is computed,has drawn from the public treasury an aggregate of .$127,000, w’ithout reference to extras, of whicli there are not a few in the service. As Major General, ho now receives a greater annual compensa tion than was paid Cass for his governorship, his superinteudcncy, his travelling, disburse ments, negotiation of treaties, and framing a code, all put together, averaging the term. He lias a money commutation fur eighteen ra -1 tions per day for himself, and one per day for j each of four servants. lie gets a money com : mutation for the wages ($7 per month) and ! clothing ($2,50 per month) of these four ser i vants. He is allowed a money commutation tor the forage of six horses, at $8 per month each. In short, of the whole amount paid him—near $6,000 per annum—about $2,800 is in the nature of allowances. And this, we repeat, is exclusive of certain extra charges which frequently occur in the service, and which old officers know’ very well how to pile up.” 1' all Elections. —The Baltimore Sun of stn inst. says Elections in the following States take place mi this and the succeedin'! months : Vermont, to-day, Sept. 5 ; Maine, Sept. II; Arkansas, Georgia and Florida, Oc tober 2 ; Maryland, October 4 ; South Caro lina, October 0 ; Pennsylvania and Ohio, Oct. 10, Michigan, Mississippi, Louisiana and lexas, November 6 ; New ork and New Jer sey, November 7; Massachusetts, November 13; Delaware, November 14. Alabama.— 1 he Montgomery Advertiser says: “We are glad to see our old friends, Hon. Jas. M. Calhoun and W. A. Beene, Esq., of Dallas, in the field, baboring in behalf of “Cass and Butler." These gentlemen were indisposed to enter the canvass for Gen. Cass when he was nominated—but the action of the Whig party in defeating the Compromise bill has determin ed them to go to work to defeat the object of men who are so lost to patriotism as to make a football of our interests, which are as sacred as the Union itself. liie Niagara’s News and Breadstuff.s.— The letters by the Niagara, generally agree in stating that the present movement in broad stutfs is speculative, grounded on the state ments in regard to the spread of disease among the potatoes, and on the bad weather, which, if continued, would injure materially the stan ding crops—a large proportion of which was yet uncut. At the latest moment it was rain ing heavily, and the w’orst fears were enter tained. Parties connected with the Irish trad w’ere buying largely and storing. The demand for cargoes of Indian corn to arrive in October and November was large. A recurrence of fine weather for two weeks would make a vast dif ference to the crops, but this can hardly be looked for. The potatoes, however, seem to be considered as irretrievably lost. How many fond mothers and frugal house wives keep their pretty daughters and their preserves tor some extra occasion—some “big bn g” or other —till both turn sour. Dobbs, the portrait painter, says that the reason tom-cats are so musical, is because they are all fiddle strings inside?
